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DEC 11 1974 

Logical $e* v 

PER AS 122 . L72 N.S. v.29 
Royal Asiatic Society of 
Great Britain and Ireland. 
Journal of the Royal Asiati* 
Society of Great Britain & 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2016 






18 9 7 








1897 . 









Art. I. — The Iron Pillar of Delhi (Mihrauli) and the 
Emperor Cundra (Chandra), By Vincent A. 

Smith, M.R.A.S 1 

Art. II. — Samudra Gupta. By Vincent A. Smith, M.R. A.S. 19 
Art. III. — A Greek Embassy to Baghdad in 917 a.d. By 

Guy le Strange 35 

Art. IV. — N&tice of an Inscription at Turbat i-Jam, in 

Khorasan. By Net Elias 47 

Art. V. — The Origin of the Phenician and Indian Alphabets. 

By Robert Needham Ccst 49 

Art. VI. — The Story of TJrnra Haram. Edited in the 
original Turkish and translated by Claude 

Delaval Cobham, M.R.A.S., B.C.L 81 

Art. VII. — A Specimen of the GabrI Dialect of Persia. 

Supplied by ArdashIr Mihraban of Yezd, 
and published, with an English translation, 
by Edward G. Browne, M.A., M.R.A.S 103 


1. Reply to Mr. Beveridge’s Note on the Panjmana 

Inscription. By Net Elias Ill 

2. Buddhaghosa’s Samantapasadika in Chinese. By 

J. Takakusu, M.A., Ph.D 113 

3. Shah Isma'Tl. By A. Houtum-Schindler, M.R.A.S. 114 

4. The Buddhist Goddess Tara. By L. A. Waddell. 117 

5. Antiquity of Eastern Falconry. By Thkopuilus 

G. Pinches 117 

6. The Meaning of Tao. By Herbert Baynes .... 118 

Notes of the Quarter. 

I. General Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society 121 
II. Contents of Foreign Oriental Journals 125 




III. Obituary Notice — 

Sir James Abbott, K.C.B . 126 

IV. Notes and News 160 

V. Notices of Books — 

Karl Eugen Neumann. Die Reden Gotama 

Buddha’s. Reviewed by E. Muller 133 

Dr. Georg Huth. Geschichte des Buddhismus in 

der Mongolei. By W. W. Rockhill 136 

The Rev. William Camfbell. The Articles "of 
Christian Instruction in Favorlang-Forraosan, 

Dutch, and English. By T. W 140 

Dr. Gustav Schlegel. Die Chinesische Inschrift 
auf dem Uigurischen Denkmal in Kara- 

Balgassun. By T. W 142 

Hingulwala Jina-ratana. Dhatu-attha-dlpani . . 143 

Dr. August Conradt. Eine indo - chinesische 
causativ-denominativ-bildung und ihr zusam- 

menhang mit den Ton-accenten 144 

Henry Clarke Warren. Buddhism in Translations 145 
G. Buhler. “ Grundriss der Indo-arischen Philo- 
logie und Alterthumskuude .” — Indische Palaeo- 

graphie. By A. A. Macdonell 149 

P. de Koning. Traite sur le calcul dans les reins 

et dans la vessie. By H. Hirschfeld 155 

G. Dalman. (1) Grammatik des Jiidisch-Paliisti- 
nischen Aramiiisch. (2) Aramiiische Lesestiicke 
Zur Grammatik des J iidisch- Pala stinischen 

Aramiiisch. By M. Gaster 158 

Margaret Dunlop Gibson. Studia Sinaitica. — 

No. V : Apocrypha Sinaitica. By M. G 161 

Hugo Winckler. Die Thontafeln von Tell-cl- 

Amarna. By T. G P 162 

Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, etc., in 

the British Museum. By T. G. P 164 

W. Muss-Arnolt. A Concise Dictionary of the 

Assyrian Language. Part V. By T. G. P. . 166 

V. Yassilikf. Geograpliiya Tibeta. By E. D. M. 166 
Arthur John Maclean. Grammar of the Dialects 

of Vernacular Syriac. By D. S. Margoliouth 168 




J. B. D. Gribble. A History of the Deccan. By 

W. Irvine 171 

(1) The Itev. Edward Sell. The Faith of Islam. 

(2) Comte Henry de Castries. L’Islum, 

Impressions et Etudes. By E. D. It. 175 

C. R. Wilson. The Early Annals of the English 

in Bengal. Vol. I. By W. Irvine 178 

Charles J. H. Halcombe. The Mystic Flowery 

Land 183 

William Simpson, M.R.A.S. The Buddhist Praying- 

Wheel 183 

Sir William Hunter. Life of Brian Houghton 

Hodgson. By T. W. Rhys Davids 186 

Y. Fausboll. The Jataka, together with its 

Commentary 191 

(l) Emile Senart. Les Castes dans l’Inde : les 
faits et le systeme. (2) Dr. Richard Fick. 

Die sociale Gliederung im Norddstlichen Indien 
zu Buddha’s Zeit. (3) Jogendra Nath Bhatta- 

charya. Hindu Castes and Sects 192 

H. Kern. Manual of Indian Buddhism 198 

YI. Additions to the Library 201 

List of Members 1-32 

Rules of the Royal Asiatic Society 1-8 

Art. YIII. — On the Origin of the Ancient Northern Con- 
stellation-figures. By Robert Brown, jun., F.S. A. 205 
Art. IX.^— A Historical Basis for the Questions of King 
‘ Menander,’ from the Tibetan, etc. By L. A. 

Waddell, LL.D 227 

Art. X. — A Study of the Dakhan Villages, their Origin 
and Development. By B. H. Baden-Powell, 

M.R.A.S 239 

A rt. XI. — Notes on Alankara Literature. Part I. By Colonel 

G. A. Jacob, Indian Staff Corps 281 

Art. XII. — Account of the Hindu Fire-Temple at Baku. 

By Colonel C. E. Stewart, C.B., C.M.G., C.I.E., 
Indian Staff Corps (ret.), H.M. Consul-General 
at Odessa 311 




Art. XIII. — Two Xotes on Indian Xumismatics. By E. J. 

Rapson, M.A., M.R.A.S.. 319 

Art. XIV. — Xotes on the Diwans of the Arabic Tribes. By 

I. Golrziher, Hon.M.R.A.S 325 

A k t. XV. — A Seljukite Inscription at Damascus. By H. C. 

East, M.R.A.S 335 

Book XoircES. 

B. H. Baden-Powell. The Indian Village Com- 

munity. Reviewed by J. Kennedy 347 

Eorbes Robinson. Texts and Studies, Vol. IV, 

Xo. 2 : Coptic Apocryphal Gospels. By J. 

Kennedy 351 

J. Takakusu. A Record of the Buddhist Religion. 

By T. W 358 

Karl E. Geldner. Avesta: The Sacred Books of 

the Parsis. By E. W. West 364 

A. E. Cowley and Ad. Xeubauer. The Original 
Hebrew of a portion of Ecclesiasticus(xxxix, 15, 

to xlix, 11). By D. S. Margoliouth 370 

W. H. D. Rouse. Jataka, Vol. II. By 3d. Gaster 375 

G. R. S. Mead. Pistis Sophia. By M. G 380 

M. Jastrow. A Dictionary of the Targumim, the 

Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Mid- 

rasbic Literature. By M. G 382 

F. Delitzsch. Die Entstehuug des aeltesten Schrift- 
systems, oder der Ursprung der Keilschrift- 

zeichen. By M. G 385 

Henri Cordier. Centenaire de Marco Polo. By 

T. W 387 

Henri Cordier. Les Origines de Deux Etablisse- 
ments Fran cpais dans l’Extreme-Orient — 

Changhai-Xing-po. By T. W 388 

E. Chavannes. Memoires Historiques de Se-ma 

Ts'ien. By H. J. A 388 

Salomon Mandelkern. Veteris Testamenti Con- 
cordantiae Hebraicae atque Chaldaicae. By 
H. Hirschfeld 390 

H. W. Cave. The Ruined Cities of Ceylon .... 394 

C. M. Ridding. The Kadambarl of Buna. By 

E. J. Rapson 395 




Heinrich Halter. Die Abhandlung des Abu 

Humid Al-Gazzall. By H. Hirscufeld 397 

R. W. Frazer. British India. By W. Irvine .. 399 

Captain W. Cool. With the Dutch in the East . . 406 

Joseph Dahlmann. Nirvana : eine Studie zur 

Vorgeschichte des Buddhismus 407 

Max F. Hecker. Schopenhauer und die indisehe 

Philosophic. By C. A. F. Rnys Davids .... 410 

Henri Jcnod. Grammaire Bonga 413 

Alfred Boissier. Documents Assyriens relatifs 

aux Presages. By T. G. P 413 

(1) Dr. W. Caland. The Pitrmedha Sutras of 
Baudhayana Hiranyakesin and Gautama. 

(2) Die Alt-indischen Todten- und Bestattungs- 
gebriiuche 417 


1. Rosaries in Ceylonese Buddhism. By Donald 

Ferguson 419 

2. Pistapura. By R. Sewell 420 

3. The Coins of Acyuta, a prince defeated by Samudra 

Gupta. By E. J. Rapson 420 

4. Kapitthika; Kapittha. By F. Kielhorn 421 

5. Greek Inscription in Constantinople. By K. J. 

Basmadjian 422 

6. Dimapur. By R. F. St. Andrew St. John 423 

7. Tao. By G. G. Alexander 427 

8. The Discovery of Buddha’s Birthplace. By G. 

Buhler 429 

Notes of the Quarter. 

I. General Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society. 435 

II. Contents of Foreign Omental Journals . . 440 

III. Obituary Notice — 

Mr. George Phillips 442 

IY. Notes and News 443 

Y. Additions to the Library 449 




Art. XVI. — The Arakanese Dialect of the Burman Language. 

By Bernard Houghton, M.R.A.S 453 

Art. XVII. — The Buddhist “Wheel of Life” from a Hew 
Source. By Professor Louis de la Vallee 

Poussin, M.R.A.S 463 

Art. XVIII. — On the Har Paraurl, or the Behari Women’s 
Ceremony for Producing Rain. By Sarat 

Chandra Mitra, M.A., B.L 471 

Art. XIX. — An Old Hebrew Romance of Alexander. By 

M. G aster 485 

Art. XX. — Hotes on the Early Geography of Indo-China. 

Part I : Prehistoric Period. (With eleven 

Tables.) By G. E. Gerini, M.R.A.S 551 

Art. XXI. — Note on the Van Inscriptions. By K. J. 

Basmadjian 579 

Art. XXII. — Buddha’s Quotation of a Gatha by Sanatkumara. 

By Georg Buhler 585 

Art. XXIII. — Some Early Babylonian Contracts or Legal 

Documents. By TnEorniLUs G. Pinches, M.R.A.S. 589 
Art. XXIV. — The Birthplace of Gautama Buddha. By 

Vincent A. Smith, I.C.S., M.R.A.S. 615 


1. Dimapur. By W. F. Sinclair (late I. C.S.) .... 623 

2. “ Pedro Teixeira.” By W. F. Sinclair 624 

3. The Communal Origin of Indian Land Tenures. 

By J. F. Hewitt 628 

4. Dimapur. By R. F. St. Andrew St. John ...... 641 

5. Pi§tapura, Mahendragiri, and King Achyuta. By 

Vincent Smith 643 

6. The Discovery of the Birthplace of the Buddha. 

By L. A. Waddell 64'4 

Book Notices. 

E. Kuhn and H. Schnour. Die Transcriptionen 

fremder Alphabete 653 

Edward Chavannes. Chinese Buddhist Pilgrims 

in India. Reviewed by T. W 654 

Mrs. Ernest Hart. Picturesque Burma, Past and 

Present. By R. F. St. Andrew St. John .... 656 



Ed. Chavannf.s. Lcs Inscriptions Chinoiscs do 

Bodh-Gaya. By T. W 659 

W. Ciiooke, B.A. The Tribes and Castes of tlio 
North - Western Provinces and Oudh. By 

J. Kennedy 661 

G. Temple. A Glossary of Indian Terms. By W. 

Irvine 668 

Rev. James Middleton Macdonald, M.A. Massilia- 
Carthago Sacrifice Tables of the Worship of 

Eaal. By D. S. Margoliouth 671 

Dr. T. Maequart. Fundamente israelitischer und 

jiidischer Geschichte 672 

Notes of the Quaktfu. 

1. General Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

(Anniversary Meeting, p. 673.) 673 

II. Contents of Foreign Oriental Journals 699 

111. Obituary Notices — 

Mr. Hugh Nevill, F.Z.S., M.R.A.S 700 

Bankim Chandra Chatterjea, C.l.E 700 

IY. Notes and News 702 

Gold Medal 707 

Y. Additions to the Library 709 

Art. XXY. — Notes on the Mahabharata, with special 
reference to Dahlmann’s “Mahabharata.” By 
M. Winternitz, Ph.D 713 

Art. XXYI. — Personal Reminiscences of the Babi Insur- 
rection at Zanjan in 1850, written in Persian by 
AqI ‘Abdu’l-Ahad-i-ZanjXnI, and translated into 
English by Edward G. Browne, M.A., M.R.A.S. 761 

Art. XXY 1 1. — Notes on Alankara Literature. Part II. 

By Colonel G. A. Jacob, Indian Staff Corps .... 829 

Art. XXVIII. — A Modern Parallel to the Culla-Paduma 
Jataka (193). Told and recorded by Ram-Rap, 
Brahman, of Dattawali, district Aligarh. [Com- 
municated by W. H. D. Rouse, M.R.A.S.] .... 855 




Art. XXIX.— The Conquests of Samudra Gupta. By 
Vincent A. Smith, M.R.A.S., Indian Civil 
Service 859 

The Eleventh International Oriental Congress. — Paris, 

1897 911 

Book Xotices — 

Vincent A. Smith. The Remains near Kasia in 

the Gorakhpur District 919 

A. A. Macdonf.ll. Vedic Mythology. Reviewed 

by A. ITillebrandt 921 

Dr. Georg Jacob. Das Leben der vorislamisehen 
Beduinen naeh den Quellen Geschildert. 
Altarabische Parallelen zum xVlten Testament 

Zusammengestellt. By H. H 92.5 

Prof. Dr. H. Suter. Die Araber als Vermittler der 
Wissenschaften in deren Uebergang vom Orient 

in den Occident. By H. H P28 

C. J. Rodgers. Catalogue of the Coins of the Indian 

Museum. By 0. C 928 

Catalogue of the Coins Collected by C. J. Rodgers 
and Purchased by the Panjab Government. 

By 0. C 930 

Correspondence — 

1. Pedro Tcixeira. By Donald Ferguson 933 

2. Arakanese Dialect. By R. F. St. Andrew St. John 910 

3. Dawlatshiih’s Lives of the Persian Poets (Tadhki- 

ratu’sh-Shu'ara). By Edward G. Browne .... 942 


Notes and News 945 

The King of Siam 945 

Gold Medal 949 




1897 . 



Baden- Powell. A Study of the Dakhan Villages, their 

Origin and Development 239 

Bvsmadjian. Note on the Van Inscriptions 579 

Brown. On the Origin of the Ancient Northern Constellation- 

figures 205 

Browne. A Specimen of the Gabri Dialect of Persia 103 

Personal Reminiscences of the Babi Insurrection 

at Zanjan in 1850 761 

Buhler. Buddha’s Quotation of a Gath a by Sanatkumara. . 585 

Coiiuam. The Story of Umm Haram 81 

Cusr. The Origin of the Phenician and Indian Alphabets . . 49 

Elias. Notice of an Inscription at Turbat-i-Jam in Khorilsan 47 

Gaster. An Old Hebrew Romance of Alexander 485 

Gerini. Notes on the Early Geography of Indo-China. 

Part 1 : Prehistoric Period 551 

GoLDZinER. Notes on the D'iwans of the Arabic Tribes .... 325 

Houghton. The Arakanese Dialect of the Burman Language 453 

Jacob. Notes on Alankara Literature. Parti 281 

Part II 829 

Kay. A Seljukite Inscription at Damascus 335 

Le Strange. A Greek Embassy to Baghdad in 917 a.d 35 

Mitra. On the Har Parauri, or the Behari Women’s 

Ceremony for Producing Rain 471 

Poussin. The Buddhist “ Wheel of Life ” from a New Source 463 

Rapson. Two Notes on Indian Numismatics 319 

Rouse. A Modern Parallel to the Culla-Paduma Jataka (193) 855 

Pinches. Some Early Babylonian Contracts or Legal 

Documents 589 

Smith. The Iron Pillar of Delhi (Mihraull) and the Emperor 

Caudra (Chandra) 1 

Samudra Gupta 19 

The Birthplace of Gautama Buddha 615 

The Conquests of Samudra Gupta 859 

Stewart. Account of the Hindu Fire-Temple at Baku .... 311 

Waddell. A Historical Basis for the Questions of King 

4 Menander,’ from the Tibetan, etc 227 

Winternitz. Notes on the Mahabharata, with special 

reference to Dahlmann’s “Mahabharata” 713 





Art. I. — The Iron Pillar of Delhi (Mihrauli) and the 
Emperor Candra (Chandra). By Vincent A. Smith, 
M.R.A.S., Indian Civil Service. 

Prefatory Note. 

The project of writing the “Ancient History of Northern 
India from the Monuments ” has long occupied my 
thoughts, hut the duties of my office do not permit me, 
so long as I remain in active service, to devote the time 
and attention necessary for the execution and completion 
of so arduous an undertaking. There is, indeed, little 
prospect that my project will ever be fully carried into 
effect by me. Be that as it may, I have made some small 
progress in the collection of materials, and have been 
compelled from time to time to make detailed preparatory 
studies of special subjects. I propose to publish these 
studies occasionally under the general title of “ Prolegomena 
to Ancient Indian History.” The essay now presented as 
No. I of the series is that which happens to be the first 
ready. It grew out of a footnote to the draft of a chapter 
on the history of Candra Gupta II. 

V. A. Smith, 

Gorakhpur, India. 

July, 1896. 

j.k.a.s. 1897. 




The great mosque built by Qutb - ud - din ’Ibak in 
1191 a.d., and subsequently enlarged by his successors, 
as well as its minaret, the celebrated Qutb Minar, stand 
on the site of Hindu temples, and within the limits of the 
fortifications known as the Fort of Hai Pithaura, which 
were erected in the middle or latter part of the twelfth 
century to protect the Hindu city of Delhi from the 
attacks of the Musalmans, who finally captured it in 
A. i). 1191. 1 These buildings are situated about nine miles 
south of modern Delhi, or Shahjahanabad, and lie partly 
within the lands attached to the village of Mihiraull 

“The front of the masjid [mosque] is a wall 8 feet thick, 
pierced by a line of five noble arches. The centre arch 
is 22 feet wide and nearly 53 feet in height, and the side 
arches are 10 feet wide and 24 feet high. Through these 
gigantic arches the first Musalmans of Delhi entered a 
magnificent room, 135 feet long and 31 feet broad, the 
roof of which was supported on five rows of the tallest 
and finest of the Hindu pillars. The mosque is approached 
through a cloistered court, 145 feet in length from east 
to west and 96 feet in width. In the midst of the west 
half of this court stands the celebrated Iron Pillar, 
surrounded by cloisters formed of several rows of Hindu 
columns of infinite variety of design, and of most delicate 
execution.” 2 

The presence of the infinitely various Hindu columns 
is explained by the fact that the mosque was constructed 
out of the materials of twenty-seven Hindu temples, of 

1 I use the conventional form Delhi for the name of the imperial city, though 
Dihll is the more accurate spelling according to Muhammadan usage. The 
ordinary Hindi spelling is Dilli. 

The best account ot the numerous cities now known collectively as Delhi is 
that given by the late Mr. Carr Stephen in his excellent work entitled “ The 
Archaeology and Monumental Ruins of Delhi” (Ludhiana and Calcutta, 1876). 
A general sketch-map of tho ruined cities will be found in that book and in 
Cunningham’s “Reports,” vol. i, pi. xxxv. The true date of the capture of 
Delhi by the Muhammadans is a.d. 1191 (ibid., p. 160, note). 

On several matters the guidance of Carr Stephen is to do preferred to that 
of Cunningham. 

2 Cunningham, “Reports,” i, 186. 



which some are known to have been Vaisnava and some 
Jaina . 1 These temples were, with slight exceptions, utterly 
overthrown, so that one stone was not left upon another. 
The exceptions are that the lower portion of the sur- 
rounding walls of the raised terrace on which the mosque 
stands is the original undisturbed platform of a Hindu 
temple, on the exact site of which, in accordance with the 
usual practice, the mosque was erected ; and that the tall 
pillars immediately behind the great arch are in their 
original position . 2 

The floor of the mosque itself, the “magnificent room” 
above described, “ consisted of two layers of well-dressed 
stone close set, nine and ten inches thick respectively, 
resting on a basis of rubble-stone of enormous dimensions 

.° t 

and indefinite depth, the excavation having been carried 
down over fourteen feet without coming to the bottom of 
the layers of rubble-stone. These two layers of dressed 
stone extend throughout the entire area of manful 
[mosque], courtyard, and cloisters of inner inclosure. 
In the courtyard, however, these layers are overlain by 
another layer of stones of irregular shapes and sizes, and 
evidently belonging to various portions of some ruined 
structure ; the consequence of this is that the level of 
the courtyard is higher than the level of the floor of 
[the] masjid and cloister .” 3 It is, I think, impossible to 
doubt that Mr. Beglar is right in the opinion that the 
Muhammadans left intact the beautifully-constructed double 
flooring resting on its massive rubble foundation, and that 
they are responsible for the superficial layer of broken 
material which overlies the floor of dressed stone in the 
courtyard . 4 

1 The fact of the destruction of the twenty-seven temples is stated in the 
inscription over the eastern entrance of the courtyard of the mosque, and is 
fully corroborated by an examination of the pillars, one of which bears the 
date 1124 (V.S.), equivalent to a.d. 1067-1068. (Cunningham, “Reports,” 
vol. i, pp. 175, 177, 179 ; and vol. v, Preface, p. v ; Carr Stephen, p. 41.) 

2 Cunningham, “ Reports,” vol. v, Preface, p. ii. 

3 Ibid., p. 27. This passage is written by Mr. Beglar. By “inner inclosure” 
the writer means the original mosque of Qutb-ud-dln, as distinguished from 
the later additions of Iltitmish (Iyaltamish, Altamsh) and of ’Ala-ud-din. 

4 “ Reports,” vol. v, p. 32 ; Carr Stephen, p. 40. 



The Iron Pillar stands in this courtyard at a distance 
of ten or eleven yards outside the great arches of the 
mosque 1 Until Mr. Beglar, in 1871, excavated the 

base of the pillar, most exaggerated notions of its 

size were current. Sir Alexander Cunningham himself 
believed the total length to be not less than sixty feet, 
and the weight to exceed seventeen tons. Equally 

mistaken notions were current concerning the material 
of the pillar, which, probably on account of the curious 
yellowish colour of the upper part of the shaft, was 

commonly believed to be a casting of brass, bronze, or 
other mixed metal. An accurate chemical analysis made 
at Cunningham’s instance, left no room for doubt as to 
the material. 2 

It is now established beyond the possibility of doubt 
that the material of the pillar is pure malleable iron of 
766 specific gravity, and that the monument is a solid 
shaft of wrought iron welded together. Flaws in many 
parts disclose the fact that the welding is not absolutely 

The total length of the pillar from the top of the capital 
to the bottom of the base is 23 feet 8 inches. Twenty-two 
feet are above ground, and only 1 foot 8 inches are below 
ground. The weight is estimated to exceed six tons. The 
lower diameter of the shaft is 16'4 inches, and the upper 
diameter is 12 05 inches, the diminution being 0 29 ot an 
inch per foot. The capital, which is of the bell pattern, is 
feet high. 

The base is a knob or bulb, slightly irregular in shape, 
2 feet 4 inches in diameter, resting on a gridiron of iron 
bars, soldered with lead into the upper layer of dressed 
stone of the pavement. The bulb does not penetrate the 
lower layer of dressed stone. The column is, therefore, 
supported by the upper layer of the old Hindu floor, and 
the superficial layer of broken stone laid down by the 

1 “ Reports,” vol. i, pi. xxxviii. 

2 Ibid., p. 170. 



Musalmans. 1 It is now further steadied by a small stone 
bench or platform, which has been recently built round the 
base on the surface of the floor. 

The capital consists of seven parts, namely, a reeded bell, 
like that of Budha Gupta’s monolith at Eran, a thin, plain 
disc, three discs with serrated edges, another thin, plain disc, 
and a square block. 2 Judging from the analogy of the Eran 
monument, where a similar square block serves as pedestal 
to a statue, it is probable that the Iron Pillar was originally 
surmounted by an image of Visnu, the god to whom it is 
dedicated. The block is now meaningless, and the absence 
of any trace of the image is easily explained by the fact 
that the monument stands in the precincts of a mosque. 
Heeded bell, capitals, more or less similar, are found on 
other pillars both of the Gupta period and of the much 
earlier age of Asoka. 3 

The style of the pillar and the form of the characters 
of the inscription, considered together, permit no doubt that 
the monument was erected in the Gupta period. Prinsep 
was of opinion that it should be dated in the third or fourth 
century a.d. Fergusson ascribed it to one of the Gupta 
emperors. Bhau Daji was inclined to date it a little later. 
Dr. Fleet points out that the characters of the inscription 
closely resemble those of the panegyric on Samudra Gupta 
on the Allahabad Pillar. The well-marked top lines of the 
letters on the Iron Pillar, which were once supposed to 
mark a later date, are also found in Kumara Gupta’s Bilsad 
inscription (“ Gupta Inscriptions,” pp. 43 and 140). 

The bottom line of the inscription, which covers a space 
about 2 feet 9^- inches broad, by 10^ inches high, is at 

1 Cunningham, “ Reports,” vol. i, p. 169; vol. v, p. 28, pi. v. The plate 
gives a plan and section of the base of the pillar drawn to scale. See also 
Fergusson, “Eastern and Indian Architecture,” p. 508; V. Ball, “Economic 
Geology of India,” pp. 338, 339; Carr Stephen, p. 16. 

2 My description of the capital of the Delhi pillar is based on a good 
photograph and personal knowledge. The Eran pillar has been described 
hv Cunningham, whose plate is lithographed from a photograph (“ Reports,” 
vol. x, p. 81, pi. xxvi). A facsimile of the Iron Pillar is in the Indian Museum 
at South Kensington. 

3 E.g., the Kahaom and Bhitarl pillars of Skanda Gupta’s reign, and the 
Lauriya pillar of As'oka. (Cunningham, “Reports,” vol. i, pis. xxv and xxix.) 



a height of about 7 feet 2 inches above the stone platform, 
in which the pillar is now fixed. The deeply-cut characters 
are in excellent preservation, and, with one exception, the 
engraving is correct. 1 

The inscription is a posthumous eulogy in verse of 
a powerful sovereign named Candra, 2 concerning whose 
lineage no information is given, and may be translated as 
follows : — - 


“ This lofty standard of the divine Visnu was erected on Mount 
Visnupada by King Candra, whose thoughts were devoted in 
faith to Yisnu. The beauty of that king’s countenance was as that 
of the full moon [candra 3 ] ; — by him, with his own arm, sole 
worldwide dominion was acquired and long held; — and although, 
as if wearied, he has in bodily form quitted this earth, and 
passed to the other-world country won by his merit, yet, like 
the embers of a quenched fire in a great forest, the glow of his 
foe-destroying energy quits not the earth ; — by the breezes of 
his prowess the southern ocean is still perfumed ; — by him, 
having crossed the seven mouths of the Indus, were the Vahlikas 
vanquished in battle; — and when, warring in the Vanga countries, 
he breasted and destroyed the enemies confederate against him, 
fame was inscribed on [their] arm by his sword.” 4 

1 “ Gupta Inscriptions,” p. 140. 

2 The document consists of six lines, or three stanzas, of the Cardiilavikridita 

3 A pun, as usual in Sanskrit verse. 

1 This translation is based on that of Dr. Fleet, who has been so anxious 
to secure verbal accuracy that his meaning is difficult to grasp. In order that 
my readers may not feel doubts as to the accuracy of my version, Dr. Fleet’s 
is here appended. 

“ He, on whose arms fame was inscribed by the sword, when in battle in 
the Vahga countries, he kneaded [and turned) back with (his) breast the 
enemies who, uniting together, came against (him) ; — he, by whom, having 
crossed in warfare the seven mouths of the (river) Sindhu, the Vahlikas were 
conquered ; — he, by the breezes of whose prowess the southern ocean is even 
still perfumed ; — 

(Line 3.) “ He, the remnant of the great zeal of whose energy, which utterly 

destroyed (his) enemies, like (the rem limit of the great glowing heat) of a burned - 
out fire in a great forest, even now leaves not the earth ; though he, the king, 
as if wearied, has quitted this earth, and has gone to the other world, moving 
in (bodily) form to the land (of paradise) won by (the merit of his ) actions, 
(but) remaining on (this) earth by ( the memory of his ) fame; — 

(Line 6.) “ By him, the king — who attained sole supreme sovereignty in the 
world, acquired by his own arm, and (enjoyed) for a very long time; (and) who, 



The only passage of which the rendering can be con- 
sidered in the least doubtful is that rendered by Dr. Fleet 
“ having in faith fixed his mind upon (the god) Visnu,” 
and by me, “ whose thoughts were devoted in faith to 
Yisnu.” The word bhdvena, which we translate “ in faith,” 
is actually dhavena. The earlier translators regarded this 
word us a proper name, aud supposed the name of the king 
commemorated to be Dhava. But the construction of the 
sentence scarcely admits of this interpretation. The use 
of the two names Dhava and Candra for the one person 
in such a brief record, without a word of explanation or 
amplification, would be intolerably harsh composition, and 
it is to my mind quite incredible that the writer intended 
to give the king two names. The correction from dhavena 
to bhdvena appears to be both necessary and certain. The 
error is easily explained by the fact that a very slight slip 
of the engraver’s tool was sufficient to convert the character 
used for bh into a form which may be read as dh. 1 

The purport of the record is, therefore, known with 
certainty ; and the difficulties of interpreting it are of 
a historical, not a philological, nature. 

The facts recorded are, that the pillar was erected in 
honour of Yisnu on Mount Visnupada (Yisnu’s foot) by 
a monarch named Candra, who had long enjoyed world- 
wide sovereignty, but was deceased at the time when the 
inscription was engraved, and that this sovereign had 

having the name of Candra, carried a beauty of countenance like (the beauty 
of) the full moon — haring in faith fixed his mind upon (the god) Visnu, this 
lofty standard of the divine Visnu was set up on the hill (called) Visnupada.” 

The translation of the words abhi/ikhita khadgena kirttirbhuje, “fame was 
written on [his] arm by the sword,” is plain enough, but the meaning is 
obscure. Piinsep, who used an inaccurate text, supposed the pillar itself to 
be referred to as “the arm,” and that “the letters cut upon it are called the 
typical cuts inflicted upon his enemies by his sword, writing his immortal 
fame ” (J. A. S.B., vii, 630, quoted in Cunningham, “ Reports,” i, 170). Thepoet 
probably did intend to suggest that the pillar was the uplifted arm of Candra, 
as well as the standard of Visnu. The Allahabad Pillar is called “ an arm of 
the earth” (“Gupta Inscriptions,” p. 10). I have suggested another inter- 
pretation in the text. 

1 “ I read his name preferably as Bhdva, the letter bh haring got closed by 
the accidental slip of the punching chisel. The letter is different from every 
other dh in the inscription.” (Cunningham, “ Reports,” i, 171.) This observation 
is correct. The letter dh occurs in six other places. 



defeated a hostile confederacy in the Yanga countries, and 
had, after crossing the seven mouths of the Sindhu, or 
Indus, vanquished the Yahlikas. 

The probable meaning of these statements will now be 

The Brhat Samhita places the countries Yanga, or Yanga, 
and Upavaiiga, in the south-east division ; and incidentally 
mentions several times the Yahlika country and people, 
the name being variously spelled as Yahlika, Yahlika, 
Bahlika, or Bahlika. Dr. Kern translates the word as 
Balkh, but, as Dr. Fleet observes, that rendering cannot 
well be applied to the record of Candra’s exploits (Ind. 
Ant., xxii, pp. 174, 192, 193). The tribe vanquished by 
him should probably be located somewhere in Baluchistan. 

“The Vanga countries” presumably mean Bengal, or 
Bariga, including the Upavahga, or Bengal minor, of the 
Brhat Samhita. The province of Banga, according to 
Cunningham, “ was bounded by the Brahmaputra on the 
west, the Ganges on the south, the Megna on the east, 
and the Khasia hills on the north. It contained the old 
cities of Dhakka and Sunargaon.” (“ Reports,” xv, 
145.) The expression “ the Yanga countries ” may, there- 
fore, be fairly interpreted as meaning Lower Bengal 

The identity of the Candra who fought campaigns in 
Lower Bengal and across the Indus has not hitherto been 
conclusively determined. Dr. Fleet is inclined to identify 
him with Candra Gupta I, but this identification seems 
absolutely impossible. The list of Samudra Gupta’s con- 
quests proves that the dominions of his predecessor, Candra 
Gupta I, were of moderate extent, and it is incredible 
that his arms ever penetrated either into Bengal or Balfi- 
chistan. The fact that the Iron Pillar is situated in the 
village of Mihraull, the name of which is a corruption of 
Mihirapuri, suggested to Dr. Fleet the alternative con- 
jecture that the monarch commemorated might have been 
himself a Mihira. The Mibiras (or Maitrakas) were “a 
branch of the lliinas” (Ind. Ant., xv, p. 3bl). Dr. Fleet, 



therefore, thinks it possible that Candra may be an 
unnamed younger brother of Mihirakula ( circa a.d. 515— 
544), whose existence is mentioned by lliuen Tsiang. 

This conjecture does not seem to tit the language of the 
record. The White Ilun chief Mihirakula was a very 
powerful personage, but his younger brother could not 
have claimed the sole supreme sovereignty of the world. 

The alphabetical characters belong to what Dr. Iloernle 
(who is probably now the greatest authority on Gupta 
palaeography) calls the Gupta variety of the North-Eastern 
alphabet. The Indian inscriptions in this character range 
from the time of Samudra Gupta (Farldpur inscription of 
Dharmaditya) to the year a.d. 467 in the reign of Skanda 
Gupta (Garhwil inscription dated g.e. 148, No. 66 of Fleet). 
Dr. Iloernle points out that nearly all the inscriptions in 
the North-Eastern alphabet are crowded together in the 
home-provinces of the Gupta empire, and belong to the 
reigns of Candra Gupta II, his son, and grandson. The 
only inscriptions in this alphabet which come from western 
localities are the Udayagiri Cave inscriptions of Candra 
Gupta II (No. 6 of Fleet) and this MihraulT inscription 
of Candra. Dr. Iloernle, therefore, unhesitatingly ascribes 
the Iron Pillar to Candra Gupta II, and assigns it the 
approximate date of a.d. 410 (Ind. Ant., vol. xxi, pp. 42-4). 
In spite of the wording of the Iron Pillar record, which 
departs widely from the ordinary formula of the Gupta 
inscriptions, I am convinced that Dr. Iloernle is right, 
and that the mysterious emperor Candra can be no other 
than Candra Gupta II, in whose reign the Gupta empire 
attained its climax. But the date fixed by Dr. iloernle 
is a little too early. 

The latest dated inscription of Candra Gupta II (SancI, 
No. 5 of Fleet) is dated g.e. 93, and the earliest inscription 
of his son and successor, Kumiira Gupta I, is dated g.e. 96 
(Bilsad, No. 10 of Fleet). The accession of Kumiira 
Gupta I and the demise of his father must, therefore, 
have taken place at some time during the years 93 to 96 
of the Gupta era. The possible error is very slight if 



the death of Candra Gupta II is dated in g.e. 95, 
equivalent roughly to a.d. 413. 

The erection of the pillar by Candra Gupta II, assuming 
his identity with Candra, may be assigned to that year, 
and the posthumous inscription commemorating Candra’s 
victories, which was presumably executed by order of his 
successor soon after Candra’s decease, must be dated not 
later than a.d. 415. 

The fact is unquestionable that Candra Gupta II pro- 
fessed a special devotion to Visnu. One of his favourite 
titles was paramabhagavata, “ the most devout worshipper 
of the Divine.” The term Bhagavat, or Divine, may be 
applied to any god or object of worship, but it is specially 
appropriate to Visnu, and in this inscription of Candra is 
applied to that form of the Deity. Dr. Fleet has proved 
that paramabhagavata must be regarded as an exclusively 
Vaisnava title, and equivalent to paramavaisnava } 

This title was used by Candra Gupta in two inscrip- 
tions, and in the legends of four types of his varied and 
extensive coinage. 1 2 It continued to be used by his son 
Kumara Gupta I, and his grandson, Skanda Gupta. 

The erection of the Iron Pillar as “ the lofty standard 
of the divine Visnu ” by Candra Gupta II, and its 
dedication by Kumara Gupta I, both princes who pro- 
fessed a special devotion to the god honoured, are natural 
and appropriate acts. 

The use of the name Candra alone in the Iron Pillar 
inscription instead of the full form, Candra Gupta, is easily 
paralleled. For instance, Candra Gupta II himself uses 
indifferently the titles Sri Vikrama and Sri Vikramaditya ; 
and many other examples might be quoted. 3 The name 
Candra standing alone actually occurs on a series of minute 

1 “Gupta Inscriptions,” p. 28. 

2 Namely, the Mathura and Gadhwii inscriptions (Nos. 4 and 7 of “ Gupta 
Inscriptions”); the Javelin, Horseman to Right, anu Horseman to Left types 
of the gold, and the Vikramuditya types of the silver coinage. The silver 
coins belong to a period subsequent to the conquest of Surastra. 

3 “ Gupta Inscriptions,” p. 9, note, where instances are given. 



coins, ihose of the vase type, which are certainly approxi- 
mately contemporary with the Iron Pillar inscription. I 
have now no doubt that these coins must be assigned to 
Oandra Gupta II.' 

When to all these arguments is added this, that it is 
impossible to indicate any other sovereign of the period 
to whom the language of the inscription could be applied, 
the conclusion is inevitable that the Candra who set up the 
Iron Pillar, and whose exploits are briefly commemorated 
in the inscription on that monument, was beyond doubt 
Candra Gupta II . 1 2 

This determination is of very considerable historical 
importance. It settles -within a year or two the date of 
a very remarkable and interesting monument, which has 
always attracted the wonder of travellers, and has become 
the object of more intelligent admiration since the difficulties 
attending its construction have been understood. Many of 
the older travellers supposed the pillar to be a casting made 
of brass or bronze, but the discovery that the material is 
pure malleable iron, which must have been forged, has 
filled experts with admiration of the mechanical skill 
capable of accomplishing so great a work. “ It is not 
many years since the production of such a pillar w T ould 
have been an impossibility in the largest foundries of the 
world, and even now there are comparatively few where 
a similar mass of metal could be turned out.” 3 

Another iron pillar, which may be of the same age, 
exists at Dhar, the ancient Dkiira, now the chief town of 

1 V. A. Smith, “Coinage,” pp. 143, 144. 

2 I reject absolutely the suggestion of Babu Nagendra Natha Yasu that 
Candra of the Iron Pillar is to be identified with the Maharaja Candravarman, 
son of Maharaja Siddhavarman, who recorded a brief dedicatory inscription 
in characters of the Gupta period on the Susunia hill, seventeen miles SSW. 
of the Ranlganj railway station in the Bankura District of Bengal. That 
chieftain, who is styled “lord of the Puskara lake,” was probably the 
Candravarman mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription as one of the 
kings of Aryavarta conquered by Samudra Gupta (Proc. A.S.B. for 1895, 
p. 177). He may have been king of Kamarupa, or Assam. It is very 
improbable that the Puskara lake in Ajnnr can be that referred to in this 
inscription from Lower Bengal, as the Babu assumes that it is. 

3 Valentine Ball, “Economic Geology of India,” p. 338. 



the Dhiir State in Central India. 1 So far as I know, these 
two are the only notable iron pillars in existence. The 
worldwide belief in the special power of iron to counteract 
demoniacal influence 2 probably recommended the use of that 
material for the Delhi and Dhiir pillars. 

The Mihraull inscription is also of interest because it 
confirms the fact of the exceptionally long reign of Candra 
Gupta II, which had been inferred from a study of his 
extremely varied coinage. The inscription distinctly affirms 
that the emperor had enjoyed the sole sovereignty for 
“ a very long time ” ( suciram ), and the fact thus affirmed, 
which is fully in accordance with the other evidence, may 
be accepted without hesitation. The magniloquent phrase, 
“ sole supreme sovereignty of the world,” must, of course, 
be interpreted with due limitations, as meaning merely the 
suzerainty of India north of the Narbada. Nothing yet dis- 
covered indicates that Candra Gupta II repeated his father’s 
incursions into peninsular India. The campaigns in Bengal 
and west of the Indus are known only from the Mihraull 
record, and probably occurred at a late period of the 
reign, subsequent to a.d. 400. The earlier years of the 
reign were fully occupied with the permanent subjugation 
of Malwa and Kathiawar, or Surastra, and the consolidation 
of the extensive territories acquired by Samudra Gupta. 

The questions whether or not the Iron Pillar occupies 
its original position, and if not, where that position must 
be sought, and when the pillar was removed, remain to 
be considered, and, if possible, answered. 

According to local tradition, Delhi was deserted from 
B. c. 57 until the year 792 of the Vikrama era, equivalent 
to a.d. 755-6, when a city was founded by a prince of the 
Tomara clan, variously named Anauga Piila [I] and Bilan 

1 “Gupta Inscriptions,” p. 140, note 2. No detailed description of this 
pillar is known to me. Dr. Fleet observes that “there is no ancient inscription 
on it ; unless it is completely hidden under, and destroyed by, a Persian 
inscription that was engraved on it when the Musulmans conquered that part 
of the country.” 

2 Crooke, “An Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern 
India,” p. 191. Allahabad, 1894. 



Do. Abfil Fazl, in his summary, gives the date as 429 
of the era of Yikrama, which, if corrected to the Gupta 
era, is equivalent to a.d. 747 ; and an inscription on the 
Iron Pillar itself is said to state the date as 419, which, 
interpreted in the same way, is equivalent to a.d. 737. 1 * 
The popular belief is that this Ananga Pilla I set up the 
Iron Pillar where it now stands.* But the popular belief 
takes no account of the inscription of Candra, the date 
of which has been ascertained to be approximately a.d. 415, 
and the pillar was certainly actually erected only a short 
time before that date. It is, therefore, more than three 
centuries older than the period assumed by tradition for 
Ananga Pala I. I confess I have the greatest doubts 
as to the reality of the existence of this personage. 

The first Ananga Pala of whom we possess any real 
knowledge is the chieftain called by Cunningham Ananga 
Pala II. A contemporary inscription of his is recorded 
on the Iron Pillar itself. This brief record is engraved 
in three lines, in the Hindi language, in characters similar 
to those of the mason’s marks on the pillars of the 
colonnade of the great mosque. One of these pillars, 
No. 12, bears on one face the word Kacal in Nagarl letters, 
and on another the date 1124 (v.s.), equivalent to a.d. 
1067-8. The record on the Iron Pillar in similar 
characters is as follows: — 

Sam vat Dihali 1109 Aug Pal ba/ti — “ In Samvat 1109 
[a.d. 1052-3] Ang [Anang] Pal peopled [founded] Delhi.” 3 

The date of this Ananga Pala, the so-called Second, is, 
therefore, known with certainty, and the pillars of a temple 
erected in his reign still remain. 4 A tank near the Qutb 

1 These traditions are discussed by Cunningham, “ Reports,” i, p. 137 seqq., 
and Carr Stephen, p. 1 1_ seqq. The inscription on the Iron Pillar, which is 
said to give the date for Ananga Pala I as Samvat 419, has not been published. 
Abul Fazl (Gladwin's “ Ayeen Akbari,” ii, 96) refers the date 429 to the 
Yikrama era, but Cunningliam is probably right in interpreting the date as 
referable to the Gupta -Yalabhi era. 

1 Chand is said to connect the legends of the Iron Pillar with Ananga 
Pala II. (Carr Stephen, p. 17.) 

3 Cunningham, “ Reports,” i, 151. 

* Cunningham assigns him a reign of thirty years, a.d. 1051 to 10S1 ; but 
the exact limits are not known. (Ibid., p. 149.) 



mosque also bears his name, and tradition has preserved 
the names of a number of bis descendants. Cunningham 
shows that the building operations of this Ananga Pala 
at Delhi were almost contemporaneous with the conquest 
of Kanauj by the Bathors, and that it was probably in 
consequence of that conquest that Ananga Pala established 
himself in Delhi. 

Not a single historical event can be connected with any 
of the names inserted by the genealogists between Ananga 
Pali I and Ananga Pala II. Cunningham, w’ho believed 
in the reality of the first Ananga Pala, and laboriously 
endeavoured to extract facts from the fictions of Hindu 
bards, admits that, “ with the solitary exception of the 
Iron Pillar,” there are no existing remains that can be 
assigned with certainty to the old Hindu city of Delhi. He 
fancied that one pillar, bearing a figure either of Buddha 
or of a Jain hierarch, might possibly be old, but, after 
a minute examination on three successive days, came to the 
unwilling conclusion that there is nothing now existing 
older than the tenth or eleventh century. The natural 
inference, to my mind, is that nothing older ever existed 
on the site. Cunningham was firmly persuaded that the 
Iron Pillar stood in its original position, and that the 
existence of such a monument implied the existence of 
an ancient city. He also cherished the illusion that there 
must be some historical foundation for the fictions which 
Hindu bards love to pass off as traditions handed down 
from a remote past, and could not bring himself to admit 
their absolute worthlessness. Qutb-ud-dln prided himself 
on having used up for his mosque the materials of twenty- 
seven temples of the idolaters. He was perfectly indifferent 
whether the temples dated from the eighth or the eleventh 
century, and, if buildings of the eighth century were in 
existence in his time, traces of them would now be visible 
in the mosque cloisters. But everything to be seen there 
is in the late mediaeval style, and may be referred approxi- 
mately to the time of Ananga Pala II in the middle of 
the eleventh century. 



In short, the building of old Delhi, that is to say, 
a town in or near Ilai Pithaura’s Fort, including a group 
of richly decorated temples, by Ananga Piila in the middle 
of the eleventh century, is a verified, certain fact, and the 
supposed foundation of a city on the same site by an 
Ananga Piila, in or about a.d. 736, is an unverified myth, 
unsupported by evidence and opposed to archaeological 

The reasonable inference from the known facts seems 
to be that when Ananga Piila, in a.d. 1052-3, recorded on 
the Iron Pillar his foundation of the city, he himself set 
up the pillar, and that the homonymous ancestor, with 
whom so many foolish legends are sometimes associated, 
is as fictitious as the legends. Chand’s version, which 
associates the foolish legends with Ananga Piila II, is more 
reasonable, if the epithet reasonable may be applied to 
fiction. It is extremely improbable that Ananga Piila in 
the eleventh century found the Iron Pillar standing in 
a waste, and there is absolutely no reason to suppose that 
any buildings of the fifth century, from the beginning of 
which the pillar certainly dates, ever existed on the spot. 
From these premises the conclusion necessarily follows 
that Ananga Piila brought the pillar from somewhere else, 
and set it up to adorn his new city, and to add sanctity 
to his temple of Visnu. He acted, in fact, in the same 
way as kings have acted in all ages. Firoz Shah Tughlaq 
took immense pains to move Asoka’s monoliths from 
Meerut and Topra to Dehli, and from Kausambi to Prayag, 
just as long afterwards Napoleon and other princes have 
thought no trouble too great to obtain possession of Egyptian 
obelisks for the decoration of their capitals. 

The manner in which the Iron Pillar is fixed into the 
pavement is not, as Dr. Fleet fancied, an argument against 
the theory of the removal, but a strong argument in its 
support. The pavement, as has been proved above, is the 
eleventh -century pavement laid down by Ananga Pala, 
and covered over by a layer of rubbish due to Qutb-ud-din. 
Into the surface layer of that pavement the Iron Pillar 



is clamped by an iron grating secured with lead solder. 
The pavement certainly does not, like the pillar, date from 
the fifth century. It seems obviously to be the flooring 
of the great mediaeval group of temples destroyed by the 
Musalmans. These iconoclasts were eager to overthrow 
the superstructure of the idol-covered temples, but had no 
motive for interfering with the massive flagged pavement 
resting on well-tried foundations of unknown depth. There 
is no reason to suppose that the pillar was ever disturbed 
since it was set up in that pavement, and it seems to my 
mind evident that it was set up at the time when the 
pavement was laid down. 

These arguments are in themselves sufficient to prove 
that the pillar cannot occupy its original position. They 
are confirmed by an equally cogent argument drawn from 
the language of Candra’s inscription. That document 
expressly states that the pillar was erected on the lofty 
standard of the divine Yisnu, on a mount or hill ( giri ), 
known bj r the name of Yisnupada. This language 
necessarily implies that the monument was erected in a 
conspicuous, commanding position on the summit of a hill 
sufficiently isolated to bear a distinctive name. The pillar 
now stands in a practically level courtyard, situated in a 
depression with rising ground on each side. No violence 
to language could possibly justify the application of the 
term “ hill ” to the present site of the monument, and 
when the writer of the inscription said that the pillar 
was set up on the hill, it is impossible to doubt that he 
stated an obvious fact. Consequently the pillar must 
have been moved from its original site on a hill to its 
present site in a hollow. 

The hill on which it was originally set up bore the 
name of Visnu’s Foot, presumably because it boasted of 
a rock bearing impressions reputed to be the footmarks 
of the god. The place where the hill known as Mount 
Yisnu’s Foot existed must have been a well-known spot 
frequented by Yaisnava pilgrims, within the Gupta 
dominions, and not very remote from Delhi. All the 



conditions of such a position are satisfied by Mathura. 
That city is less than eighty miles from the Qutb Minar, 
was within the boundary of the Gupta empire, has many 
hills and mounds in or adjoining the city precincts, is 
one of the most ancient cities of Lidia, and has been from 
time immemorial the site of famous temples of Visnu, 
and a centre of Vaisnava worship. Inscriptions both of 
Caudra Gupta II, who erected the Iron Pillar, aud of his 
sou, Kutnara Gupta I, who inscribed it, have been found 
at Mathura. 1 For these reasons it seems to me to be 
extremely probable that the Iron Pillar was originally 
erected at Mathura. The Katra mound, where the magni- 
ficent temple of Visnu, under the name of Kesava, once 
stood, may very probably prove to be Visnupadagiri , the 
Mount of Visnu’s Footmark, mentioned in the inscription. 

To sum up, my conclusions are — 

1. The tradition that Delhi (that is to say, a city near 

the Qutb Minar) was founded or refounded by 
Ananga Pitla I in or about a.d. 736, is untrust- 
worthy, and not supported by evidence. It is 
probable that Ananga Pala I is a myth. 

2. Delhi (in the sense stated was certaiuly founded, 

or refounded, by a prince named Ananga Pala in 
a.d. 1052-3, who then constructed a group of 
temples. The floor of the platform of that group 
still exists as the floor of the Qutb mosque and 
courtyard. The Iron Pillar is clamped into that 
floor, and was set up when the floor was laid down. 

3. The Iron Pillar was moved from its original site by 

Ananga Pala in or about a.d. 1050. 

4. The original site of the pillar was at or near Mathura, 

on the top of a hill or mound known as Yisnupada. 

5. The pillar is a solid mass of pure malleable iron weighing 

over six tons, not cast, but constructed by a welding 

1 Mathura Stone Inscription of Candra Gupta II (No. 4, “ Gupta Inscrip- 
tions) ; Inscription dated g.e. 113 (No. 39, Epigraphia Indica, ii, 198). 

j.b.a.s. 1897. 




6. It was originally surmounted by a statue, which was 

probably removed by the Muhammadans. 

7. It was set up by Candra Gupta II, at the close of his 

reign, in honour of his favourite divinity Visnu. 

8. Candra Gupta having died before the inscription could 

be prepared, the pillar was inscribed by order of his 
son and successor, Kurnara Gupta I, in or about the 
year a.d. 415. 

9. The inscription establishes the historical facts that 

Candra Gupta II enjoyed a very long reign, and 
that he waged successful wars against a confederacy 
in Lower Bengal, and against the Yahlikas, west 
of the Indus. 


Art. II . — Samudra Gupta. (A specimen chapter of the 
projected Ancient History of Northern India from the 
Monuments.) Bv Vincent A. Smith, M.K.A.S., 
Indian Civil Service. 

Prefatory Note. 

The following history of the reign of the great conqueror, 
Samudra Gupta, who was emperor of Northern India, and 
made extensive, though temporary, conquests in the south, 
about the middle of the fourth century of the Christian 
era, is offered as a specimen of the author’s projected 
“ Ancieut History of Northern India from the Monuments.” 
Though that projected history may never be completed, 
I venture to think that fragments of it may not be 
altogether valueless, and that they may suffice to prove 
that even now the materials exist for the construction 
of an authentic and fairly readable “ History of Ancieut 

The general plan of the projected work requires the 
exclusion from the text, so far as possible, of all dry 
arehaeologieal dust, and the banishment of such unpalatable 
matter to footnotes or separate dissertations. Candid 
criticism and helpful suggestions will be welcomed by 

12 th July, 1896. 

Y. A. Smith, 

Gorakhpur, India. 

Samudra Gupta, circa a.d. 345-380. 

The conjecture may be permitted that at the time of the 
death of Candra Gupta I his favourite son Samudra was 
absent from court, and that this circumstance had enabled 
Kaeha to seize and hold the throne for a short period, 



which probably did not exceed a year or two. The 
accession of Samudra Gupta, “ the son of the daughter 
of the Licchavis,” may be approximately dated in 
a.d. 345. The young monarch was fully convinced of the 
truth of the Oriental doctrine that a king who desires the 
world’s respect cannot rest upon his father’s laurels, but 
is bound to extend his borders, and attack and subdue 
neighbouring powers. To this task of “ kingdom-taking ” 1 
Samudra Gupta devoted his long reign and great abilities. 
He was evidently a rider of exceptional capacity, and 
skilled in the arts of peace no less than in those of war. 
Though the impartial historian cannot accept as sober fact 
all the magniloquent phrases of the courtly poet Harisena, 
who was commissioned by the filial piety of Samudra 
Gupta’s successor to celebrate the victories and glories 
of the conqueror, it is manifest that the hero of the 
panegyric was a prince of extraordinary accomplishments, 
and that his career was one of almost uninterrupted success 
and military glory. 2 

The laureate’s commemoration of the musical accomplish- 
ments of his hero is curiously confirmed by the rare and 
interesting Lyrist coins struck early in the reign of 
Samudra Gupta, which depict the king seated on a high- 
backed couch playing the Indian lyre. 

1 mullcglrl in Persian. 

2 This panegyric ( prafnsti ) is engraved on the pillar now in the fort of 
Allahabad, on which a copy of the edicts of As'oka is also inscribed. “The 
inscription is non -sectarian, being devoted entirely to a recital of the glorv, 
conquests, and descent of the early Gupta king Samudragupta. It is not dated ; 
hut, as it describes Samudragupta as deceased, it belongs to the time of his son 
and successor, Candragupta II, and must have been engraved soon after the 
accession of the latter [i.e. about a.d. 380], Its great value lies in the 
abundant information which, in the conquests attributed to Samudragupta, 
it gives as to the divisions of India, its tribes, and its kings, about the middle 
of the fourth century a.d.” The historical portion of the record is in nearly 
perfect preservation. The inscription consists of thirty-three lines, of which 
the first sixteen are in verse and the rest iu prose. The language is good 
classical Sanskrit. The inscription possesses special literary interest, because 
it is one of the earliest long compositions in classical Sanskrit to which 
a definite date can be assigned with confidence. The panegyric was composed 
by Harisena, who held several high offices at the court ot Candra Gupta II, 
and the inscription was engraved under the superintendence of an official named 
Tilabhatt'Aa. The metres of the metrical portion are Sragdhara, C&rdulavik- 
ngtia, and Mandukranta. (Fleet, “ Gupta Inscriptions,” No. 1, pp. 1-17, pi. i.) 



The allied art of poetry also claimed the sovereign’s 
attention, and, if we may believe the panegyrist, the 
numerous compositions of the royal author were worthy 
of a professional poet . 1 The works of several princely 
Indian poets are extant, but unfortunately not a single 
line of Samudra Gupta’s poems has been preserved to 
enable the modern critic to judge how far they deserved 
the favourable verdict of the laureate. We are also told 
that the king delighted in the society of the learned, and 
employed his acute and polished intellect in the study 
and defence of the sacred Scriptures, as well as in the 
lighter arts of music and poetry . 2 These statements the 
historian must be content to accept as they stand, and, 
while recoghizing that they are coloured with the flattery 
which kings love to receive, and courtly poets love to 
bestow, he will admit that the panegyric has a basis of 
fact, and that its subject was a sovereign of no ordinary 

Whatever may have been the exact degree of skill to 
which Samudra Gupta attained in the accomplishments 
which graced his leisure, it is evident that the serious 
occupation of his life was war and conquest. At an early 
period of his reign he set up a claim to be the paramount 
sovereign of Xorthem India, and revived the ancient and 
imposing ceremony of the Sacrifice of the Horse, the 
successful celebration of which proved the validity of the 
celebrant’s claim to universal sovereigntv. According to 
accepted tradition, the termination of the great war of the 
Mahabharatas, and the final victory of the Pandavas, had 
been signalized by the celebration of this solemn rite, and 
no Indian monarch could have a higher ambition than to 
reuew in his own person the legendary glories of the heroes 

1 Line 5. “ The fame prodneed by much poetry.” 

Line 15. ‘‘And even poetry, which gives free vent to the min d of poets : 
all these are his." 

Line 27. “ 'Who established his title of king of poets by various poetic ’.1 

compositions that were fit to be the means of subsistence of learned 

- Lines 5, 15, 27, 30. 



of the national epic. The ceremony was after this manner : 
— “ A horse of a particular colour was consecrated by the 
performance of certain ceremonies, and was then turned 
loose to wander for a year. The king, or his representative, 
followed the horse with an army, and when the animal 
entered a foreign country, the ruler of that country was 
bound either to fight or to submit. If the liberator of 
the horse succeeded in obtaining or enforcing the sub- 
mission of all the countries over which it passed, he 
returned in triumph, with the vanquished Rajas in his 
train ; but if he failed, he was disgraced, and his pre- 
tensions ridiculed. After the successful return a great 
festival was held, at which the horse was sacrificed, either 
really or figuratively.” 1 

The fact that Samudra Gupta successfully renewed this 
ancient rite, which had long fallen into desuetude, is 
abundantly proved both by the inscriptions 2 and the coins; 
and is probably commemorated by the statue of a horse 
now in the Lucknow Museum, and inscribed as being “the 
pious gift of Samudra Gupta.” Possibly the sacrifice took 
place in the north of Oudh, where that statue was found . 3 
The commemorative coins, though of the same weight as 
the pieces issued for ordinary currency, are evidently medals 
struck on the occasion of the great festival which celebrated 
the conclusion of the sacrifice, and were probably then 
distributed to the officiating Brahmans. Samudra Gupta 
is recorded to bave given away vast numbers of cows 
and great sums in gold, and it may reasonably be assumed 
that the Horse Sacrifice occasioned an exceptional display 
of his habitual generosity. The medals exhibit on the 

1 Dowson, “A Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology,” etc., s.v. Aswa- 

2 The restoration of the practice of the horse sacrifice is referred to in 
three inscriptions, viz. the Ihlsaj - pillar (No. 10) ; the Bihar pillar (No. 12) ; 
and the Bhitari pillar (No. 13). The passage in line 2 of the last-mentioned 
record runs thus: “Who was the giver of many millions of lawfully acquired 
cows and gold ; who was the restorer of the asvamedha sacrifice, which had 
been long in abeyance ” (“ Gupta Inscriptions,” p. 54). 

2 V. A. Smith, “ Observations,” p. 97, and frontispiece. The image was 
found near the ancient fort of Khairigarh, in the Khcri district, on the lrontier 
of Oudh and Nepal. 



obverse an unattended horse, and on the reverse a standing 
female figure carrying a fly-whisk. The legends are 
appropriate, and recite the monarch’s title as king of kings, 
and his claims to have conquered the earth, and to have 
asserted his power to celebrate the sacrifice. Ten or twelve 
of these curious pieces are known to exist. 1 The Lyrist 
medals, already noticed, are closely related in numismatic 
details to the horse-sacrifice medals, and were very probably 
struck on the same notable occasion. 2 The beautiful and 
exceedingly rare medal-like pieces which exhibit the 
victorious king in the act of slaying a tiger, belong to 
the same early period of his reign, but were probably 
struck before the celebration of the imperial sacrifice, for 
on them the king’s title is given simply as Raja. 3 Though 
his father had not hesitated to call himself “ king of kings,” 
it would seem that Sarnudra Gupta was too proud to use 
that title until he had won the right to it by force of arms, 
and asserted his right in the face of the world by the 
ceremony which could only be performed by the successful 
claimant to universal dominion. The Ilorse Sacrifice of 
Sarnudra Gupta may be approximately dated in a.d. 350. 
No doubt it was celebrated long before his more distant 
conquests were achieved. The claims to “ universal do- 
minion ” and to “ conquest of the whole earth ” must, of 
course, be understood with reasonable limitations. 

We may safely assume that the capital of Sarnudra 
Gupta, at least in his early years, was Pataliputra, and 
that from that city his conquests were pushed westward. 4 

1 These coins have been very fully described by the author in “Coinage,” 
p. 65 ; “ Observations,” p. 97. The obverse legend includes the title lltija- 
dhiraja, and a boast of the conquest of the earth. The reverse legend is 
a<;vamedlia parakramah, “ with the power of the horse-sacrifice.” The style 
of these medals, which connects them with the medal-like Tiger and Lyrist 
types, indicates an early period in the reign. 

- V. A. Smith, “Coinage,” p. 67 ; “ Observations,” p. 100. 

3 V. A. Smith, “Coinage,” p. 64; “Observations,” p. 96; “Further 
Observations,” p. 6 (168). Only three of these pieces are known. 

4 The fact that Pataliputra was the Gupta capital was suggested by 
Cunningham in 1880 (“ Reports,” vol. xi, p. 153), and was distinctly asserted 
ten years earlier by Mr. Wilton Oldham (“ Hist, and Statistical Memoir of 
the Ghazlpur District,” part i, p. 38). The detailed proofs of the fact were 
first given by the author in his essay on the “ Gold Coins of the Imperial 



The forger who three or four centuries later prepared 
a grant purporting to have been issued by Samudra Gupta 
in the ninth year of his reign from the “ victorious camp 
at Ayodhya, full of great ships, and elephants, and 
horses,” was doubtless quite right in assuming that 
Ayodhya was a very likely place in which to find the 
ever-moving court of the conquering monarch . 1 As his 
conquests extended, Pataliputra would have lain too far 
east to be convenient as a basis of operations. The great 
panegyrical poem, which is the principal authority for the 
reign of Samudra Gupta, was almost certainly engraved 
and published at Kausambi on the Jarana, twentv-seVen 
miles west of Allahabad, and it is probable that in the 
latter part of the reign this ancient royal city was ordinarily 
the capital of Samudra Gupta. The capital of an Oriental 
despotism is the seat of the court for the time being. It is 
not the practice of Eastern monarchs to erect permanent 
headquarter offices for the departments of the administra- 
tion, and so to establish a fixed capital, as distinct from 
the abiding - place of the sovereign. The permanent 
buildings on which an Eastern king is prepared to lavish 
countless treasures are ordinarily gorgeous palaces for his 
personal residence, vast tombs as memorials of individuals 
of the royal family, or temples which enable the court 
to conduct its worship with adequate magnificence, and 
prove to posterity the devotion and spiritual merit of the 
monarch. No degree of magnificence in such buildings 
saves the capital city from desolation once it has ceased 
to be the ordinary residence of the despot. Such was the 
fate of Pataliputra. It was difficult to rule Miilwa and 

Gupta Dynasty” (J.A.S.B., vol. liii, part i, 1884, pp. 159-163). Dr. Fleet 
was inclined to throw doubt on the fact (“Gupta Inscriptions,” p. 6), and 
to revert to the earlier and erroneous view that Kanaui was the Gupta capital. 
He has been answered by Dr. liiihler (“On the Origin of the Gupta-Valabhi 
Era,” p. 13). 

1 The forged grant purporting to have been issued by Samudra Gupta from 
his “victorious camp” at Ayodhya was probably prepared about the beginning 
of the eighth century. The seal is evidently genuine, and must have at one 
time been attached to a genuine grant of Samudra Gupta. There is, therefore, 
reason to hoj>e that other contemporary documents of his reign may yet be 
found (“Gupta Inscriptions,” No. 60, pp. 254-7, pi. xxxvii). 



Guzerat from the ancient seat of the kings of Magadha, 
and when Samudra Gupta and his successors were obliged 
to pitch their victorious camps in cities nearer to the 
setting sun, all its monuments of kings of the olden time 
could not save Pataliputra from neglect, and rapid desola- 
tion and ruin . 1 

The exact chronological order of Samudra Gupta’s 
extensive conquests cannot now be determined. The boasts 
on his coins that “ Ilis Majesty is victorious, having 
vanquished the cities of his enemies in a hundred great 
battles ” ; that “ Ilis invincible Majesty has conquered and 
subdued the earth ” ; and that “ the king of kings is 
armed with the axe of Death,” seem to have but slightly', 
if at all, exaggerated the facts . 2 

Samudra Gupta’s predecessor, Candra Gupta I, had 
already, as has been seen, claimed the rank of suzerain, 
and had probably established his power over all the 
regions of Magadha or Bihar, both north and south 
of the Ganges, a considerable part of Oudh, and the 
eastern districts of the territory now known as the 
North - Western Provinces. In other words, his rule 
may be considered to have extended from Campa 

(Bhagalpur) on the east, along the valley of the Ganges, 
to Prayaga (Allahabad) on the west. A definition of the 
extent of the dominions of an Oriental monarch must not be 
understood in exactly the same sense in which the definition 
of the territory of a modern European ruler is understood. 
The Oriental king rarely attempts to administer in detail 
the more distant provinces of his dominions. His practice 
is to make occasional inroads on his neighbour’s territories, 
and if successful to exact from their rulers homage and 
tribute. So long as such homage and tribute are paid the 
conqueror reckons his neighbour’s territories as his own, 

1 The substitution of Kaus'ambi for Pataliputra as the capital of the Gupta 
empire will be more fully discussed in the next chapter. 

- The first of the legends quoted is found on the Javelin type coins, the 
second on the coins of the Archer type, and the third on the Battle-axe coins, 
which actually exhibit the king as the incarnation of Death, carrying the fatal 
axe. (Smith, “Coinage,” pp. 69-72 ; “Observations,” pp. 101-2.) 



and is ordinarily content to leave detailed administration in 
the hands of the local kings and chiefs. Occasionally, as in 
the exceptional case of Asoka, conquest was more thorough 
and permanent, and the suzerain could venture to administer 
even the most distant of his provinces through viceroys 
appointed by himself. The empire of Asoka was, during 
the lifetime of that great sovereign and his father, so far 
consolidated that even the remote provinces of Taxila in 
the Panjab, and Ujjain in Malwa, could be controlled by 
viceroys deputed from Pataliputra ; and the emperor’s edicts, 
prepared in the imperial chancery, commanded obedience 
from the Himalaya to Mysore, and from the shores of the 
Indian Ocean to those of the Bay of Bengal. 1 But such 
consolidation is rare in Indian history. 

The Eran (Airikina) inscription of Samudra Gupta 
{circa a.d. 360) is, unfortunately, mutilated and undated. 
What remains of the record is sufficient to prove that at 
some period of his reign Eran, which is now included in 
the Sagar district of the Central Provinces, formed part 
of the dominions of Samudra Gupta. The phrase which 
describes Airikina as “ the city of his own enjoyment ” 
probably implies that the king had personally visited 
the locality. 2 

The only other contemporary record of Samudra Gupta, 
besides the coin legends, is a worn inscription on a seal, 
which is of no historical importance. 

1 Asoka himself was viceroy of Taxila during the reign of his father, 
Bindusara, and, according to legend, Asoka’s son Kumala resided at Taxila 
(Cunningham, “Reports,” vol. ii, pp. 112, 113, 149, quoting Burnout, “Intro- 
duction a l’Histoire du Buddhisme Indien,” pp. 361 and 40 ; Hiuen Tsiang, in 
Beal’s “ Records of Western Countries,” i, pp. 139-143). The Yavana Raja, 
Tusaspa, was As'oka’s governor in Surastra, or Gujarat (Rudradaman’s 
Junagarh inscription, Ind. Ant., vii, p. 262). 

2 Fleet, “Gupta Inscriptions,” No. 2, p. 18, pi. ii a. Eran was one of the 
most ancient cities of India, and some of the coins found there appear to he 
older than the time of As'oka. The buildings there seem all to date from the 
Gupta period (Cunningham, “Reports,” vol. vii, p. 88; vol. x, p. 76 seqq.). 
The coins are described by the same author (“ Reports,” vol. xiv, p. 149 ; “ Coins 
of Ancient India,” p. 99, pi. xi). The coin, of which the legend is rend from 
right to left, is commented on by Biihler in his paper “ On the Origin of the 
Indian Brahma Alphabet,” pp. 3, 43 (Sitzuugs B. Kais-Akad. der W. in 
Wien, Band cxxxii, 1895). 



The history of his reign mainly rests on the information 
supplied by the great panegyrical poem by Harisena, 
inscribed on the Kausambi (Allahabad) pillar after the 
death of Samudra Gupta, by order of his son and successor, 
Caudra Gupta IT, in or about a.d. 380, as described 
above. 1 

The poem classifies Samudra Gupta’s conquests under 
six heads. It affirms (1) that he “ violently exterminated” 
nine named kings of Aryavarta, besides many other un- 
named kings of the same region ; (2) that he compelled 
all the kings of the Forest Countries to become his 
servants ; (3) that he captured and then liberated twelve 
named kings and other unnamed kings of the South ; 
(4) that he exacted homage and tribute from five Frontier 
kingdoms, and (5) from nine named, besides other unnamed, 
Frontier tribes ; and, lastly, (6) that he received acts 
of respectful service and complimentary presents from five 
distant foreign nations, and also from the inhabitants of 
Ceylon and other islands. 

Although it is at present impossible to identify all the 
countries, kings, and peoples enumerated by the poet, 
enough can be identified to enable the historian to form 
a fairly accurate notion of the extent of the dominions 
and alliances of the greatest of the Gupta emperors. 

Aryavarta means India north of the Narbada river, as 
distinguished from the South (Dakhan, Deccan), or India 
beyond that river, and corresponds to the modern word 
Hindustan. 2 In this vast region Samudra Gupta is recorded 
to have “ violently exterminated ” nine kings who are 
specified by name, besides others not named. The nine, 
arranged in alphabetical order, are as follows : (1) Achyuta, 
(2) Balavarman, (3) Candravarman, (4) Ganapati Naga, 
(n) Matila, (6) Nagadatta, (7) Nagaseua, (8) Nandi, and 
(9) Rudradeva. 

1 The detailed reasoning on which the identification of the countries and 
kings conquered by Samudra Gupta is based will be found in the author’s 
dissertation entitled “ The Conquests of Samudra Gupta,” not yet published. 

2 See Fleet’s note in “Gupta Inscriptions,” p. 13. The name Narbada 
is also written Narmada, and, in less precise form, Nerhudda. 



There is some reason to suppose that Acbyuta was the 
king of Ahichatra, the modern Bamnagar, in the Bareli 
district of the North-Western Provinces. Ganapati Niiga 
was certainly the sovereign of Padmavati, the modern 
Narwar, situated on the Sindh river between Gwalior and 
Jhansl. The remaining names in the list have not yet 
been identified . 1 

The “kings of the forest countries,’’ who became the 
conqueror’s servants, must mean the chiefs of the wild 
country on the banks of the Narbada in the hills and 
jungles of the Yindhyan ranges. A later inscription refers 
to the existence of eighteen forest kingdoms in this region, 
which corresponds to the territories known in modern times 
as Southern Bundelkhand, Rnva, and portions of the Central 
Provinces and Central Indian Agency. 

The court poet’s assertion that his master won glory by 
“capturing and then liberating” the kings of the South 
implies that the southern conquests of Samudra Gupta were 
not of a permanent nature. Probably he encountered and 
defeated a confederacy of the twelve princes of the far 
south, whose names and kingdoms are enumerated . 2 

’ Candravarman may be, and probably ought to be, identified with the 
Maharaja Candravarman, son of Maharaja Siddhavarmau, lord of the 
Puskara lake, who recorded a brief dedicatory inscription on the Susunia 
hill, in the Baukura district, seventeen miles SS\V\ from the lianigauj railway 
station (Proc. A.S B. for 1895, p. 177). The Puskara lake referred to may 
be the well-known sacred lake of that name near Ajmir, but this is not probuble. 

2 The enumeration, arranged alphabetically, is as follows : — 



1 . 




























Pnlakka (Palakka) 










Five of the twelve kingdoms in the poet’s list can be 
identified with certainty. 

Kanchl comprised the country in the neighbourhood of 
Madras, and the name is familiar to modern geographers 
in the corrupt form Conjeveram. 

Kerala was the ancient name of the Malabar coast 
between the “Western Ghats and the sea, the fertile strip 
of country where the Malayalam (Malealam) language is 
spoken, and which is now divided between the British 
districts of South Kanara and Malabar, and the native 
states of Cochin, Travancore, and the Bibi of Cannanore. 
It extended to Cape Comorin (Kumarin) at the extremity 
of the peninsula. 

The kingdom of Kosala, which must not be confounded 
with the territories of the same name in Northern India, 
comprised the upper valley of the MahanadI river and 
much of the surrounding hilly country. It corresponded 
with the eastern and central districts of the Central 
Provinces and parts of Orissa. The capital was Sirpur 
(Srlpura), in the modern district of Raipur. 

Kottura may be identified with the Pollachi subdivision 
of the Coimbatore district of the Madras Presidency. 
The beryl mines of Padiyur, which were famous in the 
Roman world at the beginning of the Christian era, were 
probably included within the limits of this kingdom. 

Pishtapura and Yehgl are now respectively represented 
by the Pittapuram town and chieftainship in the Godavari 
district, and by Yegi, or Pedda Yegi, in the same district. 
The ancient kingdom of Yehgl consisted of a strip of 
country extending along the shore of the Bay of Bengal 
between the Krishna (Kistna) and Godavari rivers. 

The rulers of five “ frontier countries ” — Davaka, 
Kamariipa, Kartripura, Nepala, and Samatata — are recorded 
to have paid homage and tribute to the emperor. The 
positions of Davaka and Kartripura are not known. 
Samatata was the ancient name of Lower Bengal, the 
region in which Calcutta and Jessore are now the chief 
cities. Nepala retains its name unchanged, and still 



jealously guards its internal independence. Kamarupa 
was the ancient name of Assam. The mention of Lower 
Bengal, Nepal, and Assam as frontier kingdoms, outside 
the limits of the empire, proves that the direct rule of 
Samudra Gupta did not extend to the mouths of the Ganges, 
or include the Himalayan ranges. 

The distinction drawn between the frontier kingdoms 
and the frontier tribes enumerated in the same verse is 
interesting. The poet evidently means that the tribes 
named were, like the kingdoms, located on the frontiers 
of the empire ; and his distinction between tribal territories 
and kingdoms proves that in the fourth century of the 
Christian era a large part of India was occupied by tribes 
which, though far removed from a savage condition, were 
not organized as kingdoms. This inference, suggested by 
the language of the poet, is confirmed in the case of three 
of the tribes named by distinct epigraphic and numismatic 
evidence that the } 7 were organized under special tribal 
constitutions, and not as monarchies. 

Nine tribes are enumerated in the poet’s list . 1 The 
Abhlras appear to mean the inhabitants of the ancient 
Hindu province of Ahlrwara, the region in which the 
town of JhiinsI occupies a central position. The Madrakas 
dwelt in that portion of the Panjab now known as the 
Richna Doab, between the Cheniib and Ravi rivers. Some 
authorities extend their territory westward to the Jhelam 
and eastward to the Bias river. Their tribal capital was 
the famous city of Sangala or Sakala. The Malavas were 
the people of the country now known as Malwa. Besnagar, 
near Bhilsa, was the capital of Eastern, and Ujjaiu was the 
capital of Western Malwa. 

The Yaudheyas were a warlike and powerful people, who 
occupied the tract still known as Johiya-bilr along both 
banks of the Satlaj on the border of the Bahawalpur state. 
The limits of their territories may be roughly indicated as 
probably comprising the cities of Agra, Delhi, Sahilranpur, 

1 (1) Abhira, (2) Arjunayana, (3) Kiika, (4) Khnrnparika, (5) Madraka, 
(6) Malaya, (7) Prarjuiia, (8) Sanakauika, (9) Yaudkoya. 



Likliaoa, Lahore, Bahiiwalpur, Bikanlr, and Jaypur. Their 
power appears to have lasted for several centuries, from 
probably b.o. 100 to a.d. 400. 

The positions of the other tribes mentioned are not 
known with certainty. 

Notwithstanding our inability to understand in all its 
details the contemporary record, the information available 
is amply sufficient to warrant the definition with approxi- 
mate accuracy of the limits of Samudra Gupta’s Indian 
empire. On the north that empire extended to the base 
of the mountains of Nepal. The eastern limit must have 
been either the KosI (KusI) river, or the Brahmaputra, 
more probably the former. 1 The southern frontier must 
have run a short distance south of the Ganges, nearly 
parallel to that river, excluding the wilder parts of the 
hilly country of Chutia Nagpur, thence along the 
Kaimfir Hills to Jabalpur, and thence along the Narbada 
to the Betwa river, the boundary of the Malava country. 
The western boundary was approximately" marked by r the 
Jainnii and Betwa rivers, and by a line connecting the 
cities of Agra, Mathura, Delhi, Ambala, and Ludiana. 

To express the same result in other words, the empire 
included the whole of the North-Western Provinces, Oudh, 
aud Bihar, Northern and Central Bengal, part of Rlwa, 
the northern districts of the Central Provinces, and the 
south-eastern corner of the Panjab between the Jamna and 
tne Satlaj. 

The emperor received tribute from, or exercised influence 
in some form over, all the kingdoms and tribes which 
touched this extensive frontier. His political intercourse 
and alliances extended over a still wider circle, and brought 
him into relation with distant foreign powers. We are 
told that, in addition to the inhabitants of Ceylon and 
other islands, the nations, or dynasties, named Daivaputra, 

1 For a discussion of the vast changes during historical times in the courses 
of the Bengal rivers see Mr. Shillingford’s valuable paper “ On Changes in the 
Course of the KusI River” in J.A.S.B., vol. lxiv, pt. i (1895), p. 1, and 
Proc. A.S.B. for Feb. 1895. 



Shahi, Shahanushahi, Saka, and Murunda acknowledged 
the power of the conqueror by offering Him presents of fair 
maidens and “ garuda tokens,” 1 and by tendering other 
acts of homage. The allusion to Ceylon and the other 
islands is probably mere rhetoric ; but reduced to its 
narrowest and most prosaic dimensions, the poet’s statement 
may be taken to mean that Samudra Gupta enjoyed friendly 
relations with the other powers named, and exchanged 
complimentary presents with them, after the ordinary 
manner of Oriental princes. 

The list of foreign powers enumerated is differently 
interpreted by the authorities. 

In my opinion the Shahanushahi of Harisena were the 
Kushan princes who then governed the provinces of Balkli 
and Kunduz on the Oxus, north of the Hindu Kush. 
These princes issued coins imitating the early Sassanian 
mintage, and were probably tributaries of the Sassanian 
monarchy. The Kushiin chief who sent an embassy to 
Samudra Gupta was probably Grumbates, king of the 
Chionitoe, who aided Shahpur (Sapor) II in his war with 
Home, and was present at the siege of Amida in a.d. 358. 2 

The princes who assumed the Sanskrit title Daivaputra 
certainly ruled territories on the confines of India proper, 
and may safely be interpreted to mean the Kushan kings 
of Gandhara, whose kingdom included the western Panjab 
and the Kabul valley, and of which the capital was 

The title Shahi was used by so many dynasties for many 
centuries that it is impossible to decide with certainty 
who the Shahi king was with whom Samudra Gupta 
corresponded. I am disposed to regard him as one of the 
Kushan chiefs who occupied territory in the direction 
of Kandahar. 

1 Dr. Fleet supposes the term garutmad-anka to refer to the Gupta gold 
coins, or dinars, of which some types exhibit, among other devices, a standard 
surmounted by the fabulous bird, garuda, which appears to have been the 
special cognizance of the Gupta family. 

2 Cunningham gives the date ns a.d. 358. Gibbon, while admitting that the 
chronology olfers some difficulties, prefers a.d. 3C0. 



The Sakas who sent ambassadors to Samudra Gupta 
may with tolerable certainty be identified with the Saka 
Satraps of Suiustra, or Kathiawar, on the extreme west 
of India. The reign of the Satrap Rudrasena (a.d. 348-370) 
was almost exactly conterminous with that of Samudra 
Gupta. The conquest and annexation of Surastra by the 
son and successor of Samudra Gupta will be narrated in 
the next chapter. 

There is some reason to suppose that the Murunda tribe 
was settled on the southern frontier of the empire. 

J.R.A 9. 1897. 



Art. III . — A Greek Embassy to Baghdad in 917 ad. 

Translated from the Arabic MS. of Al-Khatib, in the 

British Museum Library. By Guy le Strange. 

In the early years of the tenth century A.n. the Emperor 
Leo VI, surnamed the Philosopher, gave much scandal to 
the ecclesiastics of Constantinople by his fourth marriage 
with the beautiful Zoe ; a fourth being naturally a degree 
worse than a third marriage, and this the Eastern Church 
had lately “ censured as a state of legal fornication,” for 
reasons which Gibbon discusses in chapter xlviii of the 
“ Decline and Fall.” However, “ the Emperor required 
a female companion, and the Empire a legitimate heir,” and 
so, since he had found himself again a childless widower, 
Leo the Philosopher promptly celebrated his fourth nuptials, 
the patriarch Nicholas notwithstanding, who, having refused 
his blessing, was exiled. The fruit of this marriage was 
Constantine, surnamed Porphyrogenitus, that is, Born-in- 
the-Purple, from the porphyry chamber in the palace at 
Constantinople, where he had first seen the light ; aud in 
the year 911 A.D., when of the age of six,' Constantine YII 
succeeded his father on the throne. 

During the next forty-eight years the government was 
carried on in his name, others ruling, and in the first 
part of the reign it was the Empress Zoe who, with her 
favourites, struggled against the clergy, and misgoverned 
the Empire. In those days, war with the Caliphate was 
chronic on the eastern border ; Greek and Saracen in turn 
attacked, raided, and carried off captives to be held for 
ransom ; but of late the fortune of war had rather favoured 
the Greek side. The Caliph contemporary with Constantine 
Porphyrogenitus bore the name of Muktadir; he had come 
to the throne in 908 a.d., at the age of thirteen, through 



a palace intrigue, and during his reign of twenty-five years 
lived entirely under the tutelage either of his Wazlr, or 
of Munis, the Commander of the Armies. In the year 917, 
corresponding in the Moslem reckoning to 305 a.h., the 
Caliph found himself hemmed in by domestic rebellion, 
and though the expeditions of his generals over the border 
had latterly been somewhat more successful, he was in no 
way disinclined to come to terms with his adversary. The 
Empress Zoe, on her side, was for the moment equally 
desirous of peace, for she wished to withdraw many of the 
Greek troops from the eastern frontier, in order the better 
to encounter the Bulgarian hordes then threatening the 
empire in the opposite quarter. To obtain peace, there- 
fore, Zoe despatched two ambassadors, nominally from 
the emperor, to Baghdad. According to the Byzantine 
chronicler Cedrenus, the two envoys were named John 
Bbadinos, the Patrician, and Michael Toxaras; they were 
commissioned to visit the Caliph, conclude an armistice 
with him, and arrange for the ransom of captives. 

The reception given to the Greek envoys at Baghdad, is, 
as far as I am aware, nowhere described in the Byzantine 
Chronicles. The Moslem annalists, however, make much 
of this embassy from the Greeks, and though they 
frankly name the great sum which the Caliph paid for the 
ransom of their captive countrymen — it is nowhere even 
hinted by them that the Greeks found any Christian 
captives for whom to pay ransom — the Arab chroniclers 
enlarge on the fact that it was the Emperor of Con- 
stantinople who first begged for peace, and they then 
proceed to describe the imposing ceremony with which the 
ambassadors were received by the Caliph. Already, and 
even before the close of the third century after the Hijra, as 
is well known, the Caliphate was fast losing all political 
power ; the outlying provinces were becoming permanently 
independent, and before the next century had run half 
its course Baghdad itself would be mastered, and the 
Caliph overshadowed by a succession of tyrannical Captains- 
of-the-Guard, followed and dispossessed by conquering 



Generals out of the East, become sovereigns by the grace 
of the sword. At the beginning of this century, however, 
Muktadir could still pretend to be the Commander of the 
Faithful in Islam, and as such also pretended to treat the 
“ King of Rum,” the Chief of Christian tnonarchs, as 
a suppliant for peace. 

The Greek envoys arrived in Baghdad in Muharram 
305, corresponding with July 917, and the following 
description of the manner in which they were received is 
translated from the Arabic text, incorporated by Al-Khatlb 
in his “ History of Baghdad.” 1 This work was composed 
(451 a.h.) nearly a century and a half after the events 
described, but Al-Khatlb states that the text is derived 
from a certain Hilal, who had collected together the various 
accounts set down by those, “ worthy of credit,” who had 
witnessed the event. He thus describes the scene, which 
affords us a curious picture of the Palace of the Caliphs 
at Baghdad : — 

“Now in the days of Muktadir, ambassadors 2 from the 
Byzantine Emperor arrived ; so the servants spread mag- 
nificent carpets in the Palace, ornamenting the same with 
sumptuous furniture ; and the Chamberlains with their 
Deputies were stationed according to their degrees, and the 
Courtiers stood at the gates and the porticoes, and along 
the passages and corridors, also in the courts and halls. 
The troops in splendid apparel, mounted on their chargers, 
with saddles of gold or of silver, formed a double line, 
while in front of these were held their led-horses 
similarly caparisoned, whom all might see. The numbers 

1 Of the three MSS. of this work possessed bythe British Museum (Or. 1,507. 
1,508, aud Ad. 23,319), the first is by far the best, but unfortunately lacks 
several pages in the very part describing the reception of the Greek Embassy ; 
the second MS. is a modern transcript of the first, and hence gives no aid at this 
point; while the third MS., though it supplies the test of these pages, is so 
carelessly written as to be almost illegible. I have collated this last throughout 
with the MS. of the Bibliotheque Rationale of Paris (numbered in the new 
Catalogue Arabe, 2,128), without the aid of which the following translation 
could hardly have been made. 

2 In the text, the singular, dual, and plural forms are used alternately iu 
reference to the ambassador or ambassadors ; but at the close two ambassadors 
are mentioned, which agrees with Ibn-al-Athlr and the Byzantine chronicler. 
I have adopted the plural throughout, for convenience, in my translation. 



present, under arms of various kinds, were very great, and 
they extended from above the gate (at the upper end of 
Eastern Baghdad) called the Bab-ash-Shammasiyya, down 
to near the Palace of the Caliph. After the troops, and 
leading to the very presence of the Caliph, came the Pages 
of the Privy Chamber, also the Eunuchs of the inner 
and the outer Palace in gorgeous raiment, with their 
swords and ornamented girdles. 

“Now the markets of Eastern Baghdad, with the roads, 
and the house-tops, and the streets, were all full of the 
people who had come sight-seeing, and every shop and 
high balcony had been let for a price of many dirhams. 
On the Tigris there were skiffs and wherries, barques, 
barges, and other boats, all magnificently ornamented, duly 
arranged and disposed. So the Ambassadors, with those 
who accompanied them, were brought on horseback to the 
Palace (of the Caliph), which, entering, they passed direct 
into the palace of Nasr-al-Kushawi, the Chamberlain. Here 
they saw many porticoes and a sight so marvellous to behold 
that they imagined the Caliph himself must be present, 
whereby fear and awe entered into them ; but they were 
told that here was only the Chamberlain. Next from this 
place the Ambassadors were carried on to the palace where 
lived the WazTr, to wit the Assembly of Ibn-al-Furat, 1 and 
here the Ambassadors were witnesses of even more splendour 
than they had seen in the palace of Nasr, the Chamberlain, 
so that they doubted not that this indeed was the Caliph ; 
but it was told them that this was only his WazTr. Thence 
they conducted the Ambassadors and seated them in a hall, 
with the Tigris on the one hand and gardens on the other; 
and the hall was hung with curtains, and carpeted all about, 
and cushions had been placed for them, while all around 
stood the Eunuchs bearing maces and swords. But after 
the Ambassadors hud been taken through this palace also, 
they were called for to the presence of Muktadir the Caliph, 

1 The position of one of his palaces is described by Ibn Scrapion, a con- 
temporary : see J.R.A.S. for 1895, p. ‘283. 



whom they found seated with his sons on either side of 
him, and here the Ambassadors saw a sight that struck 
them with fear. Then afterwards they were dismissed, 
and so returned to the palace that hud been prepared 
for them. 

“Now the following is another account, given by the Wazir 
Abu-l-Kasim ‘Ali-ibn-al-Hasan — surnamed Ibn-al-Maslama, 
who had heard it from the Caliph Kilim, he having heard 
the narration of the Caliph Kadir, who related that his 
grandmother, Umin Abu Ishak, the wife of the Caliph 
Muktadir, spoke thus in reference to these events. When 
the Ambassadors of the Emperor of the Greeks arrived at 
Takrlt (on the Tigris, about a hundred miles above 
Baghdad), the Commander of the Faithful, Muktadir, 
ordered that they should be detained there during two 
months. Then at length they were brought to Baghdad, 
and lodged in the palace called the Dar Sii'id, where they 
tarried two months more, before being allowed to come to 
the presence of the Caliph. Now when Muktadir had 
completed the adornment of his palace and the arrangement 
of the furniture therein, the soldiers were ranged in double 
line from the Dar Sa‘id aforesaid to the Palace of the Caliph 
— the number of the troops being 160,000 horsemen and 
footmen — and the Ambassadors passed down between them 
until they came to the Palace. Here they entered a vaulted 
passage underground, and, after passing through it, at 
length stood in the presence of Muktadir, to whom they 
delivered the embassy of their master. 

“ Then it was commanded that the Ambassadors should 
be taken round the Palace. Now there were no soldiers 
here, but only the Eunuchs and the Chamberlains and 
the black Pages. The number of the Eunuchs was seven 
thousand in all, four thousand of them white and three 
thousand black ; the number of the Chamberlains was also 
seven thousand, and the number of the black Pages, other 
than the Eunuchs, was four thousand ; the flat roofs of 
all the Palace being occupied by them, as also of the 
Banqueting-halls. Further, the store-chambers had been 



opened, and the treasures therein had been set out even 
as is customary for a bride’s array ; the jewels of the 
Caliph being arranged in trays, 1 on steps, and covered with 
cloths of black brocade. When the Ambassadors entered 
the Palace of the Tree (. Bar-ash- Shajara , which will be 
described more fully below), and gazed upon the Tree, their 
astonishment was great. For (in brief) this was a tree 
of silver, weighing 500,000 Dirhams (or about 50,000 
ounces), having on its boughs mechanical birds, all singing, 
equally fashioned in silver. Now the wonder of the Am- 
bassadors was greater at seeing these than at any of the 
other sights that they saw. 

“ In an account, which has come down written by the 
hand of Abu Muhammad, grandson of Muktadir, it is stated 
that the number of the hangings in the Palaces of the 
Caliph was thirty-eight thousand. These were curtains of 
gold — of brocade embroidered with gold — all magnificently 
figured with representations of drinking-vessels, and with 
elephants and horses, camels, lions, and birds. There were 
also long curtains, both plain and figured, of the sort made 
at Basiuna (in Ehilzistan), in Armenia, at Wasit (on the 
lower Tigris), and Bahasnii (near the Greek frontier) ; also 
embroideries of Dablk (on the Egyptian sea-coast) to the 
number of thirty-eight thousand ; while of the curtains 
that were of gold brocade, as before described, these were 
numbered at twelve thousand and five hundred. The 
number of the carpets and mats of the kinds made at 
Jahram and Dariibjird (in Filrs) and at Ad-Dawrak (in 
Khuzistan) was twenty-two thousand pieces; these were 
laid in the corridors and courts, being spread under the 
feet of the nobles, and the Greek Envoys walked over such 
carpets all the way from the limit of the new (Public Gate 
called the) Bab-al-‘Ama, right to the presence of the Caliph 
Muktadir; — but this number did not include the fine rugs 
in the chambers and halls of assembly, of the manufacture 

1 The word in the original is “ kalabat,” which I can find in no dictionary ; 
I translate it as equivalent to “ kalab ” in the plural. 



of Tabaristan and Dabik, spread over the other carpets, and 
these were not to be trodden with the feet. 

“The Envoys of the Greek Emperor, being brought in 
by the Hall of the Great (Public Gate called the) 
Bab-al-‘Ama, were taken first to the palace known as the 
Khuu-al-Khayl (the Cavalry House). This was a palace 
that was for the most part built with porticoes of marble 
columns. On the right side of this house stood five 
hundred mares caparisoned each with a saddle of gold or 
silver, while on the left side stood five hundred mares with 
brocade saddle-cloths and long head-covers ; also every 
mare was held in hand by a groom magnificently dressed. 
From this palace the Ambassadors passed through corridors 
and halls, opening one into the other, until they entered the 
Park of the Wild Beasts. This was a palace with various 
kinds of wild animals therein, who entered the same from 
the Park, herding together and coming up close to the 
visitors, sniffing them, and eating from their hands. Next 
the Envoys went out to the palace where stood four 
elephants caparisoned in peacock-silk brocade ; and on the 
back of each were eight men of Sind, and javelin-men 
with fire, and the sight of these caused much terror to 
the Greeks. Then they came to a palace where there 
were one hundred lions, fifty to the right hand and fifty 
to the left, every lion being held in by the hand of its 
keeper, and about its head and neck were iron chains. 

“Then the Envoys passed to what was called the New 
Kiosk (Al-Jawsak-al-Muhdith), which is a palace in the 
midst of gardens. In the centre thereof is a tank made of 
tin (Rasas Kal‘I), round which flows a stream in a conduit 
also of tin, that is more lustrous than polished silver. This 
tank is thirty ells in the length by twenty across, and round 
it are set four magnificent pavilions with gilt seats adorned 
with embroidery of Dabik, and the pavilions are covered 
over with the gold work of Dabik. All round this tank 
extends a garden with lawns wherein grow palm-trees, and 
it is said that their number is four hundred, and the 
height of each is five ells. Now the entire height of these 



trees, from root to spathe, is enclosed in carved teak-wood, 
encircled with gilt copper rings. And all these palms 
bear full-grown dates, which in almost all seasons are 
ever ripe, and do not decay. Round the sides of the 
garden also are melons of the sort called Dastabuya, and 
also other species. The Ambassadors passed out of this 
palace, and next came to the Palace of the Tree (Dar- 
ash-Shajara), where (as has already been said) is a tree, 
and this is standing in the midst of a great circular tank 
filled with clear water. The tree has eighteen branches, 
every branch having numerous twigs, on which sit all sorts 
of gold and silver birds, both large and small. Most 
of the branches of this tree are of silver, but some 
are of gold, and they spread into the air carrying leaves 
of divers colours. The leaves of the tree move as the wind 
blows, while the birds pipe and sing. On the one side 
of this palace, to the right of the tank, are the figures of 
fifteen horsemen, mounted upon their mares, and both men 
and steeds are clothed and caparisoned in brocade. In 
their hands the horsemen carry long-poled javelins, and 
those on the right are all pointed in one direction (it 
being as though each were attacking his adversary), 1 for on 
the left-hand side is a like row of horsemen. Next the 
Greek Envoys entered the Palace of Paradise (Kasr-al- 
Firdfis). Here there were carpets and furniture in such 
quantity as cannot be detailed or enumerated, and round 
the halls of the Firdiis were hung ten thousand gilded 
breastplates. From hence the Ambassadors went forth 
traversing a corridor that was three hundred ells in the 
length, on either side of which were hung some ten 
thousand other pieces of arms, to wit, bucklers, helmets, 
casques, cuirasses, coats of mail, with ornamented quivers 
and bows. Here, too, were stationed near upon two 
thousand Eunuchs, black and white, in double line, to 
right and left. 

“Then at length, after the Ambassadors had thus been 

1 MSS. corrupt; added from Yakut, II, 251. 


taken round twenty and three various palaces, they were 
brought forth to the Court of the Ninety. Here were the 
Pages of the Privy Chamber, full -armed, sumptuously 
dressed, each of admirable stature. In their hands they carried 
swords, small battle-axes, and maces. The Ambassadors 
next passed down the lines formed by the black slaves, 
the deputy chamberlains, the soldiers, the footmen, and the 
sons of the Raids, until they again came to the Presence 
Hall. Now there were a great number of the Sclavonian 
Eunuchs in all these palaces, who (during the visit) were 
occupied in offering to all present water, cooled with snow, 
to drink ; also sherbets and beer (fukka‘) ; and some of 
these Sclavonians went round with the Ambassadors, to 
whom, as they walked, or sat to take rest in some seven 
different places, water was thus offered, and they drank. 

“ Now one named Abu ‘Omar of Tarsus, surnamed 
Sahib-as-Sultan, and Captain of the Syrian Frontier, went 
with the Ambassadors everywhere, and he was habited in 
a black vest with sword and baldric. Thus, at length, they 
came again to the presence of the Caliph Muktadir, whom 
they found in the Palace of the Crown (Ivasr-at-Taj ) 1 upon 
the Tigris bank. He was arrayed in clothes of Dablk-stuflf 
embroidered in gold, being seated on an ebony throne 
overlaid with Dablk-stuflf embroidered in gold likewise, 
and on his head was the tall bonnet called Kalansuwa. 
To the right of the throne hung nine collars of gems 
like the Subaj (which keeps off the evil eye), and to the 
left of the same were the like, all of famous jewels, the 
largest of which was of such a size that its sheen eclipsed 
the daylight. Before the Caliph stood five of his sons, 
three to the right and two to the left. Then the Am- 
bassadors, with their interpreter, halted before Muktadir, 
and stood in the posture of humility (with their arms 
crossed), while one of the Greeks addressed words to 
Munis the Eunuch, and to Nasr the Chamberlain, who 
were the interpreters of the Caliph, saying : ‘ But that 

1 See Ibn Serapion, J.R.A.S. 1895, p. 284. 



I know for a surety that your Lord desires not that 
(as is our custom) I should kiss the carpet, I should 
verily have bowfed and kissed it. But behold, I am 
now doing what your envoys have never been required 
by us to do, for verily this standing in the posture 
of humility (with the arms crossed) is also enjoined by 
our custom.’ Then for an hour the two Ambassadors 
stood thus (before the Caliph), for they were twain, an 
older and a younger man, the younger being the chief 
Ambassador, while the elder was the interpreter ; but the 
King of the Greeks had charged the business of the 
Embassy on the elder also, in the event of death befalling 
the younger Ambassador. 

“Afterwards the Caliph Muktadir, with his own hand, 
delivered to the Ambassadors his reply to the King of 
the Greeks, which was copious and complete. The 
Ambassadors, on receiving this, kissed it in honour, after 
which the two Envoys went out by the Private Gate (Biib-al- 
Khitssa) to the Tigris, and together with their companions 
embarked in various particular boats of the Caliph, and went 
up-stream to where they had their lodging, namely, to the 
palace known as the Diir Sa‘id. Here there were brought 
to them fifty purses of money, and in each purse there were 
5,000 Dirhams (in all about £10,000), while on Abu ‘Omar 
(the aforementioned Captain of the Frontier) was bestowed 
the Robe of Honour of the Sultan. Then the Ambassadors, 
being mounted on horseback, rode on their way : and these 
things took place in the year 305 A.H.” Thus ends the 
account in Al-Khatlb. 

With the facts recorded in the foregoing pages the 
chronicles of Ibn-al-Athir (VIII, 79) and of Abu-l-Faraj 
(Beyrout edition, p. 270) closely agree. The Embassj^ is 
there reported to have reached Baghdad in the month of 
Muliarram of the year above mentioned, which corresponds 
to July, 917. As already stated, the Emperor of Con- 
stantinople requested, that, after an armistice had been 
agreed to, the Moslems should send and ransom such of 
their captive brethren as were in Christian hands. This 



■was to be clone without delay, and Munis, the Eunuch 
who commanded the armies of the Caliph, was entrusted 
with a sum of 120,000 Dinars, or gold pieces, equivalent to 
about half that figure in pounds sterling. Accompanying 
the two Envoys, Munis proceeded to the frontier with 
a body of troops duly provided with rations and munitions. 
These troops, it would appear, were needed for making some 
further arrangements with the various governors of each 
frontier town in regard to the ransom — in other words, 
Munis forced these governors to supply additional funds. 
The paragraph in the chronicle ends with the significant 
phrase, “ but as to the ransoming, this was left to the hands 
of Mfinis,” and he alone doubtless could have told how the 
sums were spent. 


Art. IV. — Notice of an Inscription at Xnrbat-i-Jam, in 
Khorasan, about half-way between Meshed and Herat. 
By Ney Elias. 

0 Thou whose mercy accepts the apology of all. 

The mind of everyone is exposed to Thy majesty. 

The threshold of Thy gate is the * Qibla gah ’ of all peoples. 
Thy bounty -with a glance supports everyone. 

A wanderer in the desert of destitution, 
Muhammad Humayun. 

14th Shawiil, 951 a.h. (December 29, 1544). 

I was not allowed inside the shrine inclosure at Jam, so 
sent my Mirza to look for the “ Yadgar ” of Humayiin, 
which the Sheikh told me was there. The Mirza brought 
back a copy of the inscription, and described the situation 
as follows : — “ The above inscription is written, or rather 
jjainted, with black ink or some other composition, on an 
oblong slab of white Herat stone, which is fixed with 
mortar on to the top of the railing (partly built of plain 
and glazed bricks and partly of stone) enclosing the grave 
of Sheikh Jarni, which is in the open air. The slab in 
question is about f zar‘ (about 30 inches) in length and 
about 3 girah (8 inches) in breadth, the inscription running 
lengthwise. The surface bearing the writing is smooth 



and polished. In some places the paint — or ink — has been 
removed, and it shows that the surface of the slab was 
first punctured with some pointed instrument, and after- 
wards the paint laid on. An old Khwaja told me that 
formerly this slab was fixed in the Diwiln (arch) facing 
the Sheikh’s tomb, but that afterwards it was removed from 
there and placed on top of the railing where it now stands. 
The Khwaja also said that he used to see the word Hindi 
written after ‘ Muhammad Humayun,’ but that now it 
has been obliterated. Sheikh Abdur Rahman, one of the 
descendants of Sheikh-i-Jam, says that the inscription is 
believed to be in Humayun’s own handwriting.” 

The statement about the word Hindi is doubtful. If 
ever there, probably it was not written by Humayun. 
Otherwise, why is that word alone effaced? And why so 
late as the present generation ? 

The inscription attached is translated by Khan Bahadur 
Maula Baksh, Attache at this Agency. 

[This inscription belongs to the period when Humayun 
had fled before Sher Shah, and was a wanderer and an 
exile in Persia. It is interesting that he should have 
offered up his prayer at the shrine of Ahmad-i-Jam, for that 
saint was the ancestor of Hamlda Begam, the mother of 
Akbar. He was also, according to Abul Fazl, the ancestor 
of Humayun’s mother, Maham. In Baillie Fraser’s “Journey 
into Khorasan” (London, 1825), Appendix B, p. 39, there is 
an account of the shrine, and a curious explanation of the 
saint’s title of Zhinda Fll. Humayun’s prayer seems to 
have been heard, for next year he conquered Kabul and 
Kandahar. — II. Beveridge.] 


Art. V. — The Origin of the Phenician and Indian Alphabet*. 

By Robert Needham Oust. 

In the Calcutta Review of 1877, I published an Essay on 
the Phenician Alphabet, which was reprinted in Series I 
of my “ Linguistic and Oriental Essays,” 1880. In the 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1884, I published an 
Essay on the Origin of the Indian Alphabet, which was 
reprinted in Series II of my “Linguistic and Oriental 
Essays,” 1887. As further light has been thrown upon 
the subject in the years, which have elapsed since 187 7 
and 1884, I return to this difficult, but interesting, subject, 
treating each branch of it separately. 

Part I. The Phenician Alphabet. 

This is admitted to be the elder sister, if not the Mother, 
of all the Alphabetic systems in the world. I followed my 
lamented friend, Francis Lenormant, of Paris, in accepting 
the theory of De Rouge, of Paris, that this Alphabet was 
derived from the Hieratic form of the Egyptian Ideograms. 
The theory seemed plausible ; at least, it was something to 
take the place of nothing : some old Scholars shook their 
heads, and doubted. 

In the thirty-first volume of the German Oriental Society, 
p. 102, Professor Deecke, of the Strasburg University, 
asserted a derivation of the Phenician Alphabet from the 
Assyrian Cuneiform Syllabary. It was quite possible from 
the chronological and geographical point of view, but I have 
never seen the theory worked out on Palaeontographical 
evidence ; but I understand, that this is part of the theory 
of an illustrious German Palaeographist (Hommel), who is 
about to publish on the subject. I await his statement with 
j.e.a.s. 1897 . 4 



profound respect, as I hare ever an open mind to receive 
new suggestions on this many-sided subject. 

The origin of the Phenician Alphabet has been invested 
of late years with a new interest, owing to the united 
result of the speculations of the Higher Critics of the Old 
Testament, and the Egyptian and Mesopotamian Excavations. 
This is not the place for . Theological discussions, and my 
argument is purely scientific. The question is : 

(1) Did Moses commit the Law (say the Ten Command- 
ments) to writing ? 

(2) If so, what form of Written Character did he use? 

It is scarcely necessary to say, that no Phenician 
Manuscript exists earlier than the ninth century A.n. : 
that the square Character of the Hebrew only came into 
existence in the century preceding Anno Domini : that the 
early Phenician Alphabetic Character is represented by 
Discretions on Stone, of which the Moabite Stone, called 
Mesa or Dibon, is the oldest, in the ninth century b.c. ; 
hut it is a safe induction, that the use of this Character 
is at least a century older, as the form of the letters, and 
the execution, indicate a considerable period of experience 
and familiar use. 

The date of the Exodus used according to Archbishop 
Usher to be 1494 b.c. ; but our Vice-President, Professor 
Sayce, announces to us, at p. 242 of his “ Higher Criticism 
and the Monuments,” that the date of the death of 
Pameses II, the Pharaoh of the Oppression, is fixed 
by Dr. Mahler on Astronomical grounds at 1281 b.c. ; 
consequently the Exodus, in the time of his successor, 
Menephthah, must have been still later, and it must have 
been well into the twelfth century b.c., when the Hebrews 
reached Palestine. Only three centuries intervene betwixt 
the Moabite Stone and the latest possible period, at which 
Moses could have committed his Law to writing, not only 
on stone, as is the case of the two Tables, but on papyrus, 
skins, or other material, as regards the rest of the writings 
attributed to him. 



Dr. Mahler, however, seems to have changed his mind, • 
for in a German pamphlet published at Vienna, 1896, 
which I have procured, he shows, that the Exodus took 
place B.c. 1335, in the thirteenth year of Raineses II. 
It is not necessary to assert, that Moses wrote with his 
own hand : all writing in the East is conducted through 
the agencv of scribes, as it is in the offices of every servant 
of the Government of British India to this day, and clearly 
was the practice of Paul the Apostle, as at the close of one 
Epistle he draws attention to the fact, that he had written 
one passage with his own hand. Another large door is 
here opened : it is possible, that in grave matters word- 
by-word dictation may have been made use of, as to a 
Private Secretary, or to a typewriter ; but all, who know 
the practice of India, can testify, that the presiding officer 
gives his orders in the roughest ungrammatical way, and 
the scribe renders this on paper in smooth, grammatical, 
and official, form, in whatever Language, or form of script, 
is required for the recipient. 

But what form of Written Character did Moses use? It 
has always been up to this time presumed, that he used 
a form of the so-called Phenician Alphabet ; at least, no 
allusion is made in the Old Testament to a change of 
script ; therefore, if we get over the difficulty, that Moses 
did write, it must be presumed, until disproved, that he 
used the Phenician Alphabet. 

It does not necessarily follow, that he could speak that 
form of the Semitic Family of Languages, which we call 
Hebrew, as he had dwelt the first forty years of his life as 
an Egyptian, “learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.” 
When he migrated to the Kenites in Midian, he was mis- 
taken for an Egyptian (Exod., II, 19), and lived forty 
years among this Semitic tribe, speaking their Language. 
At the age of eighty, for the first time, he lived with 
his own tribe, the Hebrews : what Language they spoke, 
is uncertain unquestionably eleven of the sons of Jacob, 
who spoke Aramaic, and had four Aramaic-speaking wives, 
had married women of Canaan, and the Hebrew Language 



is called the Language of Canaan, and died out of the 
mouths of men during the Exile, being replaced b}' the 
Aramaic. The deep water of the Captivity was the grave 
of the old Language of the Hebrews and the womb of 
the new. However, it is a matter of indifference what 
Language Moses used, and what form of the Hebrew 
Language was spoken during the Desert-wanderings by 
the Hebrews. They must have spoken in Goshen some 
Language intelligible to their Egyptian neighbours, as the 
Hebrew women borrowed of the Egyptians jewels of silver 
and gold, and raiment, which implies some verbal means 
of communication. 

How there is no manner of doubt, that during the century 
preceding the arrival of the Hebrews at the frontier of 
Palestine, the inhabitants of that Region, to whatever race 
they belonged, were not illiterate barbarians, like the tribes 
of South Africa in the nineteenth century, but had among 
them both scribes, who could wield the pen, engravers, who 
could engrave Inscriptions on stelae or pillars, and Libraries, 
in which these literary documents were collected. Moreover, 
there were two forms of script, representing the two great 
foreign Powers of the Nile and the Euphrates, who from 
century to century, down to the time of the Persian 
Monarchy, which conquered both Egypt and Mesopotamia, 
contended for the possession of Syria. One of these forms 
of script were the Egyptian Hieroglyphic and Hieratic 
Ideograms, with Monuments of which Egypt teems; and the 
other the Assyrian Cuneiform Syllabaries, the presence of 
which in Egypt has been revealed to us in these last days 
by the excavations of Tel el Amarna on the Nile. If it 
be boldly asserted, as a hypothesis, that Moses, by help 
of his scribes, made use of one or other of these forms of 
script, and that gradually, as time went on, they were 
transliterated into the Phenician Alphabet, a palaeographist 
could accept this as a working hypothesis, on the analogy 
of the Nagari Yeda, which we have under our eyes trans- 
literated into the Roman Character; but on Scriptural 
grounds this cannot be accepted, as we are told, that on 



the two Tables of Stone were written the Ten Command- 
ments, and that these identical tables were kept in the 
Ark in the Temple at Jerusalem until its destruction by 
Nebuchadnezzar in the sixth century n.c. Thus a continuity 
of the very same Inscription is asserted. 

Professor Sayce remarks in the “ Higher Criticism and 
the Monuments,” that it would be a miracle, if in that 
literary age Moses had not left written documents behind 
him. It is a strong expression to describe the limited 
power of writing, or capacity to read, the Egyptian and 
Cuneiform forms of script, possessed by a limited portion 
of the inhabitants of Syria, as constituting a literary age. 
I take an analogy from India : when we conquered the Pan jab 
in 1846, I had placed under ray charge a virgin-district, in 
which no European had settled before that date, and in my 
office, seated at my feet, sate scribes, who took down mv 
spoken orders, and engrossed them on native-made paper 
in the Nagari, Gurmukhi, and Arabic, Written Characters, 
and in the Persian, Hindi, and Urdu, Languages, according 
to the requirements of the office ; while close by me, seated 
at a table, was a Bangali Clerk writing my letters in the 
English Language on English paper. This sounds exceed- 
ingly “literary,” and it would be difficult to find a parallel 
in Europe ; yet the scribes, who could do this, were few : 
each could read or write his own Written Character only : 
and of the crowds, who stood around, and dwelt in thousands 
in the towns and villages, not one in a thousand could read 
or write any Character at all. Under the orders of the 
Supreme Government of India I had to issue a Code of 
three new Laws : 

I. Thou shalt not burn thy widows. 

II. Thou shalt not kill thy daughters. 

III. Thou shalt not bury alive thy lepers. 

If I had written these laws on a stone tablet, and placed 
it in a chest in the chief Hindu Temple, it would have 
been of little use for the guidance of the unlettered 
population, who committed these offences daily. As a fact. 



oral instructions were given to the leaders of the people, 
and the Police, and they were made to obey them by prompt 
punishment of offenders. 

Ranjit Singh, the sovereign of Lahore, was totally 
illiterate ; and yet the Professor considers, that it would 
he a miracle, if Moses, who had sojourned forty years 
among the Kenites in the direction of North Arabia, and 
forty years of his youth and manhood as the reputed son 
of the daughter of Pharaoh, in Egypt, could not with his 
own hand, or by the hands of Hebrew scribes, born and 
bred in the house of Egyptian bondage, write Laws, and 
record events, in a Written Character, of the existence of 
which at that remote period we have no trace; and, what 
is still more remarkable, Solomon, when he built the 
Temple, though he had an Egyptian wife, who must have 
been familiar with Temples and Palaces covered with 
Inscriptions, and though he had the advantage of skilhd 
workmen, supplied by Hiram, King of Tyre, in Phenicia, 
is not recorded to have placed one single Inscription of 
any kind on the walls and pillars of the Temple, nor has 
one scrap of Inscription earlier than the date of King 
Hezekiah been found as yet in Palestine. This looks very 
much as if, in that “literary” country two hundred years 
after the latest date possible for the arrival of the Hebrew 
in Palestine, nothing was known, even by powerful Kings, 
of the Phenician Alphabet. 

And as to it being a miracle, if such a man as Moses 
had not left behind documents written by himself, what 
shall we think of the fact, that the three greatest, who bore 
the form of man, left no documents written by themselves 
behind : (1) Gautama Buddha, who died 543 li.c. ; 

(2) Socrates, who died 399 n.c. ; (3) Jesus Christ, whose 
appearance marks the great dividing epoch of the world? 
None have left behind them deeper impressions on the 
Human race; both the two last lived in a supremely 
literary age and environment, and both could make use 
of a different form of the Phenician Alphabet, yet neither 
left anything, neither are credited with the intention of 



leaving anything, on papyrus, or parchment, or on stone, 
for the use of those who came after them. 

In the account of the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor 
we read, that Peter and his two companions beheld three 
great personages, and by some means not stated recognized 
the two elder ones, who had lived and died 800 and 1,400 
years previously ; yet all three conversed together on the 
subject of the Crucifixion, and their words were intelligible 
to Peter, a fisherman on the Lake of Tiberias, who spoke 
a Galileau Dialect, different from that spoken at Jerusalem. 
What linguistic means of communication did these three 
great personages make use of? Whatever Language Moses 
spoke, it could scarcely have been intelligible to Elijah, 
who spoke the Hebrew, used by Amos and Micah : could 
either of the two first have understood the Aramaic spoken 
by the third? So also as regards the Written Character 
used by them. We know that Jesus Christ could write, 
as it is mentioned that He did so, and his allusion to jots 
and tittles shows, that he referred to the square Hebrew 
Character, which we all know. Elijah was a contemporary 
of that king of Moab, who erected the Moabite Stone, and 
it was therefore possible, that he could write, though 
extremely improbable. At any rate, neither he, nor Elisha, 
though they were the greatest of the Hebrew Prophets, 
left a scrap of writing behind them ; and yet we are told, 
that it would be a miracle, if Moses, who lived 600 or 400 
years earlier, had not left written documents behind him. 

Professor Sayce works a new mine, and suggests, that 
the Phenician Alphabet was not a Mother-Alphabet, created 
as a new invention, but was only the daughter of an older 
Alphabet, traces of which are found in Arabia : this is the 
great interest, which he has roused (“ Higher Criticism 
and the Monuments,” p. 39) : “ The explorations of Dr. 
“ Glaser in South Arabia [Munich, 1889] have lately put 
“ the question in a new and unexpected light. He has 
“ recopied a large part of the Minaean Inscriptions on the 
“ rocks and ancient Monuments of Yemen and Hadhramaut, 
“ and has added more than one thousand fresh ones ; they 



“ are in the Himyaritic Language, and in two different 
“ Dialects, the Minaean and Sabaean.” And he declares, 
that the Minaean Inscriptions are far older than the earliest 
known to us, that are written in Phenician Characters 
(p. 42). Instead, therefore, of deriving the Minaean 
Alphabet from the Phenician, it becomes necessary to 
derive the Phenician Alphabet from the Minaean. The 
Phenician Alphabet ceases to be the Mother- Alphabet, and 
becomes the daughter of an older one. 

He then pi’oceeds to show, from Philological reasons, 
that even, if this view of the matter be right, the Written 
Character of Egypt is still the ultimate source of the 
Alphabet, but by the intermediary of Yemen, and not of 
Phenicia (p. 45), and that it is extremely improbable 
(p. 45), that the Israelites at the time of the Exodus were 
unacquainted with Alphabetic writing. 

These are bold assertions, which Professor Sayce makes 
on the authority of Dr. Glaser and Professor Hommel, both 
Palaeographers of the highest repute. I have the pro- 
foundest respect and admiration for my old friend Professor 
Sayce, and I have faithfully read every word, which he 
has published. Still, by this last assertion he takes my 
breath away, and I ask for time before I can accept this 
new and revolutionary departure. I ask for “ More Light.” 
I ask to see Dr. Glaser’s statements in print, and to study 
them. I am extremely amenable to, and receptive of, new 
ideas, and am not the least bound by old-world prejudices. 
The allusions to one of the successors of Alexander the 
Great in the Inscriptions of Asoka, are sufficient, to my 
mind, to fix an approximate date for those Edicts. The 
scratching8 at Abu Simbal of the Greek mercenaries of 
King Psammetichus, and the Inscriptions found at Naukratis 
in Egypt, and in the Island of Santorin, are sufficient, to 
my mind, to fix a date for the earliest known Greek 
Inscription. The allusion to Ahab, King of Israel, is 
a sufficient chronological stamp of the Moabite Stone. 
The Egyptian papyri, and the Assyrian clay-bricks, have 
established certain dates, which I am able to accept 



provisionally. But these Arabian rock-inscriptions have 
only been seen by one, or at most two, Scholars : the 
scaffolding is hardly strong enough to carry the weight 
of the new hypothesis. 

Provisionally I must rest on the fact, that there is no 
evidence of Alphabetic writing earlier than the ninth 
century n.c. The Tables of Stone were reputed to be in 
the Ark and in the Temple, but seen by no one, and at 
the time of the destruction of the Temple and City of 
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar they disappeared. They were 
not carried by the exiles into Captivity, nor did they 
return, as both these facts must have been recorded. 
Modern excavators at Jerusalem may bring them to light; 
and hundreds of stone and clay documents, earlier than 
any date assigned to Moses, have been given up by the 
Earth to excavators. The form of the Written Characters 
would be of the highest interest: will they resemble Dr. 
Glaser’s early Minaean Inscriptions, or the later stone of 
Mesa? How extravagant are the vagaries of good, pious, 
and yet ignorant, men, is evidenced by the statue of Moses, 
still on view in the Cathedral of Malta, holding in his 
hands the two Tables of Stone with the Commandments 
in the Hebrew Language, in the square Written Character 
onty introduced in the last century b.c., more than one 
thousand years after Moses ; and in the text the Second 
Commandment is missing, and the Tenth Commandment 
divided into two, to suit the requirements of a Church, 
which inculcated the worship of images, and an age, which 
was entirely devoid of a literary conscience. 

Here I leave the subject, ready to receive any new con- 
tributions to Knowledge, but the date of the old Arabian 
Inscriptions must be fixed on evidence analogous to that, 
which has provisionally fixed the dates of the earliest, 
Egyptian, Assyrian, Indian, Phenician, and Greek, Inscrip- 
tions. Thirty years hence my scruples may be laughed at, 
and fresh excavations may produce evidence, which Scholars 
will gladly accept. Nothing is so probable as what seems 
to be impossible. Our minds must be receptive. 



Even supposing that Dr. Glaser does satisfy us of the 
existence of Arabian Inscriptions of a date earlier than, 
the one now assigned to Moses, the twelfth century b.c., 
we have still to ask how Moses acquired the knowledge 
of this Alphabet during his forty years’ residence among 
the Kenites. It is possible, that a religious leader of men 
in the nineteenth century could read and write Chinese or 
Hebrew, but we ask for some proof of tbe way, in which 
he acquired that knowledge. No doubt the art of the 
engraver, and the skill of the penman, were not unknown 
at that pei’iod in Egypt and Assyria, and in the intervening 
country of Syria, which was for centuries the scene of 
conflict for possession betwixt the great Kingdoms on the 
Nile and the Euphrates; but we really must ask how it 
happened in the sudden flight b\ r night, without baggage- 
animals, of the two million Hebrews (such a number is 
required to make up 600,000 adult fighting-men), that 
they brought implements for engraving, and materials for 
writing ; and behind that, whether in the house of bondage, 
where they had languished for centuries, there was any 
knowledge of reading or writing at all among the fugitives. 
And of what profit would be tables of stone, or skins of 
writing, such as the S 3 r nagogue- Rolls iu the Museum at 
St. Petersburg, if no one, not even the Priests, could read 
them ? 

Inscriptions were indeed put up in all countries, to gratify 
the pride of Monarchs, in inaccessible places like the lofty 
rocks of Behistun in Persia, or to be lost sight of in caves, 
and rocks covered by moss, like the Inscriptions of Asoka, 
or buried away in the soil, as in Egypt; but the books 
attributed to Moses were meant to be the daily guides of 
released slaves in their new life, iu a new country and new 
environment. If no one could read them, they would be 
useless. The power of reading and writing does not come 
as a congenital gift of God to Man, like speaking. 

And we know that long before the pen and papyrus became 
the vehicle of communication to future generations, there 
was the Human tongue, and the Human memory. Oral 



Tradition was the natural vehicle of ideas, tribal laws, and 
legends of an uulettered people. Such songs as that of 
Moses after the crossing of the Red Sea, and of Deborah 
after the defeat of Sisera, may well have been handed down 
from mouth to mouth in the very words, while legendary 
tales, such as that of Balaam and Balak, Ruth and Boaz, 
Jephthah and his daughter, may have come down in sub- 
stance, each narrator refashioning the old story until the 
introduction of Alphabetic writing gave it a permanent 
place in Literature. We know, and all readily admit, that 
such was the case with Hindu Literature, exceeding in bulk 
the few records of the Hebrew Nation of an older date 
than the date of Amos, which for the present must be pro- 
visionally accepted as the earliest date on scientific grounds. 
We shall see further on, that a much later date is accepted 
for the earliest date of the Literature of the Indian Nation, 
which far exceeded in number the petty tribe of the Hebrews, 
and has left behind everlasting Monuments of its literary 
genius in every branch of Knowledge; and the same capacity 
of oral tradition seems sufficient in both cases. The question 
before us is not whether Moses propounded certain moral 
laws, and ritualistic by-laws, but in what form of script, 
if any, he gave them other support than the memories of 
the Priests and the people. 

If Major Conder, or his fellow- workers in Palestine, could 
only disinter the two Tables of Stone, which may be some- 
where beneath the soil on Mount Moriah, it would be a 
“find” surpassing all the marvels of the present century : 
here would be Monumental evidence of the script used by 
Moses. It must be recollected, that the Egyptian literary 
survivals of every kind entirely ignore the existence of 
their Hebrew slaves, and of their Exodus, and that there 
is no literary independent evidence to support the Hebrew 
narrative: it is not so as regards the narrative of the inter- 
course centuries later of the Hebrews with the Kingdoms 
in Mesopotamia. 

We cannot assume in an offhand way, that such a thing 
must have been the case, because it ought, according to our 



notions, to have been so. Let me take a modern analogy. 
Our late President of this Society, Sir Thomas Wade, was 
learned in all the wisdom of the Chinese, their Languages, 
and their Ideograms : he may possibly have known some- 
thing of the Syllabic Cuneiform Character of Mesopotamia, 
as Scholars have asserted, that there existed some intercourse 
betwixt China and Mesopotamia, but there is no more con- 
nection betwixt the Chinese Ideograms and the Cuneiform 
Syllabary, than there was betwixt the Egyptian Ideograms 
and the Cuneiform Syllabary, though they came into juxta- 
position before the Exodus. But can it be assumed, that, 
because our late President understood the Chinese and 
Mesopotamian script, he could have written books in the 
Nagari Alphabetic Character of India without anj r possible 
or alleged contact with the people of that country ? Such 
was the position of Moses, as far as existing scientific 
evidence goes, as regards the Phenician Alphabetic Character, 
of the existence of which Character in the Mosaic epoch 
there is no proof. Nobody would rejoice more than I should, 
if the progress of excavations should enable me to cry out 
“ Peccavi ” and “ EvprjKa” : in what I write now it is, 

“ Non quod volumus, seel quod possumus.” 

Part II. The Indian Alphabet. 

It is obvious, that Dr. Glaser’s theorj r , that a form of 
Alphabetic script, traces of which are found in Arabian 
Inscriptions of a very remote date, represents the Mother- 
Character, must have an important bearing on the channel 
of the origin of the Indian Alphabet. However, until that 
theory is expounded by competent Scholars, and receives 
acceptance, I must place it aside, with all due respect to 
the Scholar, or Scholars, who suggest it. 

I find notices in the Geographical Journal, 1896, p. 659, 
of traces of the Phenician Character in Sumatra ; in 
the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, p. 510, of 



a connection between the Alphabetic writing in Japan and 
the Indian Alphabet; and in the Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, 1881, of a Sinico-Indian origin of Indo- 
Pali writings : but I pass them by at present ; I feel 
compelled to accept, for sake of argument at least, aud 
provisionally, a Semitic, and therefore Western, origin of 
the old Indian Alphabets. In the Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, in 1884, I wrote a paper on this subject; 
and Ilofrath Biihler, at page 2 of his Indian Studies, 
No. Ill, on the Indian “Brahma” Alphabet, describes it 
as “ an exhaustive review of earlier opinions on that 
subject.” It is unnecessary to go over that ground again. 
I restrict myself to noticing what advance has taken place 
since that date. Professor Weber had, in 1852, refused 
to admit the idea of an indigenous Alphabet in India, and 
this seems to be now accepted by competent Scholars. 
Differences of opinion on other details have arisen. 

Monsieur Emile Senart, of Paris, contributed to the 
Journal of the Socidte Asiatique of Paris, in 1879, an 
important paper on this subject ; and at page 895 of our 
own Journal for 1895 we have a paper from Don Martino 
de Zilva Wickremasinghe on the subject of the “Semitic 
Origin of the Old Indian Alphabet,” and Professor Rhys 
Davids is quoted as to the possibility of the people of 
India having borrowed their Alphabet from the people of 
Ceylon, who borrowed it from Semitic Traders, who, in the 
pursuit of Commerce, visited their shores. This is a mere 
hj'pothesis, but it has to be considered. 

My essay of 1884 originally contained no opinion of my 
own. I was pressed to record an opinion, as I had combated 
the views of others ; so I added the following lines : 

I. The Indian Alphabet is in no respect an independent 
invention of the people of India, who, however, elaborated 
to a marvellous extent a loan, which they had received 
from others. 

II. The idea of representing Towel- and Consonant- 
Sounds by Symbols of a pure Alphabetic Character was 
derived from Western Asia beyond any reasonable doubt. 



III. The germs of the Indian Alphabet are possibly to 
be found in the Pbenician Alphabet. 

IY. It cannot be ascertained with certaintj' upon the 
evidence before us by what channel, or through which 
branch of the Phenician Alphabet-stem, India received the 
idea or the germs. 

Professor Dowson contributed a paper just before his 
death, 1880, to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
xiii, p. 102, 1881. He considers that the peculiarities of 
the Sutra were such, that their production and transmission 
were almost impossible without the use of letters. That, 
as the Yedic Teachers instructed their pupils in the Pules 
of Sandhi, or Euphonic change, it was incredible, that the 
study could have been conducted with reference to Sounds 
only, without names for the Sounds or Symbols to represent 
them. He admits that there is no proof of this. lie is 
strongly of opinion, that Panini knew about writing : he 
lived about 400 n.c. : this leads him to the conclusion, that 
the Art of writing was practised by the Hindu five or six 
centuries n.c. 

Tie does not think it incredible, that the Hindu, who were 
such masters of Language, and also invented Numerals, 
could not invent their own Alphabet. He thinks, that 
neither in the North or South Asoka have we the original 
Indian Alphabet; his only proof is that, in his opinion, 
such an Alphabet ought to have existed. 

lie admits, that writing was known in the West of Asia 
Ions' before there is evidence of its existence in India, but 
the fame of the Art of conveying ideas by Symbols must 
have penetrated to India by the channel of Commerce, 
and the idea of an Alphabet reached India from without, 
though the practical application of the idea came from the 
Indians, at a considerable period later than the settlement 
of the Arians in India. 

With all respect to my lamented friend Professor Dowson, 
this is a mere hypothesis, and in that resembles the theories 
of my illustrious friend Professor Sayce : it is the order, 
in which events, according to their idea of the fitness of 



things, ought to have taken place. Dowson has a pro- 
found respect for the Vedic Teachers. Upon Sayce the 
personality of the Hebrew lawgiver makes a deep im- 
pression. We have to deal with the evidence of hard facts, 
and reasonable inductions from those facts. Let me illustrate 
this: it is a fact that the Moabite Stone has a date con- 
temporary to King Ahab of Israel, and it is a fair induction 
that the skill, with which the letters are engraved on that 
stone, implies a knowledge of Alphabetic writing for one or 
more generations of engravers ; to assert more is to venture 
into Cloudland. 

Professor Max Muller, in his “History of the Ancient 
Sanskrit Literature,” p. 497, writes thus, thirty-six years 
ago : “ There is not one single allusion in the Yedic Hymns 
“ to anything connected with writing. Such, indeed, is 
“ the case, with the exception of one doubtful passage, with 
“ the Homeric Poems. Throughout the whole Brahmana 
“ period there is no mention of writing materials, whether 
“ paper, hark of trees, or skins. In the Sutra period, 
“ although the Art of writing began to be known, the whole 
“ Literature of India was preserved by oral tradition only ; 
“ more than this, Kumarila’s remark, that the knowledge of 
“ the Veda is worthless, if it has been acquired from writing, 
“ amounts to condemning its use after it is known to exist. 
“ However, the use of the word Patila, or Chapter, for the 
“ Sutra, a word never used in the Brahmana, lets in a side- 
light. Its meaning is ‘a covering,’ the surrounding skin 
“ or membrane ; hence it is used for a tree, and is an 
“ analogue of liber and liblos, and means ‘ book,’ pre- 
“ supposing the existence of the Art of writing.” 

Again, in 1878, in Macmillan’s Magazine, Max Muller 
writes that “ there is no really Alphabetic written Literature 
“ much earlier thau 500 b.c. ; all Poetry and Legends must 
“ have been previously handed down orally. An Alphabet 
“ may have been used for Monumental purposes, hut there 
“ is a great difference betwixt this and the use of it for Art, 
“ pleasure, and Literature.” 

Hofrath Biikler qualifies these remarks hy reminding us, 



that since the date of the expression of these opinions by 
our learned Honorary Member, Max Muller, a great many 
new MSS., and a store of Buddhistic writings, have become 

In his Essay “On the Introduction of Writing into India,” 
Professor Max Muller remarks, that there were two kinds of 
evidence available for fixing the date of a script. I. An 
engraved tablet of stone or other metal, which tells its own 
tale by its environment, or by quoting certain names or facts 
of a date fixed by other methods. II. Allusion to writing in 
the pages of esteemed authors, such as in Panini’s Grammar, 
the Tripitaka of Buddha, or the Pentateuch. It is obvious, 
that the date of these esteemed writings must be first 
fixed by independent evidence, before they can themselves 
contribute evidence to the fact of the use of Alphabetic 
writing in the period of the reputed writer of the treatises. 
It is obviously working in a vicious circle to state first, 
that the Pentateuch is of the age of Moses, without giving 
independent external evidence, and then to assert that 
Moses could read and write, because it is so stated in 
the Pentateuch ; and in this particular case there are no 
en "raved stelae or metal tablets, which have come down 
to us, as is the case of Egyptian, Assyrian, and Indian 

Professor Max Muller concluded, that the knowledge of 
writing was known in India about 400 B.c., but that it was 
not at that date applied to Literature. 

In the Introduction to the Yinaya Texts from the Pali, 
vol. xiii of “ Sacred Books of the East,” 1881, two very 
competent Scholars, Professor Rhys Davids and Professor 
Oldenberg, thus express themselves (pp. xxxii to xxxvi) : 

“ There are several passages, which confirm in an indis- 
“ putable manner, the existence of the Art of writing at 
“the time, when the Yinaya Texts were put into their 
“ present shape 

“ Writing was in vogue at that time for the publication 
“ of official announcements, and the drawing up of written 
“ communications in private life. The Art was not confined 



“ to clerks, but was acquired by ordinary persons, even by 
“ women 

“ But for recording sacred Literature it had not yet come 
“ into use. Nowhere do we find the least trace of reference 
“ to Manuscripts amid the personal property, so to speak, of 
“ the Buddhist Yihara, much less of ink, or pens, or leaves, 
“ or writing materials. 

“ It is clear, that the Buddhist community did not think 
“ of the possibility of using writing, as a means of 
“ guarding against painful accidents ; the Art of writing 
“ had not been taken advantage of for the purposes of this 
“ kind of Literature, but its use was wholly confined to 
“short messages or notes or private letters, or advertise- 
“ ments of a public character, a result, which may have 
“ been due to the want of any practical material, on which 
“ to engrave the letters that were, nevertheless, evidently 
“ known.” 

What approximate date do these Scholars assign to the 
older portions of the Yinaya ? Their argument is founded 
on the fact, that there is no allusion in the Yinaya to the 
well-known Ten Points ; had they existed, allusion must 
have been made to them ; and absence of allusion proves 
that their date is anterior to the Council of Yesali, where 
they were promulgated. This Council took place about 
one hundred years after the death of the Buddha, which, 
according to the Ceylon Chronicles, took place 218 years 
before the consecration of King Asoka, and will fall about 
483 b.c. or thereabouts. The date of the Council of Yesali 
may be fixed at about 350 b.c., and we thus arrive at the 
conclusion, that the Art of writing, as above described, was 
known at a date still earlier. 

I quote the following extracts from Hofrath Biihler’s 
Essay on “Past and Future Exploration in India” ( Journal 
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, Art. XX, p. 656), as 
bearing on the date of the earliest appearance of Alphabetical 
writing in India. 

“ A real progress with the reconstruction of Indian 
“ History can only be made if new authentic documents 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 5 



“ are obtained, such as are older than Asoka’s, as well as 
“ such as will fill up the great gaps, which occur in the 
“ second and first centuries b.c., and in the third and 
“ fourth centuries a.d. And such will be only found 
“ underground, and partly only at a considerable depth. 

“ The expectation of Inscriptions in the fourth and 
“ fifth centuries b.c. is by no means unfounded. Both the 
“ literary and the palaeographic evidence shows, that the 
“ Art of writing was known and extensively practised in 
“ India for several centuries before Asoka’s time, and there 
“ are even some inscribed coins, which cannot be later 

“ than the fourth century The probability, that 

“ writing was used, not only for marking coins, hut for 
“ longer Inscriptions, becomes very strong through certain 
“ stories contained in the Buddhist canon.” 

What strikes the unprejudiced student is the purer air, 
and the greater freedom of independent judgment, tolerated 
and encouraged in discussing the basis, on which rests the 
structure of somebody else’s Religious Convictions, compared 
to that which is allowed in discussing what relates to our 
own Religious Convictions. 

The pious Hindu would protest against the idea, that 
his ancient Sacred Books were not written on the material 
available in the age and country, where his Prophets and 
Lawgivers resided, though the late Dr. Burnell, in his 
“ South Indian Palaeography,” justly remarked, that “ in 
the North-West of India, the cradle of Indian Literature, 
no indigenous material for writing existed before the 
introduction of manufactured paper.” The Vedic Fathers 
were as badly off for writing material, pen, ink, and 
material for reception of marks in ink, as the Hebrew 
Lawgiver in the Desert after the flight of his countrymen 
from the house of bondage in Egypt. Hofrath Biihler’s 
learned paper, No. Ill of his “ Indian Studies,” is entitled 
“ On the Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet,” or, in 
the Vernacular Language, “ Brahma Lipi,” for the con- 
venient legend soon sprang up in a credulous age, that the 
Creator of the World, Brahma, created the Art of writing, 



in order to keep the affairs of the world in their proper 
course, or in order to remove doubts regarding legal trans- 
actions. 'Well done, Brahma, and Brahmans! The Ilebrew 
Chroniclers shirked the dilemma; the Hindu boldly fabricated 
a legend. It is very helpful to a Religious conviction to 
have such legends. Mediaeval Europe is familiar with them. 

The world has not advanced intellectually very much, for 
a thousand years later the followers of Mahomet asserted 
as a fact, that the Koran came down from Heaven in its 
actual form ; and now, more than a thousand years later, 
the Theosophist derives his knowledge from Mahatma, old 
Indian sages, who appear suddenly to instruct him from 
some unknown residence in the Himalaya. 

Unfortunately we find, on inquiry into the history of 
mankind, that, while on the one hand Articulate speech is 
a congenital gift to all for the purpose of differentiating 
man from animals, the Art of writing is essentially human, 
and the village child in 1900 a.d. has an Art forced by fear 
of the rod upon his fingers before he understands the object 
of it ; an Art which Abraham certainly, and the com- 
posers of the Veda, never dreamed of. The Human memory, 
through the funnel of the Human voice, supplied, aud well 
supplied, the absence of pen and writing materials. 

But there comes a time in the History of all nations, 
when something more is required. The savage gets as 
far as messages by token, as marks on the sand, as branches 
broken off, or bark scraped off the tree, in the forest; and 
thus was suggested the idea of a more specific way to com- 
municate with the absent, until some bolder spirits devised 
the marvellous conception of having communication with 
future generations still to be born. Thus Literature sprang 
into existence. The Pandits, who can from memory repeat 
the whole of long Prose and Poetic treatises, are but a 
survival of a period, when oral speech was the sole means 
of communication. 

It is to me a subject of regret, that the names of the 
ancient Languages of India should have been changed. 
When I left India, and even to the date of the International 



Oriental Congress at Leyden in 1883, the new names were 
unknown. I read a paper on the subject of the origin of 
the Indian Alphabet, which was discussed for a day and 
a half by the assembled Scholars of Europe. The so-called 
Kharosthi was then known as the Arian, Ariano-Pali, 
Buctro-Pali, Gandharian, or Northern Asoka ; and the 
so-called Brahma was known as the Lath, Indian Pali, 
Indian, or Mauriya, or Southern Asoka. I was puzzled 
to find North Asoka called Kharosthi, until my friend 
M. Emile Senart assured me, that they were the same 
script. I think that it was a pity making the change. 
They may indeed he the native names, but both are in 
themselves objectionable. The only derivation, that Hofrath 
Biihler can give of Kharosthi is, that it is called after the 
name of its inventor, whose name means “Ass’s lip,” which 
is degrading; while, on the other hand, the reintroduction 
of the term Brahma Lipi into modern publications merely 
gives a new life in the minds of extremely conservative 
Ilindu, that the Written Character was the invention of 
the great Creator of the Universe ; iu fact, a theological 
bias, which it is tried to eliminate from the History of the 
Phenician Alphabet, is unnecessarily introduced into the 
tangled scientific history of the Indian Alphabet, as in 
the Phenician. 

Sunt et Hua fata sepulcris : such is also the fate of 
theories connected with Sepulchral Inscriptions. The late 
Dr. Burnell, whose name is never mentioned except with 
affection and admiration, contended for the antiquity, and 
the independent antiquity, of the Yattelutto Alphabet 
in South India. But Hofrath Biihler sweeps it away in 
three lines in a Note to page 23 of his Essay, and, 
identifying it with the Pandya Cera Alphabet, he deems 
it to be a cursive form of the Tamil Alphabet, and 
therefore a derivative of the Brahma Alphabet. On the 
other hand, a new name has become conspicuous, the 
Bhattiprolu ; the Inscriptions found in the Kistna District, 
in South India, in this form of script, supply many 
variations of form, and in the opinion of Hofrath Biihler 



considerably strengthens his argument. I quote a de- 
scription of this important “ find ” from a local paper : 
“Dr. Biihler has succeeded, a Bombay paper says, in 
“deciphering the Inscriptions on the relic-caskets, which 
“ Mr. Rea, Archaeological Surveyor to the Madras Govcrn- 
“ ment, had recently the good fortune to discover in an old 
“ tope, already searched, in the Kistna District. Mr. Rea 
“ had noticed, that the caskets found by the explorers, 
“ who preceded him, were at the side rather than at the 
“centre of the mound, and a judicious further exploration 
“ led to the discovery of these additional caskets. The 
“ Inscriptions on the caskets are, according to Dr. Biihler, 
“ not later than 200 B.c., and may be a little older. 
“ They reveal a system of writing, which is in some 
“ respects radically different from the writing on the rock 
“of Asoka’s Edicts at Junagar and elsewhere, and prove, 
“ therefore, that these cannot be, as they have been 
“ supposed to be, the earliest attempts of the Hindu to 
“ write. Dr. Biihler believes, that the Art of writing had 
“ been practised in India for centuries ‘ before the accession 
“ of Chandragupta to the throne of Pataliputra,’ or, in 
“ other words, before the time of Alexander the Great. 
“ There is something pathetic in the records that thus, 
“thanks to Mr. Rea and Dr. Biihler, are brought in these 
“latter days to light. We quote one, which declares 
“ that ‘ Kura, Kura’s father, and Kura’s mother, have 
“joined to defray the cost of the casket and box of crystal, 
“ in order to hold some relics of Buddha.’ The casket 
“ and the bQX of crystal have kept their charge till now, 
“ and Dr. Biihler thinks, that there is little reason to 
“ doubt, that the dust and fi-agment of bone they have 
“ now given up are the dust and the bone of Buddha.” 
It is necessary, in this age of wonderful discoveries, and 
still more wonderfully-spun theories, to cherish in the 
intellect a strong capacity for doubt and mistrust. During 
the last six months the Religious world in England has 
been stirred by Professor Petrie’s discovery of the word 
“ Israel ” on a Monument of King Menephthah, the 



Pbaraoli of the Exodus. Many serious difficulties are 
raised bj r the unlucky combination of Hieroglyphics, and 
it is to be hoped, that the real reading should be Jezreel, 
which seems better to explain the meaning of the words 
that follow. Similarly, the allusion to the bones of Buddha 
found in this Bhattiprolu relic casket is to be regretted. 
It would have been better, if the bodily tenement of the 
great Teacher had been drowned in the Ocean, or carried 
away by the winds, instead of surviving in this form, a 
tooth here, and a bone there, like the relics of a mediaeval 
Romish Saint. There is not much scientific veracity in 
such localities. 

It is a singular fact, that the letters of the Kharosthi 
Alphabet are written in Semitic fashion from right to left, 
while the letters of the Brahma Lipi flow from left to right. 
However, too much stress must not be placed upon this fact, 
as, strange to say, the Ethiopic Alphabet is written from 
left to right, and the Greek Alphabet passed from one to the 
other, some Inscriptions being written in the boustrophedon 
fashion, one line to the right and the next to the left. 
Moreover, Sir A. Cunningham’s Eran coin represents the 
Brahma Lipi flowing from right to left, a proof that both 
varieties were in use. Sir A. Cunningham found coins at 
Taxila, in the Gandhara District, with Inscriptions partly 
in the Kharosthi, and partly in the Brahma Lipi, proving 
that about 300 b.c. both forms of writing were used at 
the same time in the same places. 

nofrath Biihler, in his “ Indian Studies,” No. Ill, an 
Essay of ninety pages, exhausts the whole subject, and his 
work will ever remain a resting-place in the great discussion, 
as he sums up the result of the speculations of his dis- 
tinguished predecessors, and contemporaries. Albert Weber, 
to whom he dedicates his Essay, was literally the first, who 
pronounced in favour of a Semitic origin of the Indian 
Alphabet, and this seems now to be generally accepted; 
but Ilofrath Biihler writes, that both passages in the 
literary works, and the characteristics of the oldest Alphabet, 
point to the conclusion, that the Indians extensively used 



the Art of writing at least about three centuries before the 
time of King Asoka; this would mean 600 b.c. 

No doubt the Hebrews were, at any rate not earlier than 
800 b.c., freely using the Phenician Alphabet. They took 
their Sacred Books with them to Babylon, and found them- 
selves in a country, where the use of the Cuneiform Syllabaries 
had prevailed for centuries. We have the great fact, that at 
a date later than the Captivity of the Hebrews, Darius, the 
son of Achaemenes, inscribed his tablets on the Behistun 
rock in Persian Cuneiform. We are told incidentally in 
the Book of Esther, that Xerxes, the son of Darius, issued 
letters to the Governors of his Provinces from India to 
Ethiopia according to the writiug thereof, and unto every 
people after their Language. Now, whatever date is 
assigned to the composition of this book (and it cannot 
reasonabH be later than 300 B.c.), it is clear that, at the 
time of its composition, it was understood, that there were 
not only different forms of Language in each Province, but 
different forms of writing, and that India, the Pan jab, or 
the Gandhara country, the Region where both the Indian 
forms of writing were in use, was included in that Empire. 

Hofrath Biihler dwells at great length upon the Literary 
evidence as to the antiquity of the Indian script, but he 
dwells also at length on the Palaeographic evidence. It 
appears to him, that the number of variations in the forms 
of the signs in the Asoka Edicts, which are assigned to 
the third century b.c , prove, that the Alphabet even at 
that time must have been ancient. The arguments are too 
technical and too lengthy to quote. He is satisfied, that 
both on Literary and Palaeographic evidence the Brahma 
Alphabet is the oldest in India, and may have been in 
common use even in the sixth century b.c. He sees clearly 
that, if this be the case, the theory, that South Arabia was 
the channel of communication of the Phenician Alphabet 
from the Semites to India would be untenable ; but he has 
heard of Glaser, and Hommel also, and their assertions, 
that Arabia is the Mother-country of the Semitic Alphabet, 
no longer to be called Phenician, and he wisely remarks 



that more light is required, and more time, in which 
sentiment I entirely agree. 

But while he rests provisionally on the terminus a quo of 
the Moabite Stone, and accepts 800 b.c. as the earliest date, 
to which Phenician writing can safely be carried back, 
resisting the attempts of Professor Sayce to trace it back 
by the help of Glaser’s Inscriptions beyond the date of 
Moses, he himself flies a kite of the same kind, and draws 
a cheque on the Bank of probability, and the fitness of 
circumstances. It seems to him, that some further con- 
siderations make it probable that the actual importation 
of the Semitic Characters into India took place at the same 
date as the Inscription on the Moabite Stone, about 800 b.c.; 
between the importation and the elaboration of the Brahma 
Alphabet there was a prolonged period, and the hand of the 
Grammarian is evident. The introduction of the Semitic 
signs was due to the merchant class, for they came most 
into contact with foreign Nations, and they had daily need 
of a means of recording their transactions. The Brahmans 
possessed their system of oral instruction for preserving 
their literary compositions and for teaching their pupils, 
but they gradually adopted the new idea, and developed it. 
Still, there was always a prejudice against writing, and 
in favour of oral transmission, which in fact constituted 
a monopoly. 

I can hardly consider the arguments brought forward as 
sufficient to uphold so great a superstructure. For myself 
I am forced to relegate this theory to the same airy region, 
where I have already, with all feelings of respect, deposited 
Professor Sayce’s theory with regard to the use of the 
Arabian Alphabet by Moses in the fourteenth century b.c., 
or, according to later calculations, based on the death of 
Humeses II, to the twelfth century b.c. It may be so, but 
I plead for time, and more light. The last ten years seem 
to have established the theory of a Semitic parentage of 
the Indian Alphabet; another decade may pile up proofs 
of the date of its birth, and of the channel, through which 
it developed itself from the Hieratic Ideograms. 



M. ITalevy is rarely absent on the occasion of great 
Scientific controversies. In 1885, in the Journal Asiatique, 
series viii, tome vi, Paris, he published the Essay, “ Sur 
l’origine des ecritures Indiens.” In the same volume he 
published a Note “Sur l’origine de l’ecriture Perse.” In 
1895, in the Revue Semitique, July, he published “ Nouvelles 
observations sur les ecritures Indiennes.” I confine myself 
on this occasion to a notice of the last of the three documents, 
as it is the last word of the distinguished author, and this 
last word was elicited by the Essay “ On the Origin of the 
Indian Brahma Alphabet” by Ilofrath Buhler. I have 
the profoundest respect for both these Scholars, and a sincere 
and ancient friendship with the latter. 

It must be recollected, that in the discussion of Indian 
subjects there are two companies: I. Those who have lived 
in India, and know the people, or, though they have never 
visited India, have made it their chief and serious study. 
II. Those, who take India as one Region of the Scientific 
world, and have made no profound stud} 7 of its Literature. 
Ilofrath Buhler belongs to the first class, and M. llalevy 
to the second. It is obvious, that there are advantages, 
and disadvantages, which belong to both sides. If to the 
first class India, a country of 280 millions, acquires an 
undue importance, when brought into contact with the 
whole Semitic world, the second class does not attribute 
to it sufficient importance. 

I have already stated Ilofrath Biihler’s argument : I 
now proceed to M. Halevy’s adversaria. The pith of his 
objections are, that the Brahma and Kharosthi Alphabets 
have a common Aramean source, and that the introduction 
of Alphabetic writing into India cannot be put back to the 
date suggested by Hofrath Buhler. The combatants are 
not unworthy of the great contention, in which they occupy 
different sides. The result is of no great importance to 
History or Literature, which is the only point of view, from 
which I look on the subject, and the depth of theological 
convictions and prejudices are not disturbed to the same 
degree as they are in the question discussed in Part I of 
this Essay. 



TTalevy quotes at great length his adversary’s arguments, 
and opinions. He accepts with gratitude the pile of facts, 
which he has collected and set forth in his treatise, but 
rejects absolutely his two conclusions, (I) that a knowledge 
of the Art of writing existed in India before the time of 
Alexander the Great ; (II) that the Brahma Alphabet was 
of a date anterior to the Kharosthi. He argues at great 
length, not only on the question of evidence, based on the 
shape of letters in Inscriptions, but also on the thorny side 
of Literary Chronology. 

The Kharosthi has been the subject of a separate passage- 
at-arms between Hof rath Biihler and M. Halevy. The 
former, in the Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. ix, published 
an Essay on the “ Origin of the Kharosthi Alphabet,” which 
was reprinted in the October and November Numbers of 
the Indian Antiquary of Bombay in 1895. In the same 
year M. Ilalevy published in La Revue Seniitiqne of October, 
1895, Paris, “Un dernier mot sur le Kharosthi.” Hofrath 
Biihler quotes the writings of those, who preceded him on 
this subject: Mr. James Prinsep’s Essay, edited by the late 
Mr. Edward Thomas; the Alphabet by Dr. Isaac Taylor; 
and “The Coins of Ancient India,” by the late Sir A. 
Cunningham. The last-named authority lays down that: 

(1) The Kharosthi is an Indian Alphabet, not an alien. 

(2) It held only a secondary position by the side of the 
Brahma Alphabet. 

(3) Not a single Inscription has been found in it West 
of the Hindu Kush. 

(4) The tract, to which the Kharosthi Inscriptions of llie 
third century b.c. are exclusively confined, corresponds to 
the Gandhara country of ancient India: here this Alphabet 
must have originated. 

Mr. E. Thomas points out the close resemblance of certain 
signs with the signs in the transitional Aramaic Alphabet ; 
Dr. Isaac Taylor suggested, that the Achaemenian conquest 
of North-West India, about 500 B.c., led to the introduction 
of the Aramaic Alphabet into North India. 


i 0 

Hofrath Biihler assumes, that the Persian Satraps carried 
with them into India a staff of their own subordinates, 
who were accustomed to the use of the Aramean scripts : 
tliis would explain how the inhabitants of Indo-Persian 
Provinces were driven to utilize these Characters, though 
already possessed of a script of their own, viz., the Brahma. 
And, further, he is of opinion, that the Kharosthi did 
exist in India during the Achaemenian times, and did not 
originate after the fall of that Empire, and that the 
Ivharosthi and Brahma Alphabets were used together in 
the Panjab. This argument is worked out in great detail. 
He remarks, that it was not a literary or scientific Alphabet, 
but only of use for the requirements of ordinary life. He 
assumes the date of the earliest signs to he 500-400 B.c. 

M. Ilalevy agrees that the Alphabet came into existence 
in Gandhara, as it was pretty well restricted to that 
Province, and that it was introduced by the Persian 
Satraps : the two authorities pass into opposing camps on 
the subject of the date, and M. Ilalevy places it as late as 
the time of Alexander the Great, 330 B.c. After a long 
argument with regard to each letter, in which it is im- 
possible to follow with advantage either of the learned 
authors, M. Ilalevy lays down as the result of his inquiry 
the following four propositions : 

I. The Kharosthi and the Brahma have for their common 
base the same Aramean Alphabet, viz., the Alexandro- 
Egyptian papju’us, to which also the Pehlevi of the 
Arsacides is traced back. 

II. The Brahma is indebted to the Kharosthi for a series 
of consonants, and for the sj'stera of medial vowels. 

III. Both these Alphabets are spontaneous creations, and 
not the result of a gradual development. 

IV. Before the invasion of Alexander the Great, 330 b.c., 
there was no form of Alphabetic Character in use, either 
in Persia or in India. 

We see that the drift of the argument of the French 
Scholar is to reduce the antiquity of the Indian script, and 



that of the German Scholar is to expand it. My own view 
is, that the truth will gradually be found somewhere in the 

M. Halevy suggests a compound origin for the Brahma 
Alphabet as follows : 

8 Consonants are derived from the Aramaic of 400 b.c. 

6 Consonants, 2 Initial Yowels, the Medial Vowels, and 
Anuswara, are derived from the Kharosthi. 

5 Consonants and 2 Initial Vowels are derived from the 

The blending of these materials took place about 325 b.c. 

It is well, that this memorable passage-at-arms between 
such redoubtable antagonists has taken place. Nothing is 
so dangerous for a theory, or a cause, as unanimous agree- 
ment of all. A J udge of Appeal once remarked to the 
Counsel, who pleaded that all the lower Courts were in 
favour of his client, “ So much the worse for your cause, 
as it has not been fairly argued out.” It seems to come 
home to the reader, that one is a European and the other 
an Indian, Scholar. Each has a something which the other 
has not: the one treats Alphabet as a Universal feature; 
the other an an Indian speciality. We remark the same 
antagonism in the case of a clergyman arguing about the 
early date of the Hebrew Alphabet, and the Scholar, who 
is super Religionem. 

The spectacle is a moving one ; there has been nothing 
like it in the History of the world, past or present. 
In the early centuries the form of Written Character, 
and Religious conception, were National specialities. The 
Egyptians had both, but neither of these wonderful develop- 
ments got beyond the Kingdom of Egypt, and both died 
where they were born. In Mesopotamia there was a totally 
different form of Written Character and Religious con- 
ception : the latter died where it was born ; the former, as 
we know from the excavations at Tel el Amarna, for a short 
period anterior to the Hebrew Exodus obtained an extra- 
territorial expansion, but it died childless, and for centuries 



was utterly forgotten. Neither the Egyptian script, nor 
its Religious conception, died childless. From its script 
sprang, at some doubtful date, and in some uncertain 
manner, the germs of the great Alphabetic system destined 
to rule the World, and to which the Ideographic system 
of China is the sole antagonist in the nineteenth century. 
It appears from the admissions of the two great com- 
batants, that it is conceded, that the people of India had 
no indigenous form of script, and at some doubtful date, 
and by some uncertain route, derived their idea, and their 
form, of script from Western Asia. The South Arabian 
route, which used to commend itself, is in suspense, until 
these new revelations of Inscriptions in Arabia are ex- 
pounded. If proved to be of a date antecedent to Moses, 
they belong to a period long anterior to the date of the 
possible advent of the Alphabet in India, whether by land 
or by sea. The utmost that is claimed by Hofrath Buhler 
is something later than the date of the Moabite Stone (say 
800 b.c.) ; the earliest possible date admitted by M. Halevy 
is 325 b.c. 

About five hundred years is the rift of time, which yawns 
betwixt the two great Scholars. Something to my mind 
seems to depend upon the date, on which the Cuneiform 
script ceased to be used in Persia, and it is certainly an 
argument for a late date, that it is not enumerated in the 
64 or 68 different Alphabets of the Buddhist and Jain. 
The absence of allusion to the Cuneiform script seems to 
render necessary a later date, when that wonderful form of 
writing had been forgotten, and been superseded by the 
Aramaic Alphabet, or its congener, the Yavanani. If 
Darius used it for his Inscriptions at Behistun, it is a 
fair hypothesis, that his subordinates would have put up 
Inscriptions in the same script in India, just as at this 
day Inscriptions are put up by the British in the Roman 
Character, and on the death of the Emperor Augustus 
tablets were put up in different parts of the Roman Empire 
recording what he had done. Those wdiich have survived 
are in the Greek Character. 



Another consideration occurs to me : we make so much at 
our Epoch of the importance of the discovery of Printing, 
that we lose sight of the fact of the importance of the 
discovery of Writing for ordinary purposes of Life. Some- 
how or other the ancient men in the centuries immediately 
before and after the Christian era did manage to commit 
to writing literary works, which will live for ever. In the 
centuries antecedent to the discovery of Alphabetic writing, 
say 800 b c. for the Semites, 600 b.c. for the Greeks, 400 b.c. 
for the people of India, the world was a narrow one, and 
the voice of man reached to the extent of his environment. 
Travellers came back with wonderful tales, and delivered 
them orally; legends were oral, Instruction was oral; the 
Law was unwritten ; the customs of the neighbourhood had 
the force of Law, and had in each case to be discovered. 
Even if some could write, could the majority of the ordinary 
citizens read? Writing might hate been useful in those 
days for Monumental Inscriptions, State-Treaties, State- 
Records, mercantile business, but not for ordinary life. I 
have often wondered why Joseph in the pride of his power 
in a country, where Literature flourished, did not intimate 
by letter to his Father, that he was alive. It is clear, that 
there were communications between the countries, as the 
Hebrews heard that there was corn in Egypt. Perhaps 
the reason was, that neither Jacob nor his sons, who were 
nomad shepherds, nor anyone in the country, could read 
what was written. Nor is there reason to believe, that the 
Hebrews acquired a knowledge either of the Egyptian 
Ideograms, or of the Phenician Alphabet, during their 
sojourn in Egypt. They were cattle-breeders, brickmakers, 
and, as their own countrymen in after centuries wrote, “ in 
the house of bondage.” The Human race is born with 
the congenital power of speaking ; the Census records the 
number of those who cannot speak. The power of writing 
is a Human acquisition after much labour. Without proof 
shown, we can no more accept the statement, that the 
Hebrews at the time of the Exodus, or the natives of 
India at the time of the invasion of Alexander the Great, 



could write and read, than we can in these last days assert, 
that the inhabitants of Central Africa, or Melanesia, could 
do so before the arrival of the Missionaries; let the proof 
be produced, not a mere theory of what ought to have been. 
As stated above, about 800 b.c. the Phenician Alphabet 
got into general use. Hosea and Amos wrote the books 
attributed to them about that date. Later on the mer- 
cenaries of Psammetichus, King of Egypt, left their 
names scratched on the legs of the great statues of 
Abu Simbal, in Upper Egypt, in the Greek Character. 
Herodotus, the father of History, wrote his immortal work 
about the close of the fifth century n.c. The people of India 
never attained the Art of writing History at all. 

The evidential value of a long narrative handed down 
for many generations orally, and receiving accretions, and 
variations, and undergoing changes, as it passed from mouth 
to mouth, until it was at length committed to writing in its 
last stage of gradual development, cannot be compared in 
freshness with those contemporaneous tablets inscribed at 
the time, possibly looked at by the Monarch himself, who 
ordered them to be prepared, and which haughty Time has 
spared to be witnesses of undoubted genuineness, when the 
nineteenth century strives to arrive at a just conception of 
the degree of civilization, to which these ancient races had 
attained, and which the learned classes of the Greek and 
Roman periods in their supercilious egotism, and the schools 
of the European Middle Ages in their profound ignorance, 
chose to ignore. 

By a happy conjunction of circumstances, in the Spring 
of the year 1843, I was with Professor Lepsius at the 
Pyramids in Egypt, and took my first elementary lesson 
in Hieroglyphics. In the Autumn of that year I met in 
Calcutta Major Henry Rawlinson, traversing India from 
Herat to Bombay to embark for Baghdad, and his desire 
was to copy the Cuneiform Inscriptions on Mount Behistun. 
I had never heard of Cuneiform before. In 1844 I visited 
Banaras, on my road up to Gandhara or the Panjab, and 
heard for the first time of the great names of James Prinsep, 


and King Asoka, and his Edicts. These three great intel- 
lectual puzzles were then only in germ, and the last 
half-century has made the world wiser, but we have still 
a good deal more to learn on each of these great subjects; 
and, when I think of the succession of great Scholars, w’hom 
I have had the honour of conversing with in each of these 
great 7 raXalarpai, and ipyaarr/pca, I feel pretty sure, that 
the next generation, or the one after it, will know something, 
as it has fortunately happened, that in things scientific there 
cannot be, as in things theological, any attempt to cough 
down, or sneer at, or put down b} r force, opposition. The 
Bulls of Popes, and the Articles of Churches, are of no 
avail to crush honest discussion. Scientific Truths will hold 
their own in spite of the ignoi’ance and presumption of 
mediaeval Authorities, allowed too long to maintain their 
chains over the reason of mankind. “ E pur si muove,” was 
the remark of Galileo, when reproved for stating, that the 
Earth revolved round the Sun, which the Pope of that time 
considered to be contrary to Scripture-Truth. And the 
necessity for, and certainty of, an intellectual advance, will 
continue, until all things are known. 

“ Magna est Veritas, et praevalebit .” 


Art. VI . — The Story of Umm Haram. Edited in the 
original Turkish and translated by Claude Delaval 
Cobham, M.R.A.S., B.C.L., M.A.Oxon., Corauiissioner 
of Larnaca, Cyprus. 

About four miles from Larnaca, in Cyprus, on the western 
shore of the great salt lake from which the town (Tuzla) 
takes its Turkish name, stands the Khalat-i-'Sultan Tekye, 
a much - frequented Moslem shrine. The situation is 
picturesque. The noble outline of the mountain of the 
Holy Cross (Santa Croce or Stavro Vouni) bounds the view 
on the west ; and the domes and minaret, embowered in 
garden and grove, are not without grace, especially when 
seen reflected in the still waters of the lake. The shrine 
is held in great veneration by Moslems of every country ; 
vessels carrying the Ottoman flag salute it as they pass, 
and the gardens are a favourite place of resort on Musalman 
holidays. The whole is dedicated to a lady known as Umm 
Haram bint Milhan, whose body lies in this holy place. 

Her tomb itself is of very great interest. Shrouded from 
curious eyes in sanctity and black velvet, it defies any 
accurate examination, but I may claim the merit of 
recognizing in it a prehistoric monument — tomb, temple, or 
treasury — bearing very close affinities to two other mono- 
lithic structures in Cyprus, known respectively as the Tomb 
of St. Catherine, near Salamis, and the Hagia Phaneromene, 
near Larnaca (Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. iv, p. Ill, 
April, 1883). Of the three huge stones of which it is 
composed, one stands at the head, another at the feet of 
the corpse, while the covering 6tone is believed to hang 

1 Cf. p. 100 infra, 1. 11, and n. 1 ad calc. 

j.r.a.s. 1897. 




in air above its companions. The legend of these stones 
is told in the MS. which follows. The Tekve has an 
endowment of 1800 donums of land, with a yearly subsidy 
of £58, and 3000 okes of salt. 

Umm Har&m was buried there in the spring of a.d. 649, 
but we know nothing about the buildings of the Tekve 
until 1760, when Mehmed Agha, Muhassil of Cyprus, 
enclosed the tomb with a wooden barrier. His successor, 
‘Ajem ‘Ali j^gha, replaced this in the following year by 
a wall with two gates of bronze; and before 1787 a stately 
mosque, with domes and two minarets (one fell in an 
earthquake some forty years ago), dwelling-rooms and 
fountains, arose to enhance the fame of the sanctuary. 
We owe these details to the “ Yiaggio da Gerusalemme 
per le coste della Soria” (Livorno, 1787) of the Abbe Gio. 
Mariti. Premising that the author quite unnecessarily 
supposes that Cypriot Moslems could have been misled by 
the error of Constantinos Porphyrogennetos, Trepl de/idrcov, 
xv, who makes “ Abu Bekr the first Moslem who crossed 
over to Cyprus and made himself master of it, in the reign 
of Heraclius, adding that his daughter died there, and 
that the place of her burial is still shown,” his account 
may be translated here : — “ In the early years of the 
eighteenth century a dervish of a speculative turn dis- 
covered and dug out a commonplace Moslem tomb, and 
thought it might be a profitable business to inspire the 
shepherds who fed their flocks thereabouts with a veneration 
for the place. Old Cypriot Christians assert that it was 
he who, in furtherance of this project, circulated the story 
of miracles performed at the tomb. 

“ Moharainadans, however, hold that the tomb was under- 
ground, and being exposed by rains was found by some 
shepherds, to whom on entering it there appeared a lady 
of beautiful and majestic aspect, clothed in white and 
shining garments. They were astounded, but their fears 
were soon stilled by the lady, who blessed them and their 
flocks, and revealed to them that she was the aunt of 
Mohammad, and that her body lay in the tomb which 



they had found. The vision, which they believed was sent 
by their Prophet, who wished to point out for their 
veneration his aunt’s sepulchre, filled them with comfort 
and happiness, and thenceforth their flocks were ever more 
and more fruitful. The dervish no doubt had accomplices, 
who spread through the island the news of the discovery. 
Crowds rushed to the place : the sick were healed, the 
lame walked, and left for their homes in perfect health. 
Such virtue, it was said, lay in the mere touch of the 

“ Offerings rolled in, and the dervish had wherewith to 
adorn the shrine he had created. His efforts, and the 
influence of certain devotees, procured him leave from the 
Government to build over the tomb a suitable dome, under 
which a few persons could assemble, as is customary 
throughout the East at the tomb of any notable saint.” 

All this scepticism is superfluous. The tomb, whatever 
its vicissitudes, is certainly the resting-place of Umm 
Haram bint Milhan, a historic personage, well known 
to the early Arab chroniclers. Her father, Milhan the 
Ansari, had two daughters, the first Umm Suleym, who 
married Malik, and became the mother of Anas, whom 
she brought to Mohammad as a boy of eight, who spent 
his life in the Prophet’s service, and became the great 
source of the Traditions. The second daughter, whose 
name is uncertain, was surnamed Umm Haram. She 
married (1) ‘Amr bin Qeys, who fought at Badr and was 
killed at Ohod, and by him became the mother of 
‘Abdu’llah and Qeys ; and (2) ‘Ubada ibn as-Samit, to 
whom she bore a son called Mohammad. ‘Ubada was one 
of the XII, of the LXX at ‘Aqaba, fought at Badr, 
taught the Qor’an at Medina, was sent by ‘Omar as teacher 
to Hims, became first Qazi of Palestine, and died at 
Jerusalem (some say at Bamla) a.h. 34, aet. suae 72. His 
surname was Abu ’1 TValid, and his nickname A1 Hubla 
(the pot-bellied). These genealogical details, and the 
extracts which follow, I owe to the learning and kindness 
of my friend Mr. Guy le Strange, M.R.A.S. 



Baladhuri, Kitabu ’1-Futuh, ed. De Goeje, pp. 152-4. — 
“ Mu'awiya, when Governor of Syria, asked leave of the 
Khalifa ‘Omar to make an expedition over sea ; but the 
Khalifa refused. When ‘Othman became Khalifa, Mu'awiya 
wrote again asking for leave to make an expedition against 
Cyprus, saying how near that island was and how easy 
the matter would be ; but ‘Othman answered that he knew 
what had been ‘Omar’s view of the matter, and would not 
grant leave. However, in a.h. 27 Mu'awiya again wrote, 
showing how easily the conquest would be accomplished, 
and so at last ‘Othman replied granting leave provided that 
Mu'awiya took his wife with him — otherwise he should on 
no account set out. So Mu'awiya started from ‘Akka, 
having with him many ships, and he carried his wife, 
Fakhita, with him ; while ‘Ubada ibn as-Samit took his 
wife, TJmm Haram, daughter of Milhan the Ansari. This 
took place in the year 28, after the winter was over (i.e. 

spring of a.d. 649), or some say in the year 29 

Now on this first expedition was TJmm Haram, daughter 
of Milhan, along with her husband, ‘Ub&da ibn as-Samit, 
and as soon as they reached Cyprus she landed from the 
ship, and a beast (<Ul J) was brought for her to ride. She, 
however, was thrown by this beast and killed; wherefore 
her tomb is in Cyprus, and it is called ‘the Pious 
Woman’s Grave.’ 

Ibnu ’/-At/iir, Chronicle, ed. Tornberg, iii, 75. — “In this 
expedition died TJmm Har&m bint Milh&n, for her mule 
threw her in the island of Cyprus, so that she 
broke her neck and died, declaring the truth of what the 
Prophet had told her how and where she should he 
the first of those to go beyond the sea.” 

Abu ’ l-Ma/idsin, ed. Juynboll, i, 95. — “With Mu'&wiya 
went ‘Ubida and his wife, TJmm Haram bint Milhan ; and 
she received martyrdom, for the Prophet had come to her, 



and spoken to her and given her the good news of her 

A few years since I obtained from the Sheykh of the 
Tekyti a copy of a MS. preserved therein which was 
said to embody all that was known in Cyprus concerning 
the tomb and its occupant. A second copy, superior in 
correctness and calligraphy, was given me later by the 
then Muhasebeji of Evqaf, Ahmed Khulusi Efendi, who 
with his wife and daughter, his son-in-law and a servant, 
died of cholera on their return from the Hajj in 1893. 
This is the text now offered to the reader, and which 
I have followed in my translation. In the latter I have 
had the kind help of Mr. A. Utidjian, Chief Translator of 
Turkish Documents to the Government of Cyprus, and 
of Mr. E. G. Browne, M.B., M.A., M.R.A.S., Fellow 
of Pembroke College, and Lecturer in Persian in the 
University of Cambridge, who has most kindly consented 
to see this paper through the press. 

The MS. bears no date, but the writer, Sheykh Ibrahim, 
seems to have embodied in it the notes left by his father, 
Sheykh Mustafa, which were begun in a.h. 1177, and 
enlarged during a visit to Coustantinople in a.h. 1210 
(a.d. 1795). 

The careful administration by the delegates of Evqaf, 
Mr. M. King, Commissioner of Nicosia, and Mehmed 
Sadiq Efendi, of the revenues of the Tekye, enhances 
yearly the outward dignity of the tomb and its sur- 
roundings, and its power to house and assist poorer 

The publication of this text will ensure the preservation 
of a document of which probably not more than three or 
four copies exist, and the translation of so quaint an account 
of the life and miracles of this worshipful lady should be 
interesting to the many English visitors who are welcomed 
at her shrine. 




In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. 

The fulness of devotion to Umm Har&m, daughter of 
Milhan : may the Merciful, the Most High and Holy One, 
be ■well pleased with her. Lauds without number and 
praise without limit are most meet to be ascribed to the 
Majesty of Him, the Self-Existent, who pours forth 
abundantly blessing and beneficence, who, having dis- 
tinguished with perfect honour the noble companions and 
venerable female friends of Mohammad the chosen, crown 
of apostles and prophets, may the favour and blessing of 
God Most High be upon him, and having exalted them 
above all the elect and the vulgar, favoured them with 
perfect grace, and made them the source of many virtues. 

The best of prayers and greetings innumerable are most 
meet and due to the beloved of God, the prince of Paradise, 
that ensample to the exalted prophets, the last and first, 
who illuminated the brilliant hearts of his chosen com- 
panions (may God be pleased with them all) with the 
light of the saying — “ My companions are like the stars, and 
if ye follow anyone of them ye shall be led in the road 
of salvation ” : and made them to guide their adherents. 
He more especially delighted the taste and quickened the 
noble heart of Umm Har&m (may God accept her) 
with the pleasing announcement, “Thou art of the first.” 
And, again, the same prayers and greetings are most 
fitting to all his family, companions, followers, and friends, 
who, through their intimacy with that personage of angelic 
endowments (to whom be the most perfect greetings), 
having been confidants of his secrets in his solitary retreats, 
have used their knowledge to confirm the sacred law ; so 
that his followers received into God’s mercy may be 
venerated until the day of judgment; and who in holy 
and religious war have made mighty effort, wherefrom 
Islam and the faith arose, and the Book and Qor’&n came 
to light. 



And then — This weak, poor, and lowly servant, abounding 
in faults, a suppliant for the mercy of his Lord, the Mighty 
One, a servant of the poor of Umm Haram (may God be 
pleased with her), the Sheykh Ibrahim, son of Sheykh 
Mustafa (the High, the Highest give them both pardon ), 
has been honoured with the honour of being in the glorious 
service of that exalted lady, the intercessor interceded for, 
who (through the mercy of the Lord of the worlds and 
the guidance of the prince of the apostles) was made 
a manifestation of wonders and of sanctity, a source of 
chastity and purity of life. Sheykh Mustafa Efendi, 
a pillar of the verifiers of truth, a quintessence of those 
who examine closely, a chief among the wise, my blessed 
and pardoned father, besides the beautiful account written 
by him in the year 1177 concerning the venerated inter- 
cessor, when on a visit in the year 1210 to the Threshold 
of Felicity 1 collected on loose sheets many accounts of acts 
of excellence and virtue, which he extracted and arranged 
from the books of Traditions, Biographies of the Prophet, 
Histories of the Companions, and Names of the Narrators 
existing in its libraries, and while still purposing to 
compile from these another greatly profitable volume, 
according to the saying “ Death is a cup, and man the 
drinker,” he drank of the cup of death, and delivered up 
his victorious soul. The mercy of God be upon him, 
mercy in abundance. 

And now through the grace of the Lord of the worlds, 
and the inspiration of the aunt of the prince of the 
apostles, and the favour of the precious saints, having (in 
accordance with the interpretation preferred by the com- 
mentators on the sacred traditions, and with the tenor of 
the legends and histories) translated the sacred sayings 
copied and collected by the said deceased, and having 
arranged and written them down in three chapters and 
an epilogue, under the title “ The End of Devotion to 
Uinm Haram,” I present the same as a precious gift 

1 i.e. Constantinople. 



to the present Muhassil of Cyprus, Seyyid Hasan Agha, 
a helper of the faith and despiser of the infidels. May 
it be that on condescending to peruse it, His Excellency, 
hy reason of his perfect love to the honoured intercessor 
(may God be pleased with her), live free from cares and 
sorrows. And God is He who gives prosperity and guidance. 

Chapter I explains ivhat differences exist in the holy name 
of this exalted lady (may God be pleased with her, and turn 
her intercession to our profit), and what teas her relationship 
to the lord of the sons of Adam (may the favour and blessing 
of God be upon him). 

According to the distinct statement of al-Hafidh al- 
Dhahabi , 1 2 in his book called The Names of Traditionists, her 
holy name is Humeysa. In the Jamil as-Saghir 2 it is 
expressly called Rarnla ; according to others it is Sahla. But 
most of the guardians of traditions say distinctly “ no name of 
hers is known,” but that her holy title is famous as Uram 
Haram. This statement al-Hafidh ibnu T-IIajar 3 sets forth 
precisely in his book, called Jsdba, on the names of the com- 
panions, and with this the statement of ‘All al-Qari 4 in his 
comment on the holy Mishlcat is in full agreement. Umm 
Haram is the same as Umm Muhtarama, the honoured mother. 
The lord of men (may the favour and blessing of God be 
upon him) showed her perfect love in saying to her, “ O my 
mother,” and thence she is entitled “the honoured mother.” 
The noble name of her father, one of the Ansdrs of the 
Banu Najjar, is Milhan. Men still visit her house in Qubd , 5 6 
saying, “it is the fortunate house of Umm Haram”: so 
it is a place of pilgrimage. Her august husband was 
‘Ubdda ibn as-Samit, whose surname was Abu’l-Wali. 
‘Ubdda was the first governor of the province of Palestine. 

1 i.e. al-Im&m nl-H&fidh Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Dhnhabi 
(t a.h. 748 =a d. 1347). See Hdji Khalfa, vol. i, pp. 2S8, 291, etc. 

2 Numerous works bear this title. See Hdji Khalfa, vol. ii, pp. 660-660. 

3 Hdji Khalfa, vol. i, p. 323, No. 810. 

4 t e. Ntiru’d-Din Abu’l-Hasan ‘Alt b. Sult&n Muhammad al-QkrS al-Makki 

al-Hiravi (t a.h. 1014= a. d. 1606-6). See Rieu’s Arabic Supplement, p. 82. 

6 A quarter of Medina. See Belkilhuri, pp. 2-5. 



lie died at the age of seventy-two years, and was buried 
in Jerusalem. And this exalted lady was the sister of Umm 
Suleym, the venerable mother of Anas ibn Malik. In 
certain histories it is said that Umm Suleym gave suck 
to the most honoured Prophet (may God be pleased with 
them both) ; and as to the kinship it is alleged by Abu 
Mohammad ibn Qutb ibn Yahyd ibn Ibrahim that verily 
our Prophet (may the favour and blessing of God be upon 
him) gave leave to the honoured mother to search on his 
holy head for lice, for being his maternal aunt he might 
be intimate with her, for her ancestors were of his tribe. 
According to a story derived from Ibn Wahb, she is called 
his aunt because she gave him the breast; and most of 
the guardians of traditions give preference to this tradition, 
and do not concern themselves with any other. And Umm 
Suleym was the foster-sister of Amina, as say sundry among 
the guardians of traditions. And in one of the traditions 
of al-Bukhari it is said, “and she was his maternal 
aunt,” making this kinship clear; and Umm Haram, 
together with Umm Suleym, at most times tightened 
their belts and girded their loins for the service of the 
Prophet, showing perfect love. May God be pleased with 
them both. 

Chapter the Second sets forth the holy tears in which she 
took part, and the purport of the traditions about her. 

There is a story handed down by the servant of the 
apostle of God (may the favour and blessing of God be 
upon him), Anas ibn Malik, that that bulbul of the garden 
of eloquence, that nightingale of the flower-garden of fair 
speech (to him be the best of praise), honoured with 
a visit the fortunate house of Umm Haram bint Milhan 
(may the Merciful One be pleased with her), and after he 
had condescended to eat food, that sainted woman searched 
his august and sacred head for lice ; and while thus laying 
down his sacred head, and proposing to make manifest 
much divine wisdom and heavenly mysteries, he fell 
asleep. Now when he rose up from his holy slumber with 



a manifestation of joy and display of delight derived during 
that interval from the enjoyment of divine revelations and 
godly visions, that revered lady questioned him as to the cause 
of his smiles, and his perfect joy and cheerfulness. There- 
upon that depositary of the divine secrets replied in sweet 
and life-giving speech: “From the presence of God came 
to me inspiration and good tidings : a company of those of 
my faith will, as though sitting on the seats and thrones 
of kings, spread holy war and forays, for the exalting of 
the word of God, with longing to approve themselves to 
God, and will conquer the isles of the seas, and the cities 
of the coasts thereof, and these of my people will enter 
into high heaven among those who enter first, without the 
trial of torment or chastisement. Thus from the presence 
of God inspiration and good tidings came to me.” Thus 
saying, he gave that holy lady good news, and made her 
enlightened heart to rejoice. That honoured lady, too, 
growing eager for such high emprise, and, anxious to take 
her part with the victors by sea, proffered her request, 
and with “ Thou art of the first ” — an irrefragable word — 
was declared of the first of the troop which was to war 
at sea, and was thus gladdened with good tidings, and 
rejoiced in heart; and, according as the Prophet said, so it 
was. Hence it is clearer than the sun that the announcement 
that his followers would be stablished, that his religion 
would be made clear and manifest, that the believers would 
after his death enter upon expeditions and make war for 
the exalting of the faith, even to the subduing of many 
islands and cities, and that God Most High would make 
those who die martyrs worthy of entering Paradise with 
those who entered first therein, without torment or chastise- 
ment, is of the signs of prophethood and of the number 
of miracles. 

In Chapter Third is set forth when they went out to 
conquer, and from what quarters they came. 

In the twenty-seventh year of the Flight of the Prophet 
(to whom be the most perfect of greetings), under the 



third Khalifa, ‘Othman ibn ‘Affan (may God be pleased 
with him), leave and permission were given for the waging 
of war by sea ; and Abu Dhar and ‘Ubada ibn as-Samit 
and his honoured wife, Umm Haram, and Shaddad ibn Aws, 1 
and Abu ’1-Darda, and Talha and Sa‘id ibn Zeyd, and 
‘Abdu’llah ibn Nawfal, who were of the greatest among 
the companions of the apostle of God, and the companions 
of ‘Omar (may God be pleased with them), with very many 
soldiers, started from Medina, the illuminated, and entered 
Damascus ; and by order of ‘Othman ibn ‘Affan, Mo'awiya 
ibn Abi Sofyan was appointed to the command. They 
arrayed a large body of troops and marched out of 
Damascus, and by way of visitation entered Jerusalem. 
And after the visitation, by way of Ramla they descended 
on Tripoli of Syria ; and from the ports at Tripoli and 
the neighbourhood they collected ships and boats, and 
embarking on them, and circling about the seas, they came 
to the island of Cyprus. And on landing at a spot about 
two hours distant from the port of Tiizla, the holy woman 
(may God be pleased with her) was set with all honour 
on a mule ; and on arriving at the place where now her 
luminous tomb is seen, they were attacked by Genoese 
infidels, and falling from her beast she broke her pellucid 
neck, and yielded up her victorious soul, and in that 
fragrant spot was at once buried. And it is clear that 
that irrefragable prophetic word, “Thou art of the first,” 
is of the number of the manifest miracles of Mohammad. 
It is by the perfect divine favour of the Giver of all gifts 
in the other world that the beloved of God aud honoured 
Prophet (may the favour and blessing of God be upon 
him) has given life to the hearts of the believers by saying 
— “ If any of the male companions or female disciples be 
buried in a holy place they will intercede for such 
dwellers in that place as are worthy of their intercession.” 
So likewise in this life it is by the grace of God that — as 
it is said by the Imam Munawi (on him be the mercy of 

1 See Ibn Quteyba, p. 159. 



the Almighty), in his comment on the Jdmi ‘ as-Saglur — 
whenever the people of Damascus are sorely tried by 
droughts and other troubles, and with full trust appeal 
to that honoured lady, asking from the Giver of all good 
and munificence rain and rest, and deliverance from trouble 
and attack, the Dispeller of all cares and sorrows, God 
Most High, out of respect to that honoured lady, dispels 
their anxieties and troubles and grants them His rain 
and grace. And especially there is no doubt that for those 
who with earnest endeavour and in full faith make the 
customary and acceptable visitation to the honoured tomb 
and revered shrine which contain her sacred body, the 
Giver of blessings in unequalled wisdom satisfies all their 
needs. It is the perfect favour and grace of God Most 
High and Exalted that He has made the aunt of that 
most glorious of created beings an intercessor for the 
inhabitants of this island and the visitors who earnestly 
appeal to her, and that when we confide in her exalted 
person we attain all our desires and aims in this world 
and the next. What great fortune and felicity is this ! 
“ This is the grace of God, which He gives to all His 
servants who seek it; and God is the Lord of the greatest 
grace.” 1 

Conclusion, setting forth sundry of the miracles and graces 
of that exalted lady. 

One of the miracles of that exalted lady (may God be 
pleased with her) is this: — On her journey from Jerusalem 
to Ramla she alighted on her way as a guest at the house 
of a Christian monk. She beheld in the house three huge 
stones like columns, and to , show a marvel and display 
saintship she desired to buy the said stones from the 
monk. The monk, fully persuaded of the impossibility of 
transporting the stones and carrying them away, gave 
them as a present to the exalted lady. She accepted 
them, and said — “ Let them remain by way of trust ; in 

1 Qur’fcn, lvii, 21. 



due time they will be taken away,” and departed. And 
on the evening of her burial the said stones, by the might 
of the Lord of the worlds, moved from their place, and 
walking in the sea — a wonderful sight — appeared in this 
fragrant place ; and one of them set itself at her sacred 
head, one at her holy feet, and the other stone, as though 
suspended over them, rested there by the power of God. 
And now, if we look to be instructed, the elevation and 
juxtaposition with other stones of a stone so huge must 
be deemed an impossibility. It is, therefore, clear and 
manifest that the stone is suspended. These marvels are 
of the number of the prodigies and saintly works of that 
source of wonders, and of the signs of her high rank. 
And even now many holy marvels of hers are seen, and 
those witnessed by pilgrims who seek her trustfully, and 
by the servants who live about her pleasant shrine, are 
such as none may number and count. May God be pleased 
with her, and benefit us through her intercession. We 
pray Thee, 0 God, for uprightness in her service, and to 
exalt us under her banner, through the favour of the 
chief of the apostles ; and praise be to God, the Lord 
of the worlds. 




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1 MS. ,,.)JjlVl. 



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j.r.a.s. 1897. 7 



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i6’<> MS. for aIU- (Ar. <3U- = maternal aunt). 



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rL^b — - 

1. |A^T 

03CT 9 

1 The last trwo lines, including the date, occur only in a transcript made from 
the original MS. for the printer by the translator’s instructions. 


Art. VII . — A Specimen of the Gain Dialect of Persia. 

Supplied by ArdashIr Mihraban of Yezd, and pub- 
lished, with an English translation, by Edward G. 
Browne, M.A., M.R.A.S. 

The Gabri dialect, as is well known, is spoken only by the 
Zoroastrians, or “ Guebres,” of Persia (by whom it is called 
“Dari”), and is consequently almost confined to the towns 
of Yezd and Kirman. It has been discussed, and specimens 
of it have been published, by Beresine, Rehatsek, Justi, 
Iloutum-Schindler, and Huart (cf. J.R.A.S. for October, 
1895, pp. 783-4), yet the total amount of material for 
its study is so small that the short text which I now 
propose to publish will, I feel sure, be welcomed by Persian 
philologists. It was sent to me nearly a year ago, in 
response to a request more than once repeated, by my 
friend ArdashIr Mihraban, whose hospitality I enjoyed 
during my three weeks’ stay at Yezd in the early summer 
of 1888. 

The original of this text (which I print without modifica- 
tion) is very clearly written, fully pointed, and accompanied 
by an interlinear translation and a few grammatical notes 
in Persian. For convenience, I shall separate these three 
elements, beginning with the Gabri text (in which, to 
facilitate reference, I shall number the component sentences), 
and concluding with a transcription into the Roman 
character, made according to the best of my ability, and 
an English translation. 


I. The Gabrl Text. 


v — op*"! ^ ^ ^ ^ 

c< °>..o 
- v 

# (1) L^ ^ '"V ^ 

^(1) '* C* 

O^ o o'* 0J Jr 5 JW.) ( ) i_r o O'* S”’^ ^ ^ 

1^1 ' \ y s' I 

^ * r 9 9 ^ - V x O t ”•, 9 , ^ ( s \ '• ^ / t 

C. J of^* cp ‘ — ’> 1 — «-f J lt$P \sT ^ lS 

‘ Up>- yjfoi tip v3^s ^ <•> ‘ £» ’f' Ju- j 

^ ^rj O e ~‘' ■ 1 J (_r^ ^ 

irij ! p r *j4> rP <iW» s £i«rt r a " ^ 
<Aj “P (v) ‘ a 4#f 

u^V 5 j* ^ ' ‘Wpjj (* t-fj^rp [♦ < -r> 

o' k — J j i A=f j o-'jyP ( ^ 1 op r* ^ P 

‘V. j(6) tr , H | 0 4 ^ up 1 ^^ < -r^<-P J J (' ’) * J* £j 

O^P o>^ 4p CPf j tJ;/^ Jj 

JPfj j! cTbS v)j/ (7) ^ ^ *- fc < 

( '^P tp (*j-~~*\ ( ,ie ) ps- 

,\|v ,b . * i\ ,~,'( 7 > * <-;S» . t. 

uri^i *— y. i l t>j}> up* p l —'J ur l^V -' x r' q 5 ^ 


4 > d \J* £ y Jr~^ L 

U' ^ J Jr 5 ** ul tr 1 q^ ‘ L ^“i ^ q^ 4^ (' ^ ^ f 

cf v /C * 9 9 *9 1 * 9 * 9 C 

*\ c X O .. A \ „ *; * O . A ^ AC. t A < 

4J & u w d^ d* l — ^ q^ J 

ja SSI^iJhj (r.) 

w ' y w " > -/ v i > 

( rr ) * (_r L2 ^i5)4 > ~' qf ( r| ) £ t - ^ 4-r’ 

^ L ^ 7 ^ * ^ ^ JL_* • ° ^ £ °A ^ | z ^ ^C ^ 

oj ,/l! . »JLML^y! , *"' >^‘1 w 

Sr> —4 q^y w ^ y* ‘j' <—> 4 s - J uy*=r q^r^— ' w > 
q^ — Lt> c>f* q^ £ (fk) ^4* ^ *-v^ 

of /. \ £ </■ Jf 4 o'. f. \'<-\<Z'a\ (ri\ *<o\ .. I ( 10 ) 

^ (rv) ^.jS £(V* 

< ..oy ; ^^/(i*) * f<-\ * .7 o I i .. V , * y~ o ' *; 1 tol 9 < rt ✓ 

Hr'* >* (*ry j ^ ' k —~r k — '■'-' ' ur 4 ? j ' ur 1 

„ {(/>. <«. ?‘i-' (• ;. j . .o * ✓'"JJT ^ . /> o/oA / A 

-r--^i d ur**^ 4*4 ^ qr- iJ fj' ^ ^ 

£ o 

V— ' «V~; 

9 ' . \ , l ( - ' O ^ 

I ^ 4JJJ 

II. The Marginal Notes. 

L h (2) ‘ _^» , .ir s,d>\ 4Li -04J . 1 (1) 

S.lil ^5U A^U > (3) { ^I'.U »,4' ^-5U Jo-L 

^ > j •• ur* ' ■ -J • J J 

^ ^ i ■* ^4 A . (5) ^qsC^ i • Vap^o ^ L 1 ^ A^^a .ax 4 ^ ^ (4) 

a*-4 \J* ( £ j44». 

o_4U ^ (8) £ ^1 j s,Lll t -jli. A^'.^-y.J (7) 

‘ isT J.41 ( — -Wls^ A.=>-'. - 04 J A (9) ‘ 1 J .4 «‘4I 

> • > • y V- ^ <J j • * 


J&S J (11) ‘ 

j\ SXJ cH' j o,-> 

1 J^ili l^JaJj Ai JUaoO 

III. 7%e Persian Translation. 

J& LlXj Aj-j lIXj b cj\ uIXj oj_*_; 0 £j (0 

^yoo) AjaIjO yO AjAy *A^ J& A^La j\ (r) 1 ajA^ (^ y •) 

A^A ^jljl — j (aj) ^jA .>-1^ (r*) (a. 1 sJti 

<_a1 » aa>- Ij" ^ aja^ ^a— j ^yi>li ^ ajajs pis I^a ( f) 

A^" l—J 1 \%j A— XJ ( C ) Aj A^« ^ ( Aj ) y A J A i ‘-X--— : • 

A^ri- (Aj) Iaa As Aj A^A j AJ ^Js (l) ^ywi^A ', O 

^lyf^lj ^jlj jA ^ A- (| t)lyi AAJ ^ « JAi^ i./l ^ i * 

> 1 A a£ i ^^p>- 1 01 ^ Aj j ^ Aj 1 t g.-* i ** .' ( , A AjjO— « 

^^is^sriy# £Ay*t ^aIa (aj) |4 |A-j y aa. 1 ^ a£ caa ( v ) A.xj 

^r“* la^ ^.'^) d^*j : (^) i^ s> ~ ( A ) 

LA— *a 110<^_J A.» ‘ ««i) jO L c^ (0 LA— wA> t ^y< L .j—y « j 

^\ aj a (m) ‘ a*T ^a/ ^ a£ la— iy aLj (i •) 

ys ^a^ a^ 0 r ) * Ay^»* (jj) Ajy ^ jl>- ^cy-i j 

^y»*j) tJ Aj I yAi ( ' c) A»»yO'^\jyj (aj) A^jl ^ la — ij£ 'j.A 
^ylAlj j\ A^ Ab (^) (Aj) j*L^A j\j jij ^wuaJ^ ^ 4 X yJ b l (if ,l«S»v-J 


(<Jj) ^ jJh (M 6 ) 1 ij\i jA £)!! ^AdlJ j 

i s '^j c'a d-i-^ ( - < ) J‘.'. *■■ 0 I JaaA J& ^ A%»' JAaaJ ' ) ^.A*. w j~l 

AA A9 t X 1 i (to) 1 1j A- 1 O llj A imJ Jj ^maIIA • 

jb 0 V ) ‘ Jm J-i> £)l! jJajA (n) ‘ ^aJLJ (<u) a£ L_- £11! 

4^A*Jbl juli (|a) S^lsCU ,b ^Hb Adi^A^ ^ AdiL' jJ (^)£ll! 

tlio j^bjU (tl) 1 j*j uj^i. <0 (^y*) W »>• t tA ^ 

w \ A.Jvax*J 0 ,) C - 1 t _> Ij • d^vxJ J j Jo 1 Aj L^t ' • <^&\ A^JJj c'O £ | , tOsj 

±S*J 4 ^ ^ 

li jc) JJ ^A-*j ) $J>J (f*) 

‘ d-ij d-wb ^ y-ijlr 5 ( n ) 1 <-l£ -ij -i Aj A^mJj 

^ Ai - Aj a'a-a-j j a!a iM (rr) ‘ ^,a-^>- (<u) oJ> La jil> (rr) 
g Jb t ^Jb Aj ClAAb yj JO A A *Jb ^A A J (rr) 

j*A ^ (ro) ‘ iA*I CL?jb (<o) dJjAJ *^xj\f>- Ji (^.) 

! .clll ^ A-ao^^j ( n) jAa*I ^Ab (<o) 4 |Ow« j} Jl>- 

JcsLl aLaJI (j^jb ^-1 i_5^!bj\ <t£ cl!! (l’ v ) 4 d-A^Jou! ,jjb 

^A*-* ^.a. X . ^ - d-.>J£-=»- ( r *) ; d-AAA^-l) J 

j*AAA^, (|^j-») ^j*“A i, ••^srUaJ la — '~ ol Oa-j) 

AaaJ j* b#J Jaa ^ J LiJ ^ I < * 


IV. Transliteration of Gabrl Text. 

[& is here used to represent the very broad sound of a, so characteristic of most 
Persian dialects, which lies between the pure o and the long u, and is, 
in the above transcript in the Arabic character, generally expressed by 
the vowel-point pish ( zamma ), which is also used in its ordinary value 
of u.) 

(1) Ye riizhl yak gilrpu kbadu yak pa-pahnl plshl yak 
arbabl kar osb ke. (2) Vus-kl kar osh kerte be, iplak 
kaptin. (3) A arbiibi mi’i har de sbi vljmvan sar dad. 
(4) Mi’I jl osb in, u charagahl osb dl ke, u ta chin vakhtl 
ani vov u sawzl osh khe u hal amu bin. (5) Yak ru’ gilrpu 
binash kerti ar-ar vaj dartun. (6) Pa-pahnl blcbiir^ bar 
chi dadush kusbt ki “Vaj-i-khe ma-ku; khudaml pahmin, 
u tu in, ma piranin, u du bara bar ma barib kirin, u ma 
tu mararat i vinin,” gurpu, az khargiri gisli dart, gusbusb 
na ke. (7) Osb vat ki, “ Khiinindigi bidirum mi vlrl 
amda mi va vi-kblni.” (8) Ma farinan i kkuda, karavanl 
u sar zivln i divart. (9) SarvanT vajusb asbnuft, va 
dumball vaj she. (10) Purl ra na-sbe ki lchim gardishi 
ama. (11) Osb did bali, khari u ushturl chaq u laki muni 
darin u cbarin. (12) GalT mall har desh piruut, u osb 

vurt, u sbi shivi bar kishad. (13) Pa-palmi tashl dill 
narmi shiv! bar dusbvan shi gilrpu dad, ki “Az nadani 
vi gap nashnuftvuni khar du bara gir kaptlm.” (14) Usbtur 
mil yas shi sari dill shi dad, narmi shi vat, “ Dagh u margl 
gilrpu ! Vakhtash vi-but ! TilapI shi va kirih ! ” (15) Ye 

tike rah ki osh in, khar binash kerti skaladvun. (16) Osb 
did khar shal be. (17) Bari khar osb sbi-dad, osb nadi 
bala’I bichare ushtur. (18) Usbtur narmi til khd shi-vat, 
“Be be! khub ma ke ! ” (19) Bid! jl y6 tike rah ki osb 

in, khar va mind, u teu inu dasht u pa’I khar osb basht, 
u khar jl osb nadi rl usbtur, cbira ki osb sbusti kishad. 
(20) Ushturl palak-zade til kh4 n&lad, u i sh£ ta rasadini 
sari yak gardini’I. (21) MGni sar-a-sblv vavyast i she. 
(22) Ushtur binash kerti arvashtvun. (23) Khar d&d u 
vl-dadusb kusbt ki “ tibi ki ! ” (24) Ushtur jl j uvab-ash 

dad ki, “ di vlri tud ki narmi di-vat ki khauindigl bidirut 


di vlri ainda? (25) Mi jl harnni arvashtvuni mirum mi 
viri amda.” (26) Usktur arvasht u khar ski gav vinad. 
(27) Khar kl az bala’i ushtur tug kapt, ast4 ii pilangish 
martume u mart. (28) Az mu dastan imas diva be, ki 
pindl khudami kl nashuuvlm, bi-mukaf&ti rasiin, ravl ki 
a khari rasad. Ya be. 

Y. Translation. 

(1) One day an ass and a camel were working before 
a farmer. (2) So muck had they worked that they became 
(lit. fell) thin. (3) The farmer turned both of them loose 
(lit. gave them their heads) into the open country. (4) They, 
too, went off, and discovered a pasture, and for some while 
drank the water and ate the verdure there, and came into 
(good) condition. (5) One day the ass began to bray. 
(6) However much the poor camel entreated it, saying, 
“ Do not make this noise : people will understand (that we 
are here), and will come, and will seize us, and will lay 
burdens upon us once again, and we shall fall into trouble,” 
the ass, by reason of the folly which possessed it, would 
not listen to it. (7) It said, “The vocal powers of my 
father have come into my remembrance, and I want to 
sing.” (8) As God willed it, a caravan was passing 
through that region. (9) A camel-driver heard its voice, 
and followed after the sound. (10) He had not gone far 
when he came to a turn in the road. (11) He saw, yes, 
an ass and a camel, fat and well-favoured, occupy this 
place and are grazing (there). (12) He grasped the 
necks of both animals, and carried them off, and put them 
under loads. (13) The camel, angry at heart, cursed the 
ass softly under its load, saying, “We have been (thus) 
caught again through the folly of the ass, and through 
its not hearkening to advice.” (14) The camel laid this 
vexation to heart, and kept saying, “ Burns and death to 
the ass ! May its time come ! I will pay it out ! ” 
(15) When they had gone a little way, the ass began to 


stumble. (16) They saw that the ass was lame. (17) They 
took down the ass’s load, and placed it on the poor camel. 
(18) The camel muttered softly to itself, “Bravo! we have 
done well!” (19) When they had gone yet a little further, 
the ass collapsed, and they came and bound the ass’s fore- 
legs and hind-legs, and placed the ass also on the camel, 
because it was able to carry (burdens). (20) The unlucky 
camel groaned within itself, and went on until they arrived 
at the top of a pass. (21) Here it was necessary to descend. 
(22) The camel began to dance. (23) The ass entreated 
and lamented, saying, “ I shall fall ! ” (24) The camel, too, 

gave answer, saying, “ Dost thou remember how thou wert 
continually saying that the singing of thy father had come 
to thy remembrance? (25) Now with me also, the dancing 
of my mother has come to my remembrance.” (26) The 
camel pranced about and threw the ass down. (27) When 
the ass fell down from off the camel, its bones and body 
were broken, and it died. (28) From this story it thus 
appears, that when we will not hearken to people’s advice, 
we shall meet our deserts, just as that ass did. Finis. 



1. Reply to Mr. Beveridge’s Note on the Panjmana 

Dear Sir, — If I may be permitted to add a few words 
in reply to Mr. Beveridge’s very interesting note, I will 
do so as briefly as possible. 

In the first place I would submit that if Shaibani Khan 
had represented a defeat as a victory, he would not be the 
first, or the last, who has done such a thing. In all ages 
and among most nations it has been a common practice 
for both sides to claim a victory on one and the same 
field ; and histories are full of national colouring of this 
particular kind. There is nothing extraordinary, therefore, 
in Shaibani endeavouring to hand down his action with 
the Qazaks in the light of a victory for himself. 

Secondly as to KhwandamTr. This author was not only 
a “ compiler ” of history. In the instance under note, he 
was an inhabitant of the country to which his statements 
refer, and was a witness of the events that occurred at 
the period in question. He was a native of Herat, the 
capital of Khorasan, and was living at his home at the 
time. He even took a part in the affairs of his country 
which ended in its invasion by Shaibani Khan. Thus, in 
909 h. (1503-4) he joined the embassy despatched from 
Herat to Kunduz to invite the Sultan of the latter 
province to co-operate with the Khorasani rulers against 
the IJsbegs. Again, in 913 h. (1507-8), when Herat had 



succumbed, it was Khwandamlr who drew up the conditions 
of surrender to the Usbeg chief. He appears also to have 
continued to live in Herat for some time during: the Usbe°- 
occupation, and probably until as late as 916 h. (1510), 
when the invaders were finally driven out by the Persians, 
and Shaibani was killed. He must, therefore, have been 
thoroughly acquainted with the affairs of 1509-10 to which 
the inscription relates, and could have had no reason to 
compile his account of them from other authors. The 
Hablb-us-Siyar seems to have been finished about 1528-9, 
and the author died in 1534-5. 1 

The Tarikh-i-Rashldl was begun only in 1541, and was 
completed in 1546—7 ; but the account found there of the 
proceedings in question bears no resemblance, in detail, to 
that in the Habib. It is just possible, though extremely 
improbable, that Mirza Haidar may have seen a copy of 
the Hablb-us-Siyar, before he wrote his own book, but there 
is not a shadow of internal evidence in the latter that he 
derived an}’ information from the Habib regarding Shaibaui’s 
times. Moreover, the fact that Mirza Haidar agrees with 
Khwandamlr goes far towards showing that no personal 
animosity coloured the Mirza’s statements. 

Thirdly. Yambery’s statement respecting a defeat ex- 
perienced by Shaibani’s son at the hands of the Qazaks 
in the autumn of 1510, may be correct; but it is 
noteworthy (a) that M. Vambery does not give the 
authority on which it is made ; (6) no other author known 
to such careful and accurate searchers and writers as 
Sir PI. Howorth and the late Sani-ud-Daulah, 2 mentions 
it; (c) Mirza Haidar tells us (p. 234) that Timur Sultan 
(or Muhammad Timur), Shaibani’s son, was close to his 
father’s camp in the neighbourhood of Marv with a large 
body of men, at the beginning of December, 1510. If 

1 Sec Elliot’s Ilist., pp. 142-3 and 155. Also Habib -us- Siyar, iii, p. 310 
(Persian printed edition). 

2 The historiographer of Persia who writes in bis Mautazim-i-Nasivi, under 
date 915 h. : “During this year Shaibak Khan [Shaibani] was defeated by 
Qasim Sultan, a ruler of Dusht-i-Kipchak, and came in distress to Khorasan.” 



defeated b\ r the Qaziiks on the Jaxartes in October or 
November, it is just possible that he himself might have 
been at Marv in the first days of December, but somewhat 
improbable that he should have been able in that short 
interval to raise a fresh force, (d) It might, I think, be 
quite as fair to assume that AT. Vambery bad “mixed up the 
two campaigns ” (if two there were) as that the contemporary 
writers should have done so. 

Fourthly. The Tarlkh - i - Rashldl, as Mr. Beveridge 
says, “ does not speak of Shaibani having been personally 
defeated” by the Qazaks. Just so : but the date it indicates 
for the defeat is that which the inscription gives for the 
victory, and it makes no mention of any subsequent defeat 
of Shaibdui’s troops in the same year. — Yours faithfully, 

Ney Elias. 

2. Buddhaghosa’s Samantapasadika in Chinese. By 
J. Takakusu, M.A., Ph.D. 

My hear Professor Rhys Davids, — As an additional 
note to my article on “ Pali Elements in Chinese Buddhism ” 
(J.R.A.S., July, pp. 415-39), I should like to point out 
some matters which I ought to have incorporated in that 
article when I wrote it. 

First of all, Professor Max Muller’s notice of the “ Dotted 
Record of Past Sages,” to which I referred on p. 437, 
appeared in the Academy for March 1, 1884, p. 152, and 
is reprinted in the Indian Antiquary for May, 1884, 
p. 148, entitled, “ The True Date of Buddha’s Death.” 
The translation quoted in that article by my friend Bunyu 
Nanjio is fuller than mine, and gives the name of the 
Chinese assistant of Sanghabhadra and that of the monastery 
where the translation was made. The assistant was a Chinese 
named “Sang-i,” and the monastery “Bamboo Grove, ” in 
Canton. These names may perhaps lead to a knowledge of 
further particulars about the translator himself. 

Next I have to add here that Professor W. ’Wassilief, of 
St. Petersburg, noticed the book in question, and gave a 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 8 



summary in “ Buddhism in its full development according 
to the Vinayas,” a paper contributed to the “ Oriental 
Notices” published by the Faculty of Oriental Languages 
at St. Petersburg, in 1895, 1 and concluded that our book 
looked like a Sinhalese one. 

Lastly, in an interview with Professor Sylvain Levy, of 
the College de France, I was exceedingly glad to find that 
he himself had discovered that text independently, and has 
been preparing a note for publication. Readers of my 
article will no doubt be glad if he would further notice 
any points which may have escaped my attention. 

I am obliged to Professor Leumann, of Strassburg, and 
to Professor Levy, for pointing out some of the particulars 
given above. — I remain, Sir, your obedient Student, 

J. Takakusu. 

3. Shah IsmaTl. 


October 23, 1896. 

Dear Sir, — In the interesting paper by Dr. E. Denison 
Ross, “ On the Early Years of Shah Isma'il,” in the April 
number of the R.A.S. Journal, the word (p. 253 et seq.) 
is translated by him as “ point,” and vocalized tarak. It 
should be tark, and means a triangular or wedge-shaped 
piece of cloth, a gore. For a cap the sides of the triangles 
are sewn together, and the apices join together and form 
the peak of the cap. The so-called shab-kulah (night-cap), 
the ’ arak-chin (lit. perspiration-gatherer ; a little cotton 
cap worn by Persiaus under their hats or bonnets), and 
all dervish caps are made of a number of tarks, from 
four to twelve, and even more, and called chahar-tarki, 
davazdah tarki, etc., according to the number of tarks 
composing them. The pieces of canvas or cloth sewn 
into the conical roofs of tents or into sails are also called 

' Professor I.evy is intendin'; to publish presently a French translation of this 
paper in the “ Revue de l’Histoire ues Religious.” 



tark. The Ferhang-i-Anjuman Ara, after explaining 1 the 
word, adds: “ Isma'Il Shah, in order to distinguish the 
members of the Slu'ah sect, had dervish caps made of red 
cloth, and each cap consisted of twelve pieces of cloth, 
and on each piece was sewn (stitched or embroidered, as 
done now) the name of one of the twelve Imams. These 
caps were considered the greatest honour which could be 
bestowed on a Shl'ah noble; and as the caps were red, the 
families wearing them were called Kizil-bilsh, i.e. red-heads.” 
There is a distich of Mir Razz! Artimani, which says : 

i A — > y JLi 

/— • cH- ‘-9 -9 

“The cap of a dervish should have three tarks: abandon- 
ment of the world, of religion, and of the head” — a play 
on the word tark as meaning “gore,” aud (Arabic) meaning 
“ abandonment.” 

The following explanatory notes and corrections may be 
of use : — 

Page 253. Hallraa Begum. The Resaleh-i-Silsileh un- 
nasab-i-SafavIyeh has for the name of IsmaTl’s 
mother Beg! Aka Kkanum. 

,, 257 et seq. Abiya or Aibeh. The correct form is 

Aibeh, from Turkish Aibek, “the moon-prince,” 
a common proper name. 

„ 258, line 16, after “ Azarbaljan ” add from Ilabib- 

us-Siyar [to Ahar and Mishkin]. 

„ 288. ParnakI head-dress. ParnakI is a misreading 

for bar tdrak. The Hablb-us-Siyar has : 

20 1^3 I >,l r < I AJLJs 

“ having placed the takii/a (a kind of head-dress as 
worn by Turkomans) on his august head.” 

„ 298. “ Hamstrung.” The text has : 

j' *)-> 

that is, “ with the bow-string he removed him from 
the midst,” i.e. “ had him strangled.” 



Page 299 et seq. Alang Kaniz. This should be Olang 
Kanlz, a small plateau about sixty miles from 
Isfahan, on the road thence to Burujird. It is 
now generally called Kaiz and Kaiz. 

„ 303, line 7. The words from the Hablb-us-Siyar here 

left out are : 

that is, “he made them all hopeful (assured them) 
of his utmost favour and protection.” 

„ ib., line 13. For ‘Aziz Kanitl my text has Gharlr 

,, 304, last line of extract from Hablb-us-Siyar, for Lutf 

read Latlf. 

,, 307, line 6. “Punished”; text has ba ynsd rasantd, 

which means “he had (some) executed”; the ex- 
pression is in use now. 

,, 328. Tikell, Tike-IlI=Tekke-Ili, now Takkalu. 

,, 332. For Tarm read Tarum, district north-west from 


„ ib., line 2 from foot. “Sufis from Shiim and Bum”; 
text has : 

that is, “Sufis of the tribes of Riim and Sham,” the 
present Riimlu and Shamlu : cf. p. 327, “Arum III,” 
which =Rumlu. 

„ 333. Kuyl in Khalkhal ; read Guyi, generally called 

Goi. Small town destroyed by earthquake, January, 

ib. For KhakirlO and Maghauait read Chakirlu and 

339, line 14 from foot. The words from text here 
untranslated (see Pers. text, p. 325, line 9) are : 

A , J ttfiJ <diLi . 

that is, “ and the uproar of the exultations of the 
sectarians passed beyond the portal of Saturn (the 



seventh heaven),” or, shortly, “ the sectarians were 
overjoyed.” The same words occur in the Ilablb- 
us-Siyar’s chapter on ‘Ali Padishah’s death. 

Page ib., line 5 from foot. “ Foster-brothers.” The text 
has hamshirehgan, plural of hamshireh, which moans 
a foster -sister, but is now used by men for sister in 
general ; women more frequently employ the word 
khwahar . — Yours very truly, 


To the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

4. The Buddhist Goddess Tara. 

Dear Professor Rhys Davids, — I notice in the number 
of the Journal for January, 1896, pp. 241-246, that M. L. 
Poussin, in reviewing M. de Blonay’s essay on Tara, repeats 
the old mistaken notion “ that Tara is a Brahmanic goddess 
of naturalistic origin, for her name signifies a star.” He 
will find conclusive evidence against such views, also much 
new information on the subject, in my article on Tara in 
the Journal for January, 1894, and in my Buddhism of Tibet. 

L. A. "Waddell. 

5. “Antiquity of Eastern Falconry.” 

Dear Sir, — Mr. W. F. Sinclair asks, on p. 793 of the 
J.R.A.S. for 1896, for some authority for the use of trained 
falcons in the East before the first century a.d. It is true 
that hunting with the falcon cannot he proved from the 
Assyrian sculptures, but I published in 1884 1 extracts 
from some omen tablets which seem to show that falconry 
was practised at the time those texts were written, probably 
at a very early period. 

The bird in question is called , sitrdu, and 

is said to hunt ; and if, when doing so, it crossed from the 

1 Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology for Jan. 8 of that year. 



right to the left (or from the left to the right) of the king, 
then the king would make a conquest of his enemy, etc. 
There are also omens from the surdu tearing his prey with 
his beak, hunting his prey at the house of a man, etc. ; 
and certain incomplete lines speak of him fighting with 
the eagle. 1 This bird also fought with the raven ( 

S=TYT* Hf<T» u 9 a= aribu), and there are omens for 
the king from the surdu killing, or being killed by, the 
former. Books of natural history tell us that contests such 
as are here spoken of, between the falcon and the raven, 
actually occur. Another name of the surdu was kasusu. 

See also Fried. Delitzsch’s Assyrisches Handuorterbuch, 
pp. 5116, 545a, 1646. 

Theophilus <jt. Pinches. 

6. The Meaning of Tao. 

Sir, — With regard to our discussion on the Tao after 
General Alexander’s paper on the 10th November, the point 
for which I then contended, namely, that the expression 
which was so often on the lips of the keeper of the archives 
at Loh-yang could never be faithfully rendered in English 
by ‘ God/ I have since found confirmed by a reference to 
the Tao-te King itself. 

In the fourth chapter of that work Lao-tse says: “The 
Tao is empty : he who uses it must not be full. Oh ! the 
Abyss! It is like the origin of all things. He (who uses 
it) blunts his sharp points that he may unravel their tangles, 
and subdues his light that he may share their ignorance. 
IIow still is the Tao, as though containing all things ! 
I do not know whose son it is. It existed before the form 
(of Heaven), before God himself!” 

The word here used is Ti, which is sometimes applied to 
the emperor, but in philosophical works is almost invariably 
equivalent to Tien-Chu, * Heaven-Lord/ the expression chosen 

1 Surdu u unsrn lu mitguru-ma imta/ihafu, “ the surdu and the eagle do not 
agree, and fight.” 



by the Jesuits to represent ‘ Pieu.’ Not infrequently the word 
shang ‘ over ’ is prefixed to Ti, so that now the form S/tang- 
Ti lias come to be generally recognized by all Protestant 
missionaries as the Chinese equivalent of the Christian Ideal. 

The radical of the character for Tao is 1G'2, meaning 
‘motion.’ lienee the primary signification is Path or Waj', 
and this is the meaning assigned to it in the Shu King and 
in the Sacred Edict. Confucius also uses it in this sense, 
but with a decidedly ethical colouring : it is the Path of 
Virtue (Chung Yung, cap. xxvii), and even Conscience 
itself (Analects, cap. viii). Lao-tse tells us (cap. xxxv) that 
it is ‘ hidden and nameless, but confers itself well on all 
things and attains self-realization.’ In one passage we 
read (cap. xxi) : “ I know not its Name : I call it the Way. 
If I am forced to name it, I say it is Greatness. Of this 
Greatness we say it ever moves on, reaching into the far 
distance, unlike all else.” 

Thus, to the author of the most philosophical work which 
China has produced, Tao is the unutterable Way of Life, 
the nameless secret of existence. 

Early in the year I had the opportunity of discussing 
this very question with Monseigneur Professor de Harlez. 
In the course of conversation I ventured to suggest : “ C’est 
le grand Sans-Nom ! ” His answer was : “ Oui, c’est cela, 
j ustement. ” — Yours, faith f iilly, 

Herbert Baynes. 

To the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society. 



(October, November, December, 1896.) 

I. General Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

November 10, 1896. — Mr. H. Beveridge in the Chair. 

It was announced that — 

Miss C. M. Duff, 

Professor Deussen, 

Mr. H. A. Bhojvani, 

Mr. S. C. Lahary, 

Mr. A. Charan Dass, 

Mr. Jyan Takakusu, 

Dr. R. Paulusz, 

Mr. Y. S. B. Mudaliar, 

Mr. C. J. Marzetti, 

Babu Kedar Nath Dutt, 
had been elected members of the Society. 

General G. G. Alexander, C.B., M.R.A.S., read a paper 
“On the Most Appropriate Equivalent for the Word ‘Tao’ 
as used by Lao-tsze.” After pointing out how greatly the 
thoughts and meaning of the great Chinese had been 
obscured through translators having failed to agree on some 
term which would accurately convey the author’s intention, 
General Alexander proceeded to show from the several 
translations that whilst the word ‘Tao’ had either been 
left untranslated, or rendered by some supposed equivalent 
such as ‘ Reason,’ * the Road,’ * the Way,’ or * Nature,’ 
the several translators had in their notes or prefaces been 
unanimous in declaring that, in a greater or lesser degree. 



the word ‘ Tao ’ contained within it an idea which could not 
be separated from the one which naturally belongs in some 
form or other to a conception of a deity ; and in the case 
of Von Strauss, though he left the word untranslated, 
he had in his preface, after enumerating all the attributes 
which Lao-tsze had attached to the Tao, declared that it was 
quite impossible that any other rendering could be correctly 
used than the word ‘ God.’ In support of this view General 
Alexander proceeded to show that, setting aside all the 
misleading aid of the Chinese commentators, the text 
of the ‘ Tao-tih-king ’ amply sufficed to establish it. It was 
found in the very first chapter that the ‘ Tao ’ was the great 
First Cause, undefinable and unnamable, a knowledge 
of whom was only to be gained by those who were pure 
of heart ; and in subsequent chapters that he was 
an invisible spirit, only to be- recognized through his 
works, the universal protector and refuge, the pardoner 
of all who applied to him, and the nourisher and sustainer 
of the whole world, and that hence it was he was held 
in such high honour. General Alexander then contrasted 
the views of Confucius with those of Lao-tsze, and finally 
wound up by observing that, in addition to what had been 
brought forward, the word ‘ Logos ’ had been suggested 
by several of the translators as possibly the nearest approach 
to a correct rendering of the word ; and, singularly enough, 
in our translation of the Gospels ‘ Tao ’ is the substitute 
for ‘ Logos ’ in the first chapter of St. John, and as the words 
‘ Te,’ * Shante,’ and ‘ Thien ’ have been all translated by and 
accepted for the word ‘ God,’ it is inconceivable that any 
objection should be taken to the use of that term when 
applied to the far higher conception of the Deity formulated 
by Lao-tsze. 

The Chairman then read the following letter addressed 
to the President from Professor Douglas : — 

British Museum. 

November 10. 

Dear Lord Peay, — I extremely regret my inability 
to be present this afternoon at the meeting of the Society. 



I should much have liked to have heard General Alexander’s 
paper. His contention is an interesting one, and I should 
have liked to have listened to his arguments in support 
of it. I cannot, however, agree with him in his choice 
of God as the equivalent of Laotzu’s Tao. The commonly- 
accepted idea of God is that of a personal deity, who is not 
only the creator of the universe, but also the intimate guide 
and director of the world and of the affairs of men. Tao , 
on the other hand, was distinctly impersonal, indefinite, and 
unconscious, and should, if expressed in English at all, 
be expressed by some such periphrasis as “ (1) the Absolute, 
the totality of Beings and Things ; (2) the phenomenal 
world and its order ; and (3) the ethical nature of the good 
man and the principle of his action.” 

But it helps us better to understand Laotzu and his 
teaching if we glance at the history of his doctrines. 
There can be no doubt that he was largely imbued 
with Indian philosophy. It is impossible to study the 
metaphysics of Brahminism without being struck with 
the marked similarity, and almost identity, which exists 
between the philosophy of the Brahmins and that ex- 
pounded by Laotzu. Sir M. Monier- Williams quotes in his 
“ Hinduism ” the following passage from the Isa Upnnishad, 
which is strikingly descriptive of the leading attributes of 
Tao : — 

“ Whate’er exists within this universe 
Is all to be regarded as enveloped 
By the great Lord, as if wrapped in a vesture. 

There is only one Being who exists 
Unmoved, yet moving swifter than the mind ; 

Who far outstrips the senses, though as gods 
They strive to reach him ; who, himself at rest, 
Transcends the fleetest flight of other beings ; 

Who, like the air, supports all vital action. 

He moves, yet moves not ; he is far, yet near ; 

He is within this universe. Whoe’er beholds 
All living creatures as in him, and him — 

The universal spirit — as in all 

Henceforth regards no creature with contempt.” 

Tao we are told by Laotzu is “ all-pervading ... all 
things wait upon it for life, and it refuses none; all things 
return home to it ; it is the hidden sanctuary of all being ; 
it is inactive and yet leaves nothing undone.” 



Much more might be quoted in support of the same 
comparison, and iu my opinion Tao as used by Laotzu is 
much more nearly related to “the impersonal Brahma, the 
universal, self-existing soul,” than it is to our idea of God. — 
Believe me to be, my Lord, yours truly, 

Robert K. Douglas. 

Mr. H. Baynes, Mr. Sturdy, Mr. C. Fox, and the Chairman 
took part in the discussion. 

December 8, 1896. — The Bight Hon. the Lord Reav, 
President, in the Chair. 

It was announced that — 

Mr. C. Khirod Ray, 

Mr. Biharl Lai Rai, 

had been elected members of the Society. 

Mr. Henry Morris, on the subject of Transliteration, 
reported that the Bible Society had passed a resolution 
practically approving the Congress scheme of Transliteration, 
and called attention to a letter in the Times newspaper on the 
transliteration of Hausa. 

The Secretary then read a paper by Mr. Sarat Chandra 
Mitra on “ The Har Parauri, or Bihari Women’s Ceremony 
for producing Rain.” 

In the discussion which followed Mr. Kennedy pointed out 
that a similar, practically the same, ceremony had been 
several times described in published works, and most fully 
in Lady Fanny Parke’s charming Journal of 1870. A 
similar ceremony was also reported from Russia. It was 
difficult to believe that the cursing had anything to do 
with sacrifice. It was simply a device to avert too great 
luck, and it was not uncommon for the ideas of fertility 
and nakedness to go together. 

Mr. Sewell said he recollected two cases of hook swinging 
for rain during the Madras famine of 1877. In those cases 
the permission of the police was previously obtained. 

Mr. Brandreth said that hook swinging had been a 
frequent custom in Bengal until it was stopped by Govern- 
ment. But it had there no reference to ruin. The men 


swung were partly supported by a cloth ; and the same men 
would be swung time after time. It seemed to do them little 
or no harm, and they made a living of it. 

Mr. Beveridge, Dr. Leitner, and Mr. Baynes also took 
part in the discussion. The paper will appear in a sub- 
sequent number. 

II. Contents of Foreign Oriental Journals. 

1. Zeitschrift dee Deutschex Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 
Band l, Heft 3. 

Steinschneider (M.). Die arabischen Uebersetzungen aus 
dem Griechischen. 

Fraenkel (S.). Die Sprache des Josippen. 

Oldenberg (II.). Yedische Untersuchungen. 

Glaser (E.). Die altabessinische Inschrift von Matara. 
Goldziher (I.). Neue Materialien zur Litteratur des 
Ueberlieferungswesen bei den Muhammedanern. 

Jolly (J.). Beitrage zur indischen Rechtsgeschichte. 
Sevbold (C. F.). Zu A. Fischer’s “Die altarabischen 
Rarnen der sieben Wochentage.” SS. 220-226. 

2. Vienna Oriental Journal. Yol. x, Ho. 3. 

Muller (D. H.). Die Bauinschrift des Barrekub. 

Die Obelisk-Inschrift bei Matara. 

(W. Max). Altafrikanische Glossen. 

Kunstlinger (D.). Zur Syntax der Zahlworter. 
Chalathiantz (G.). Fragmente iranischer Sagen bei 
Grigor Magistros. 

Hirth (Fr.). Ueber die chinesischen Quellen zur Kenntniss 
Centralasiens unter der Herrschaft der Sassaniden etwa in 
der Zeit 500 bis 650. 

Baynes (H.). The Mirror of Truth, or Bauddha Confession 
of Faith. 



III. Obituary Notice. 

Sir James Abbott, K.C.B. 

We have to record the death of this distinguished veteran, 
the last of that company of Soldiers, and Civilians, who 
built up to its present grandeur the Empire of British 
India. He was born in 1807, and in a short time would 
have completed ninety years. He took a conspicuous part 
in the first Afghan War : there are very few alive now who, 
like myself, have held converse with the great men of that 
period — Nott, Pollock, Richmond, Sale, Havelock, Broadfoot, 
all of whom crossed the Satlaj on that famous day in 1842, 
when Lord Ellenborough welcomed the returning troops. 
James Abbott, who has just died, had distinguished him- 
self before that date, but he was not there. 

James Abbott went to India at the age of sixteen in 
1823: he was present at the siege of Bhurtpur in 1825-6. 
He went to Herat in 1838, and thence in 1839 he started 
on a mission to attach the Khan of Khiva to the British 
cause : he passed through the then mysterious region of 
Merv, and was the first Englishman, who crossed the Oxus, 
and reached Khiva. Stoddart and Conolly were at that time 
prisoners in Bokhara, where they died. Abbott persuaded 
the Khan to entrust him with a mission to the Emperor of 
Russia to arrange for mutual restoration of captives. In 
March, 1840, he made his way to the Caspian Sea, and thence 
to Orenburg, Moscow, and St. Petersburg, was admitted to 
an interview with the Emperor, and gained his object. 

On returning to India he was employed in Civil posts 
in Rajputana: when the Sikh War broke out in 1845 
he was not with his brothers, and myself, in the great 
battles on the River Satlaj, but, after peace had been 
declared, he was employed to demark the frontier of 
Kashmir and the Hazaruh, and there he was when the 
Panjab War broke out in 1848 : there I visited him in 
1850, and the name of Abbotabad records the Civil Station, 



which he founded. lie attached the people to him personally : 
that was the secret in those days of managing Districts in 
the Panjab: “the iron hand in the velvet glove”: there 
he remained until 1853, engaged in a work of pacification, 
with occasional raids across the River Indus into the Region 
of the Black Mountain, the Aornos of Alexander the Great. 

Thirty years of service had left him still a Major : in 
1867 he took leave of India with the rank of Major-General : 
honours had been dealt out charily to him : in 1873 he was 
made a C.B., and in 1894 a K.C.B. : we may justly apply to 
him the words of Metternich in 1814 with regard to Lord 
Castlereagh, the English Ambassador, who appeared at the 
Court of Vienna, in the midst of men covered with decora- 
tions, in simple costume with not one order : “ moins decore, 
plus distingue.” The Roman Historian Tacitus would have 
composed some stinging sentences with regard to the man, 
who had done things worth recording, and written books 
worth reading, who had achieved great things, while others 
had carried off the honours : for in looking back through 
the Annals of British Iudia from 1844 to 1867, amidst 
the galaxy of great men, Military and Civil, who passed 
before me over the stage (and with the exception of Sir 
James Outram, I came into contact with them all), no more 
knightly form fell under my eye than that of James Abbott, 
the “ preux chevalier ” who was ready to sacrifice his own 
life to save that of poor Afghan female slaves ; who was 
not afraid to meet the cruel fate of Stoddart and Conollv, 
and made in his diary of that date the following entry after 
saving human lives : “ Whatever now befalls me, death, 
captivity, or success, I shall bless God, that I have visited 
Khiva.” Such men are required to complete the picture 
of the group of servants of the State who, since the great 
frontier campaign of 1845-6, have made India what it is. 

I had been drawn to him before I met him in 1850, 
46 years ago, by his writings, for he was a poet, an 
antiquarian, and a man of letters ; not a mere uncultured 
sabreur, or an unlettered official. He contributed twenty 
papers to the Journal of our Mother-Society, the Bengal 



Asiatic Society, on a variety of subjects, such as, the 
quality of a sword-blade, on fragments of Greek Sculpture 
in the Pan jab (in which subject he was the earliest 
in the field) ; he identified the Black Mountain of 
Mahaban with the Aornos of the Roman chronicler ; and 
he revived in me an interest in my classic studies, which 
the duties of Peace and War had partially destroyed. As 
one of the earliest English officials in the Pan jab, I dwelt 
on the banks of the River Hyphasis, which we called the 
Beas, and the Sanskrit authors the Vipasa. Recalling 
the story of Alexander the Great, as learned in the sixth 
form at Eton, I felt an interest to look for the twelve 
Altars, and the inscription “ Ego, Alexander, hue perveni,” 
the Latin translation of the Greek words ; and with the 
help of James Abbott I subsequently traversed, in 1850, 
the scene of the Grecian King’s greatest battle on the 
Hydaspes, now called the Jhelum, and I sailed down that 
River into the great River, the Acesines, now the Chenab, 
and thence into the Indus ; and I thought of the time when 
the echo of those dreary wastes rang to the Greek 
Trumpet, and the great son of Philip of Macedon forced 
his way into Regions then unknown to the Grecian 
world, and which remained unknown up to the time, 
when James Abbott first described them. 

Oh ! if those recreant Macedonian troops had, more than 
two thousand years ago, not mutinied on the borders of 
mv first Pan jab District, Alexander would have crossed 
the Hyphasis or Beas, and the H3 r siidrus or Satlaj, and 
worked his way to the banks of the Jamna, and, embarking 
there, would have sailed down into the Ganges, and would 
perhaps have come into contact with King Asoka, the 
inscriber on the Rocks of India of the great Edicts. 
Many matters still unsolved regarding the History of the 
Indian Alphabet and of the Indian Religion would have 
been solved ; and the subject of this Memoir made the first 
contribution to the unfinished stories of Arrian and Quintus 
Curtius, answering questions, to which the Greeks and 
Romans failed to give any reply. 



I subjoin a list of the more notable of his works, but 
by no means an exhaustive one. 

List of Publications. 


1. “ The Thakoorine, a legend of Maundoo.” Madden, 

London, 1811. Second Edition, Kegan Paul, London, 

2. “Tales of the Forest.” Madden, London, 1853. 

3. “ Legends and Ballads.” Calcutta, 1854. 

4. “Prometheus’ Daughter.” London, 1851. 

5. “Allah uddeen.” Smith and Elder, 1880. 


6. Contributions to East India United Service Journal 

before the year 1830: 

A. “ The Private Sentinel.” 

B. “Narrative of the Joudpore Countermarch.” 

C. “ Narrative of a Journey from Mhow in Malwa 

to Agra.” 

D. “ Journal of Lieut. C. Bannemore.” 

E. “ Barrack Sketches.” 

7. “Narrative of a Journey from Meerut in North India 

to Khiva, Moscow, and St. Petersburg during the 
late llussian Invasion of Khiva, with some account 
of the Court of Khiva and Kingdom of Kharesra.” 
Two vols. Allen, London, 1813. Second Edition, 
Smith, Elder, and Co., 1867. Third Edition, AY. II. 
Allen, 1884. 

8. Contributions to a Periodical (name not known) : 

A. “On the Ballads and Legends of the Panjab,” 

with a Plate of Coins. 

B. “ On the Mirage of India.” 

9. Contributions to the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic 

Society, Calcutta : 

A. “ Some account of the Camps and Battlefield 
of Alexander the Great and Porus.” 1849. 

j.r.a.s. 1897. 




B. “On the Sites of Niltaia and Boukephala.” 

C. “Gradus ad Aornon.” 

10. Contribution to the Agri Horticultural Society’s Journal, 
yol. xi, part 2 : 

“On the Undeveloped Resources of our Indian 

Robert N. Oust, 

October, 1896. Hon. Sec. to R.A.S. 

TV. Notes and News. 

Caitanya . — Under the title of Sri Gauranga Lila Smarana 
Mangala Stotray, the well-known Vaishnava Sri Kediira- 
natha Bhakti-vinod, M.R.A.S., has published a poem in 
Sanskrit on the life and teachings of Caitanya. It is accom- 
panied with a commentary, also in Sanskrit, in which the 
subject is further elucidated, and is preceded by an Intro- 
duction of 63 pages in English, in which the doctrines 
taught by Caitanya are set out in somewhat full detail ; 
this position, more especially as against Sankara and the 
Advaita Yedantists, is explained at length. The little 
volume will add to our knowledge of this remarkable 
reformer, and we express our thanks to Bhakti-vinod for 
giving it us in English and Sanskrit, rather than in 
Ban gall, in which language it must necessarily have re- 
mained a closed hook to European students of the 
religious life of India. 

Sinhalese and its Allied Dialects . — In the “ Sitzungs- 
berichte” of the Royal Bavarian Academy for 1896, vol. ii, 
l)r. Geiger has published a most interesting account of 
his too short sojourn in Ceylon, from December, 1895, to 
March, 1896. lie first gives an account of the way in 
which he spent tho time at his disposal, and then deals 
with the linguistic results of his journey. lie hopes shortly 
to bring out these results in fuller form, and they are to 
include the following essays : (1) On the language of the 



Rodiyas ; (2) On the etymology of Old Sinhalese or Elu ; 

(3) On Sinhalese itself, with a summary of the history of 
Sinhalese literature. This will appear in Biihler’s Grundriss. 

(4) On the language of the Maidive Islands ; (5) On the 
language of the Woeddas or Yeddas. The best thanks 
of students of philology are due to the Bavarian Academy 
and to the Bavarian Government for rendering it possible 
for Dr. Geiger to undertake this journey, so full of promise 
from the historical and philological point of view. And we 
hope that the illness from which Dr. Geiger unfortunately 
suffered during his stay in the island will not prevent him 
from making soon accessible to scholars the very varied 
and important series of essays he thus promises. 

Tiie extremely interesting archaic plan of a field with 
measurements, situated near the city of Dungi-sib-kalama, 
published in the Comptes Rendus of the French Academy of 
Inscriptions by Professor J. Oppert, is well worthy of notice. 
Professor Oppert’s valuable studies of the metrology of the 
Babylonians will cause all students to turn with interest 
to his remarks upon the measures. From this plan, and 
from the texts treated of by Reisner ( Berliner Akadcmic, 
April, 1896), Prof. Oppert argues that is equivalent 

to 3600, $( to 600, ^ to 60, >~< to 10, and *— to 1, during 
the period (before 2506 B.c.) to which the tablet belongs. 
The copy of the text was made at Constantinople by Father 

M. Thureau Dangin has also treated of this “Cadastre,” 
which he was the first to see, and he has published a really 
excellent copy of it ( Recueil de Travaux). The results of 
his study of the text, based upon the metrical sj^stem 
of Reisner (^ = 1, *— -jV, etc.), differs, however, greatly 
from Prof. Oppert’s, as will be seen from a comparison 
of the corrected plans given by these scholars. The date 
is m - M eitf #r El <HH> - Year he (the 
king) ravaged the land of Sasru m ,” and if the Sasru m here 



mentioned be (as is almost certain) the *— ill f 

J[p|, Bet-Sasru m , of a small tablet now in America, this 
text belongs to the reign of Bur-Sin. 

In the same number of the Comptes Rendus M. Thureau 
Dangin gives some interesting notes upon dates attached 
to tablets of the time of Sargon of Agade (3800 b.c.), Bis 
son Naram-Sin (3750 B.c.), and Lugal-usum-gal. These 
dates refer to the restoration of temples, and to Sargon’s 
subjugation of Elam, Zahara, Sarlak king of Kutiu m , and 
the laud of the Amorites. It is noteworthy that Zahara 
is described as being -Q- >-<Y< *’» buti 

Upe (or Upia ) [D.S.], “before Opis” (so I translate). 
Without doubt many more of these texts will come to light. 

T. G. P. 

In the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 
Mr. F. LI. Griffith translates the “ Stela of Meutuhetep, son 
of Hepy,” of the Flinders Petrie Collection, and therein 
examines the frequent but difficult expression in the funeral 
tablets, in which, though inconclusive, his remarks 

are exceedingly valuable. The style of the monument 
described by Mr. Griffith is that of the Middle Kingdom, 
and it is noteworthy that it “ makes mention of a succession 
of deficient rises of the Nile continuing apparently for the 
unparalleled period of twenty-five years.” 

Signor Pellegrini, who makes, apparently, a speciality of 
deciphering difficult texts, publishes in the Archwio Storico 
Sici/iano a paper upon the Egyptian Inscription in the 
Museum of Palermo referring to offerings and certain 
festivals instituted by the Pharaohs of the fourth and 
fifth dynasties, Senefru, Shepses-kaf, User-kaf, Sahu-Ra, 
and Nefer-ar-ka-Ra (cf. Petrie, “History of Egypt,” vol. i, 
pp. 30, 68 ff.). As a part of the text is very difficult to 
copy, on account of its bad state of preservation, the new 
facsimile that Signor Pellegrini gives will doubtless interest 



V. Notices of Books. 

Die Reden Gotama Buddha’s aus der mittleken Samlung 
(Majjhima Nikaya) zum ersten Mal ubersetzt, 
von Kari, Eugen Neumann. 

We have read with great interest the translation of 
the first fifty Suttas of the Majjhima Nikaya which 
Dr. Neumann offers us as a first instalment of t his most 
important book. The Majjhima Nikaya has never been 
translated before (excepting three Suttas contained in the 
eleventh volume of the Sacred Books), and thus Dr. 
Neumann’s work may be considered as quite original. 
He begins by a short preface, giving his opinion about 
the value of the Pali commentaries, especially those 
written by Buddhaghosa. Since nobody has translated the 
Majjhima Nikaya before him, he has had no occasion to 
controvert the renderings of his predecessors, as was done, 
for instance, in his translation of the Dhammapada (Der 
Wahrheitspfad), published some years ago. 

Although Dr. Neumann states in his preface that he 
does not rely too much on these Pilli commentaries, and 
although he gives us a number of instances where they 
are certainly wrong, still his translation show's that he has 
studied them thoroughly. Whenever he gives a rendering 
different from that of Buddhaghosa, we may believe that 
he has done so after full consideration ; the only thing we 
regret is that his notes are not more numerous, and that 
in very few cases only we are informed why he has adopted 
this rendering in preference to any other one. 

On the whole the translation reads very well. The 
language is clear, and the rendering of the religious 
technical terms is satisfactory throughout. In perusing 
the book I only found a few errors, and these are of no 
great consequence. Page 409 : the Pali words, ‘ yaii nad eva 
bhikkhave paccayam paticca uppajjati vinnanam tena ten’ 
eva sankham gacchati,’ are translated ‘ Aus was fur einem 



Grunrle Bewusstsein entsteht, gerade durcli diesen und 
nur durcli diesen komrat es zu Stande.’ Now the term 
* sankham gacchati ’ is rendered correctly in Childers’ 
dictionary ‘ to be reckoned as, to be called or termed,’ and 
therefore the meaning of our passage is this : ‘ Aus was 
fiir einem Grunde Bewusstsein entsteht, gerade danach 
und danach allein wil'd es benannt.’ Page 363 : ‘ seyyatlm 
pi nama kufijaro satthihayano gambhlram pokkharanim 
ogahitva sanadhovikam nama kllitajatam kllati ’ is trans- 
lated ‘ Gleichwie ein sechzigjahriger Elephant in einen 
tiefen Lotusweiher steigt und ein Spritzbad zur Erholung 
nimmt.’ The translation is correct, but not literal, and here 
Dr. Neumann should have given in a note the reasons 
why he translated this way. ‘ Sanadhovika ’ is a mistake 
for ‘ siinadhovika,’ and this means literally ‘ cloth-washing.’ 
The commentary tells us that the cloth-washing was 
considered as a great festival in India, and that it was 
accompanied by all sorts of aquatic sports, in which even 
the elephants used to take part. So there is no question 
of a simple shower-bath, as Dr. Neumann’s translation 
would suggest. In the same Sutta, three pages further 
on, we have the words ‘japetiiyam va japetum’ rendered 
by ‘einen in die Acht zu erkliirenden iichten zu lassen.’ 
The verb ‘japeti’ occurs also Milindapanha, pp. 171, 227, 
402 (Bhys Davids’ translation, i, p. 240 ; ii, pp. 29, 342). 
I now believe that Rhys Davids’ derivation from ‘jya’ is 
correct, and that we must not read ‘ jhapcti ’ instead, ns 
I suggested in my Pali Grammar, p. 37. The meaning 
would be ‘ to fine one who ought to be fined,’ not ‘ to 
proscribe’ as Neumann has it. The commentary reads 
‘jhapetum,’ and would have supported me in the mistake 
I made twelve years ago. 

Page 370: the words ‘ vistikayitani, visevitani, vipphan- 
ditani ’ are translated ‘ Stacheln, Dornen, Zacken.’ Most 
probably Dr. Neumann has chosen these expressions because 
in the foregoing allegory a crab is mentioned whose limbs 
are broken by stones and pebbles thrown at him by 
naughty boys and girls. The identical passage without 



the allegory occurs again, Samyutta Nikiiya, xii, 35, 14; 
and Warren, in his ‘Buddhism in Translations,’ p. 168, 
renders it ‘ puppet-shows, resorts, writhings.’ The first 
of the three, * visOkayitani,’ is evidently derived from 
‘ visuka,’ and is used in the same sense as ‘ ditthivisuka,’ 
Suttanipata 55, where Fausboll translates it * the harshness 
of the philosophical views.’ ‘ Vipphandita ’ is given by 
Childers with the meaning ‘ sceptical agitation ’ ; and 
‘ visevita,’ which does not occur anywhere else, evidently 
means ‘deceit, hypocrisy.’ Saccaka Niganthaputta’s heretical 
opinions are refuted by the Buddha, and he is unable to 
continue bis discourse with him, just as the crab is unable 
to move with his broken limbs. 

Page 280: Dr. Neumann translates ‘sottiya’ by ‘Fertiger.’ 
I would prefer * Befreiter ’ if he wanted to render it ac- 
cording to the et} r mology given in the text (from srn 

* to flow down ’). 

Page 124: ‘ ubbbatthaka ’ is rendered by ‘ Stetigsteber.’ 
I think ‘ Aufrechtsteher ’ would be better, as ‘ ubbha ’ 
represents Samskrit ‘ urdhva.’ The whole passage occui’s 
again, Ahguttara Nikaya, iv, 198, 2 ; Puggala Pannatti, 
iv, 24. 

In the note on p. 22, Dr. Neumann gives a derivation of 

* sallekha’ which seems to me quite impossible. ‘Lagh’ can 
never become ‘ lekh,’ and the composition ‘ sallagh ’ would 
also be monstrous. I do not see why he objects to the 
derivation given by Childers from samlikh ‘ to scratch out.’ 
His rendering ‘Ledigung,’ which he uses here and in the 
translation of the Sallekhasutta on p. 61, is very good, and 
agrees perfectly with our etymology of the word. 

Page 6 : the words ‘ bhikkhu sekho apattamanaso ’ are 
rendered ‘als kampfender Monch mit streitendem Busen.’ 
I do not object to this translation, but Dr. Neumann 
should have added a note at the bottom of the page in 
which he informs his readers that ‘ apattamanasa sekha ’ 
means a monk who is under training and has not yet 
attained Arahatship. 

Bather a slip of the pen than a real error is what 



occurs on p. 12. Here the words ‘ Janato aham bhikkhave 
passato asavanam kbayam vadami no ajanato’ are trans- 
lated ‘Dem Kenner, ihr Monche, dem Kundigen verheisse 
ich Wahnversiegung, keinem Unbekannten’ It ought to 
he ‘ keinem Nichtkenner .’ ‘ Unbekannt ’ is the equivalent of 

the Pali * aniiata.’ 

In a note on p. 513, Dr. Neumann corrects Trenckner’s 
reading ‘sabbatopabham’ into ‘sabbatopaham,’ and compares 
the concluding stanza of the Kevattasutta in the Dighanikava. 
I believe that his correction is right, and the second part 
of this ‘sabbatopaham’ is the word given by Childers s.v. 
‘paho’ (from ‘pajahati’). So far I quite agree with Dr. 
Neumann. But when he goes on in his note saying that 
the various reading ‘ pabham ’ is to be derived from ‘bhanj,’ 
I must contradict him. If there be such a reading as 
‘ sabbatopabham,’ which I do not know, then this can 
certainly not be derived from ‘ bhanj.’ The only possible 
derivation would be from ‘ bha,’ but as this would not give 
a good sense I think that we must stick to the above- 
mentioned correction. 

E. Muller. 

Gesciiichte des Buddhismus in der Mongolei. Aus 
dem Tibetischen des Jigs-med nam-nik’a, herausgegeben, 
iibersetzt, und erliiutert von Dr. Georg Huth. l tcr 
Teil, x, pp. 296 ; 2 ter Teil, xxxii, pp. 456. (Strassburg, 

In 1893 Dr. Georg nuth, of the University of Berlin, 
already well known by his scholarly translations of several 
difficult Tibetan texts, published the text of Jigs-med 
nam-mk’a’s “History of Buddhism in Mongolia” ( H’or 
c/i’oii chyong ), and in the early part of the present year 
he brought out a careful and accurate translation of this 
important Tibetan work. 

Since the publication, nearly thirty years ago, of the 
text and translation of Taranatlia’s history of Buddhism 
in India, by Professor Anton Schiefncr, no such valuable 


addition to our scanty collection of Tibetan historical works 
has been made as the present volume. The care shown 
in every part of this publication, the painstaking researches, 
the years of arduous study required to enable Dr. Iluth to 
translate such a difficult and lengthy document, are worthy 
of every praise. 

The adoption of Buddhism by the Mongols in the 
thirteenth century brought about great changes in their 
national character and customs, and the principal factor 
in this profound alteration was the Buddhist literature 
of India and Tibet, which was, in its entirety, intro- 
duced among them. From the introduction of the art 
of writing, the Mongols devoted themselves to the 
translation of the philosophical and religious works of 
Buddhism, giving hardly any attention to the other 
branches of literature, which they held unworthy of serious 
consideration. In the very few historical works produced 
bv Mongols, we find, as in those of their masters in learning, 
the Tibetans, the national traditions and legends profoundly 
altered to suit the writer’s religious faith. The tone of the 
historical works of both peoples is purely religious ; in 
them one must not look for anything beyond biographies 
and dry genealogies of saints and holy men, in which 
childish and ofttimes absurd fables are freely interspersed. 
No attention is given to dates ; no precision is used in 
geographical nomenclature, and one finds minutely recorded 
only the deeds of those of their princes who have advanced 
in one way or another the cause of Buddhism. 

This is the impression produced by reading the history 
of the Eastern Mongols written in the eighteenth century 
by Sanang Setsen, and a like one will undoubtedly be 
carried away by a perusal of the present work. The author 
has made frequent use of the work of his predecessor ; 
the only other materials employed by him have been 
apparently unimportant Chinese works, and a few mediaeval 
Buddhist authors whose writings are found translated in 
the great Tibetan canonical collection, the favourites being 
Nagarjuna and Saskya Pandita. 



The work of Jigs-med nam-mk’a is divided into two 
parts : in the first he gives the history of the Eastern. 
Mongols, from the earliest times down to the commencement 
of the nineteenth century (the author finished his work 
in 1818) ; while in the second, by far the most extended, 
he narrates the lives of the lamas who have contributed 
to the rise and spread of Buddhism in Mongolia. 

In the first part of his work, following the example of 
other Oriental authors who have treated of the subject, 
Jigs-med nam-mk’a establishes the descent of the family 
of Chingis Khan, through the semi-fabulous Burte chino, 
“the grey wolf” (who, according to Abulghazi, was the 
first father of all the Turks), and still more fabulous kings 
of Tibet, from Maha sammata, the first human sovereign, 
according to accepted Buddhist traditions. "When this 
feat has been successfull} 7 accomplished, the author’s task 
becomes simplified. He confines himself thereafter to 
briefly recording a few unimportant legends concerning 
the princes who succeeded the great Temudjin, with here 
and there a date, usually disagreeing by several years with 
the more accurate ones supplied us by trustworthy Chinese 

This part of the work terminates with a brief notice of 
the various Chinese and Manehu sovereigns of the Ming 
and Cliing dynasties, who succeeded on the throne of China 
the Mongol emperors of the Yuan dynasty, the last one 
mentioned being Chia Ching, whose reign ended in 1821, 
three years after the author finished his book. 

In the second part the author begins in true Buddhist 
style the history of his Church in the “dim, red dawn of 
man,” and thence rapidly coming down to the times of the 
Buddha Gautama, plunges into the most abstruse problems 
of Buddhist metaphysics, duly supporting his remarks with 
quotations from the best classical authors. This, to him 
important, section of his work having been duly disposed 
of, he passes briefly over the history of the introduction of 
Buddhism into China, quoting nearly word for word the 
introductory remarks on tho subject in the well-known 


“Siitra in 4‘2 Sections,” and then refers, still more briefly, 
to the introduction of Buddhism into Mongolia. 

Next, the author takes up, with great luxury of detail, 
the genealogies of various saints and pontiffs who have, 
from the time of Saskya Pandita, adorned the Lamaist 
Church ; but in none of these biographical sketches do 
we find any important historical or geographical data, 
not even in the notices of Pashpa, the inventor of the 
alphabet which bears his name and the first lama pontiff 
of China, of Ch’os-sku Od-zer, to whom is due the Mongol 
alphabet still used at the present day, of Tsong-k’apa, the 
great reformer, or on the various Talai, Panck’en, and 
Changchia lamas, concerning whom there must be un- 
doubtedly much of interest to learn. 

The work of the translator cannot be spoken of too highly; 
he has accomplished in a masterly manner a most difficult 
task. I cannot but regret, however, that he has not 
retained the now generally accepted forms of such names 
of persons, places, and things as, for example, Yiin Wen, the 
second emperor of the Ming dynasty, which he transcribes 
Cen Wen ; of Ch‘ien Lung, which he gives as K'yan 
lun. On page 45 I find mention made of “The King of 
Birds, H‘pun Tlwaan ,” in which we have some difficulty in 
recognizing the well-known Chinese term Feng huang, “ the 
phoenix.” So, in like manner, the city Hsi-nan Fu, the 
historic Chang-an, is called He nan Hpu ; and in Ten tu hu 
(p. 192) we must recognize Cheng-tu Fu, the capital of 

It seems to me that it would have been preferable if such 
well-known terms as Hutuketu and Nomenhan had been 
used instead of the less-kuown, though unquestionably 
more correct, forms Hwotogtwo and Nornon Han, which 
the translator prefers. 

It is to ray mind a serious omission on the part of Dr. 
Huth that he has not added some geographical and historical 
notes to the author’s text. To cite but two instances, on 
page 29 of the translation, it is stated that Jagatai’s fourth 
son ruled over “ Korn ” and lived in “ the city of 



Stambhola,” and a footnote to the above informs us that 
“ the author remarks in a note that Stambkola is a part of 
Qhambhala,” with which elucidation Dr. Huth dismisses 
the subject. On page 17, no attempt is made to identify the 
countries of Gzi-pen, Hp'usan, Siyanlo, Ziyan, etc., though 
many readers may not know that these are Chinese terms 
for Japan, Fusang, Corea, and the countries of Western 
Asia and Eastern Europe (Hsi Yang). 

It is to be hoped that Dr. Huth will soon bring out an 
appendix to his translation, in which he will elucidate the 
many interesting questions — historical, geographical, and 
Buddhistic — touched upon so lightly by the author, and also 
add an index, the absence of which will be very seriously 
felt by all those who may wish to consult his book. With 
these additions to the present volumes, his -work will form 
a lasting monument of erudition and completeness. 

W. W. Rockhill. 

The Articles of Christian Instruction in Favorlang- 
Formosan, Dutch, and English, from Vertrecht’s 
MS. of 1650, etc. Edited by Rev. William Campbell, 
M.R.A.S., English Presbyterian Mission, Tainanfu. 
(London : Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibuer & Co., Ltd., 

In the first part of this book we have the Articles of 
Christian Instruction which the Dutch missionary Yertrecht 
drew up for the use of the schools in the Favorlang District 
of the Island of Formosa. This district lay to the north 
of the modern Ka-gi Ilien, and in the seventeenth century 
it was the scene of Dutch missionary work. Yertrecht, who 
“laboured in Formosa between 1647 and 1651,” had made 
himself proficient in the Favorlang dialect. These Articles 
of Instruction contain the Lord’s Prayer, the Christian 
Creed, the Ten Commandments, certain Prayers, a Catechism, 
five sermons, and other items. We have them here carefully 



edited, accompanied by the original Dutch and an English 

At p. 102 we have the “ Lord’s Prayer in the present-day 
Sekhoan Dialect of Formosa ” : this dialect being spoken 
by the natives of Toa-sia, about fourteen miles north of 
Chang-hua city. The transcriber has cut up the words 
into syllables, and so we cannot get the correct pro- 
nunciation ; but there does not seem to be any resemblance 
between the words of this Lord’s Prayer aud those in 
Vertrecht’s version in Favorlang. 

Then we have a reprint of Psalmanazar’s “ Dialogue 
between a Japanese and a Formosan about some points of 
the Religion of the time,” 1707. Mr. Campbell decided 
to include this in his book, “because of (1) its brevity; 
(2) its rarity ; (3) its usefulness in proving that, while 
Yertrecht’s work has also a Dialogue, the coincidence ends 
there ; (4) its interest at a time when the Japanese are 
brought, unexpectedly and in a very real sense, face to face 
with the bill tribes of Formosa.” 

After this comes Happart’s Favorlang Vocabulary, printed 
in a neat and orderly manner. Mr. Campbell, with cautious 
moderation, observes that “ Happart’s Favorlang dialect 
differs in many respects from that used by Vertreckt.” It 
would, perhaps, be nearer the mark to say that the two 
dialects have a few words in common. 

Mr. Campbell thinks that the Favorlang dialect may, 
with slight modification, represent a living speech of 6ome 
tribe in the interior of Formosa. A few years ago a 
traveller in Formosa, provided with Medhurst’s Happart, 
found in a district to the north-east of Chang-hua a tribe 
which understood and spoke the Favorlang dialect. Unfor- 
tunately the traveller did not make a note of the name of 
the tribe and the district in which it resided. 

The native Formosan seal reproduced on the fly-leaf 
presents four symbols which seem to be letters of a foreign 
writing. Mr. Campbell has not been able to obtain a key 
to them and their meaning. It seems to me that they 
were intended to express “ Om Mani hum.” The mode of 



writing, perpendicular instead of horizontal, has distorted 
three of the symbols, and want of room caused the omission 
of padme. 

T. W. 

Die Chinesische Inschrift auf dem Uigurischen Denkmal 
in Kara-Balgassun, iibersetzt und erlautert von 
Dr. Gustav Schlegel, Ord. Prof. d. Chin. Sprache 
an der Universitat zu Leiden. (Helsingfors : Societe 
Finno-Ougrienne, 1896.) 

In this treatise we have a valuable and interesting 
addition to the literature of the old Chinese and Uigour 
inscriptions. The work is characterized by the attention 
to details and the unwearied research to which the 
readers of Professor Schlegel’s contributions to Sinology 
are accustomed. 

After an Introduction we have a short hut very useful 
sketch of Uigour history from the third to the middle of 
the ninth century of our era. Then we have the Chinese 
inscription found on the stone monument at Kara- 
Balgassun copied out clause by clause. Unfortunately 
there are numerous gaps in the text, some of which have 
been filled up conjecturally by the learned editor. In this 
attempt to restore lost characters, Professor Schlegel has 
proceeded with much care and study, and he has been very 
successful. Each clause of the text is translated, and the 
reading and interpretation are defended and illustrated by 
notes drawn from various Chinese sources. We have next 
a continuous translation of the inscription, so far as the 
remains of it, together with Professor Schlegel’s restorations, 
permitted. This is followed by a few interesting additions 
and corrections, and at the end of the hook we have the 
Chinese inscription copied out with the restored characters 
and the unfilled gaps carefully indicated. 

This inscription is valuable for the information which it 
gives about the succession of the Ivhans of the Uigours, 
and about their relations with the Chinese. It is also 



interestin'? for the reference which it makes to the existence 
of Christianity among the Uigours. But it must he admitted 
that the statements about the religion of this people are 
rather short and vague. The translator has certainly put 
Christianity into his translation ; but some of his renderings 
in this part are at least doubtful. Thus, the words for 
“two sacrifices” and “three limits” can only by a forced 
interpretation be made to mean “ the two Sacraments ” 
and “ the three vows ” — that is, of the Christian monks. 
There is little in the text of the inscription to show that 
the “ orthodoxy ” of which the author writes was Nestorian 
Christianity. The Uigours gave up demon-worship and 
adopted the “clear (or bright) religion,” which did not 
allow them to take life or drink milk. On p. 58 the 
word Fo is translated by “ God,” a rendering which seems 
quite inadmissible from every point of view. In the 
illustration which Professor Schlegel gives, the word Fo 
means “ Buddha.” Since the time of Ssu-ma Kuang it 
has been a common custom in China to style a popular 
Mandarin “ a Buddha ” or the “ Buddha of a myriad 
families.” The reigning Emperor is a Buddha, not a god, 
and he does not worship the former Buddha or Sakyamuni. 
The Uigours had once regarded a ghost or demon as 
Buddha, but they had become converted. 

T. W. 

Dhattj-attha-dIpanI. By Hixgtjlwala Jina-ratana. 

(Colombo : Lak Riwi Kirana Press, 1896. Price 2 rupees.) 

This volume, of nearly 200 pages 8vo, contains, firstly, 
a rearrangement in metrical form of the roots mentioned 
in Aggavansa’s Sadda-niti, a Pali grammar written in Pali 
in Burma in the thirteenth century (pp. 1-41). This is 
followed in its turn by an alphabetical list of all the roots 
dealt with in this metrical rearrangement ; and for each root 
we have in parallel columns — (1) the initial letter of the 
class to which it belongs according to Aggavansa’s system ; 



(2) the number of derivations from the root; (3 and 4) its 
meaning explained in Pali and Sinhalese ; and (5) the 
third person singular of the present tense : all in Sinhalese 
characters. In a separate line below we then have — (1) the 
same root again ; (2) its meaning in English ; and (3) the 
third person singular of the present tense : all in English 

Aggavansa’s work is itself independent of the two great 
classes into which Pali works on Pali grammar may be 
divided (according as to whether they follow the school of 
Kaccayana or that of Moggallana), and is much used both 
in Burma and Ceylon. 

In Subhuti’s Nama-Mala (Colombo, 1877) we have a 
careful account (unfortunately in Sinhalese, with copious 
quotations, however, in Pali) of sixty-four works on Pali 
grammar in Pali, arranged according to their historical 
connection. It is to be regretted that no European scholar 
has yet taken up this interesting question. But the present 
volume will be useful to those students of Sanskrit and Pali 
lexicography who have not familiarized themselves either 
with the Sinhalese alphabet or with the history of grammatical 
studies as carried on in the Buddhist order. 

Eine INDO-CHINESISCIIE causativ-denominatiy-bildung 

Dr. August Conrady. Large 8vo, pp. 227. (Leipzig : 
Harrassowitz, 1896.) 

In this essay Dr. Conrady attempts a kind of comparative 
grammar of Tibetan, Burmese, Siamese, and Chinese. His 
view is that the tones represent a suppression of prefixes, 
and that the beginnings of words must be regarded as in 
most cases the result of a prefix no longer externally 
perceptible, because it has as it were been lost in com- 
bination with the word to which it was originally prefixed. 
Such prefixes can be most easily traced in the verb; and 
Tibetan being the language in which the prefixes are most 



clearly marked, lie takes the Tibetan as the basis of his 
investigations, and in the first place the forms of the 
causative verb. He concludes that all the Tibetan prefixes 
which he has thus discussed show a tendency, in consequence 
of the strong accent laid on the root, to lose their vowels, 
and to become amalgamated with the root syllable in the 
form only of an additional letter, and of a modification of 
the tone of the root. 

Having dealt in detail with this thesis up to page 103, he 
proceeds in the remainder of the essay to apply the results 
thus obtained to the elucidation of similar forms in 
Assamese (pp. 104-112), Burmese (pp. 113-128), Siamese 
(pp. 130-148), and Chinese (pp. 149-201). In all these 
languages he finds evidence — (1) of the same method of 
formation of causative and denominative verbs, which when 
transitive have a high tone, and when intransitive have not ; 
(2) of a similar shifting of tone owing to the influence of 
the added prefixes ; and (3) of a similar resulting tone 

The objection to all this that will naturally occur is that 
the study of the historical development of each of these 
languages has not yet reached the stage at which such 
a question can be definitely settled. Perhaps not. But 
the putting forward of so clear a thesis, and that not only 
in a general way, but worked out in detail, cannot fail to 
stimulate inquiry, and to contribute very greatly to the 
building up of that historical knowledge of these languages 
which is so much to be desired. 

Buddhism in Translations. By Henry Clarke Warren. 

Large 8vo, pp. xxv and 520. (Cambridge, Mass., 1896.) 

In this volume, published by the Harvard University as 
vol. iii of the “Harvard Oriental Series,” we may welcome 
at the same time a fresh instance of the valuable work 
done in this series by the Harvard University, and a work 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 10 



in itself of great interest and undoubted usefulness. The 
volume consists of an introduction, five chapters, an ap- 
pendix, and a capital index. The Introduction gives a 
slight account of the Pali books from which the translations 
in this volume have been made. Chapter i gives trans- 
lations of twelve selected passages on the life of the 
Buddha, chapter ii of twenty-five such passages on Sentient 
Existence, chapter iii of nineteen such passages on Karma 
and Rebirth, chapter iv of twenty-three such passages on 
Meditation and Nirvana, and chapter v of twenty-three 
such passages on the Buddhist Order. The passages selected 
vary a good deal in length, the average length being about 
four pages ; and they include extracts, not only from the 
Sacred Books, but also from the commentaries written upon 
them. The student of Buddhism will he able to judge 
from the above what is the contents of this handsome 
volume, which is offered for the very low price of only five 

In the selection of passages for such an anthology, 
probably no two scholars would exactly agree. Dr. Karl 
Neumann, who published his somewhat similar “ Bud- 
dhistiche Anthologie ” some years ago, confined himself 
to the sacred texts themselves. But within that limit he 
often hit upon the same passages as have been selected by 
Mr. Warren. That is evidence enough that these passages, 
at least, are really of fundamental importance ; for the 
present author seems to have made both his selections and 
his translations independently of previous workers in the 
same field, if one may judge from the fact that he never 
mentions the previous translator of any passage he has 
himself now again translated. And in the other cases, 
though anyone familiar with the literature might suggest 
other passages of equal importance, lie would find it difficult 
to make what would be a better choice on the whole. It 
is on this matter of choice that the usefulness of the book 
(with one exception, to be presently mentioned) depends. 
There must be many readers interested in Buddhism, who 
have not time to read many volumes of translations in 



order to make selections for themselves, and who at the 
same time are not wholly satisfied with any modern inter- 
pretation. To them such a volume as the present will 
especially appeal. 

Scholars who would go themselves to the originals will 
welcome this book for the sake of the exception above 
referred to. That is the inclusion among the selections 
of copious extracts, now for the first time rendered into 
English, from the famous work of Buddhaghosa, the 
Visuddhi Magga or Path of Purity. Mr. Warren is known 
to have been engaged for some time on an edition in the 
English character of this important text, which, though 
printed in Ceylon in the Sirahalese character, is still 
practically inaccessible to European scholars. They will 
read with the greatest interest the extracts now given, 
and not least the very useful lists given in the appendix. 
And on reading them they will look forward with increased 
expectation to the publication of Mr. Warren’s edition. 

Besides these extracts from Buddhaghosa, there are a 
number of difficult and important passages on Buddhism 
here translated for the first time. It would be a great 
improvement if, in a second edition, reference could be given, 
under each section translated, to former versions where 
such exist; also if, throughout, the use of a few Western 
and distinctively Christian words could be replaced by 
other expressions which do not suggest erroneous conno- 
tations. * Priestly,’ * ordination,’ * monk,’ ‘ monastery,’ 
etc., have acquired special meanings which by no means 
exactly cover the Buddhist use of the words thus rendered. 
The monk with the umbrella, too, cannot fail to suggest 
ridicule by making us think of a curate with a “ gamp.” 
And the object in question happens also, after all, to 
be not an umbrella, but a sunshade. So ‘ body-servant ’ 
(pp. 97, 99) is an odd translation of the upatlhaka, who 
acted, it is true, as a personal attendant on the Buddha, but 
who was always regarded as a highly privileged person, 
through whom alone access to the Buddha was obtainable, 
who, of course, received no wages, was a full member of 



the Order, and occupied no such menial position as ‘body- 
servant’ would imply. 

‘ Fanatical conduct ’ for silabbata (pp. 190, 205, etc.) is 
more than odd. No doubt early Buddhism objects to 
fanatical conduct. But the expression silabbata refers not 
to that, but to the reliance placed by the Brahman ascetics 
on works of supererogation as a sufficient means of 
salvation. That belief is condemned by Buddhism, which 
put salvation in a state of mind, in Arahatship, and not 
in any outward acts. 

On p. 165 a translation is given from a quotation at 
Samvutta III, 134, of a passage occurring before at II, 17. 
The original passage is not referred to, which is the greater 
pity, as it contains an important difference of reading. So 
at p. 222 no mention is made of the fact that the same 
stor}’’ occurs in the first volume of the Jataka, p. 125, 
already translated by Mr. Chalmers. On p. 148 there is 
given, among a list of sources of sorrow, ‘ fear of danger 
from naked ascetics.’ The Pali is ajivilca-bha ya, which 
simply means ‘anxiety as to means of livelihood.’ It is 
true that ajivaha (with an a, not an i ) means a class of 
ascetics, but a reference to the Silas, or to Majjhima I, 
85, 86, shows that there is really no doubt about the 
meaning of djivilca. 

A point of considerable importance is the constant 
rendering (see pp. 98, 109, 223, 380, 420, 482) of parini- 
bhayati by ‘ passes into Nirvana.’ It is sufficiently clear, 
from pp. 114, 163, and other passages, that the translator 
is quite aware of the only meaning of Nirvana — that is 
to say, a state of mind to be reached and enjoyed in this 
life. IIow, then, can he also use the term Nirvana to 
designate a state beyond the grave? And yet what else 
can the English phrase that a man, at death, ‘ passes into 
Nirvana,’ mean ? The Pali for that phrase would be 
Nibbanam adhigacchati — words that would only be used 
to express that a living man had reached the state of 
mind called Nirvana. It is true that the version here 
objected to has been used in nearly all English books on 



Buddhism, being, in fact, an old Anglo-Indian blunder 
which arose in a time when Nirvana was supposed to refer 
exclusively to the next life. But its use now only serves 
to perpetuate an error which will be hard enough to 
eradicate, however careful scholars may be to confine its 
use within the strictly accurate limits. 

A list of the passages translated would add to the value 
of the volume and will, we hope, be added in a future 
edition. And with this last suggestion we beg to recom- 
mend the book to all our readers interested in Buddhism, 
and to congratulate Mr. Warren very cordially on the 
completion of his work. 

“Grundrtss der Indo-arischen Phieologie und Ai.ter- 
thumskunde.” — Indische Palaeographie. Yon G. Buhler. 
(Strassburg : Karl Triibner.) 

I)r. Buhler has done more than any other Sanskrit scholar 
towards reconstructing the political and literary history of 
early India by the aid of epigraphical investigations. He 
has now greatly added to the obligations under which he 
had already laid students of Indian culture, by undertaking 
to bring out, with the assistance of nearly thirty scholars 
in various countries, an Encyclopaedia intended to present 
a complete survey of the vast field of Indian languages, 
religion, history, antiquities, aud art. Most of these 
subjects are to be for the first time dealt with in a con- 
nected form. This remark applies notably to Dr. Biihler’s 
present contribution. Indian palaeography is here treated 
in eight chapters and thirty-nine paragraphs, each of the 
latter being followed by a full bibliography. The period 
embraced extends from about 350 B.c. to 1300 a.d. 

The first chapter deals with the fascinating subject of 
the age and the origin of the oldest Indian alphabets. 
That the introduction of writing into India goes back to 
a remote period, is shown by the fact that in a Jain text 
(the Samavayaiiga Sutra) of about 300 b.c., its origin is 



forgotten and its invention is attributed to the creator 
Brahma. Indian imitations of Greek drachmas prove the 
employment of the Greek alphabet in North-Western India 
before the time of Alexander the Great. Knowledge of 
the art of writing is established for the latest Vedic period 
by the Vasis^ha Dharmasiitra; and the grammarian Paaini, 
who is assigned to the fourth century b.c., mentions 
yavanani “ Greek writing,” and the words lij)ikara or 
libikara “ writer.” The evidence of the canonical books 
of Ceylon indicates that the knowledge of writing was 
pre-Buddhistic ; and passages in a Jiitaka and in the 
Mahavagga prove the existence, at the time of their 
composition, of writing schools and of a wooden slate, 
such as is still used in Indian elementary schools. Writing, 
as a subject of elementary instruction, is also mentioned 
in an inscription of the second century b.c. The palaeo- 
graphical evidence of the Asoka inscriptions clearly shows 
that writing was no recent invention in the third century 
b.c. ; for most of the letters have several, often very 
divergent, forms, sometimes nine or ten. 

There are two ancient Indian alphabets. One of them, 
called Kharosfiii, was confined to the country of Gandhilra, 
which was coextensive with Eastern Afghanistan and the 
Northern Punjab. The use of this alphabet lasted from 
the fourth century b.c. to about 200 a.d. It is found in 
the Asoka and later inscriptions, as well as on Graeco- 
Indian coins. Its distinguishing feature is that it is written 
from right to left. It is derived from the Aramaic alphabet, 
which must have been introduced under the Achaemenian 
dynasty that ruled over the north-west of India from 
500 n.c. till the conquest of Alexander. Semitic epigraphy 
makes it probable that Aramaic was widety used in the 
whole Persian empire under this dynasty, owing to the 
frequent employment of Aramaeans as clerks and ac- 
countants. The borrowed symbols of the Kharosfiil writing 
agree best with the Aramaic type of 500-400 b.c. Their 
development must, therefore, have commenced in the fifth 



The other and older script of India, the Brahmi, was 
in general use even in the north-west. This is the true 
national writing, all the other Indian alphabets being its 
descendants. It is regularly written from left to right; 
but its older stage is represented by a coin from Era« of the 
fourth century, discovered by Sir Alexander Cunningham, 
the inscription on which runs from right to left. Five 
different explanations of the origin of the Brahmi alphabet 
have been put forward. Dr. Biihler has, however, suc- 
ceeded in proving conclusively that the only tenable theory 
is that of Prof. A. Weber, who derives it from the oldest 
northern Semitic (Phoenician) type. Dr. Biihler shows 
that the Indian modifications of this type are largely due 
to the letters having early been written below an imaginary 
or actual line. This led to some of the Semitic symbols 
being inverted, laid on their sides, or opened at the top, 
besides being regularly reversed to suit the changed direc- 
tion of the writing. The derivation of two-thirds of the 
Brahmi letters from their Semitic originals is at once 
evident from the table given on p. 12. The majority of 
the twenty-two borrowed letters agree with the most 
archaic type of Phoenician inscriptions on Assyrian weights 
and on Mesa’s Stone, which dates from about 890 B.c. ; but 
as two of the letters, h and t, are found only in Mesopotamia, 
Dr. Biihler thinks it likely that this script was introduced 
from there. This agrees with statements in the Jatakas 
and in two of the oldest Dharma-sutras, w'hich refer to the 
sea-trade of the Indians. The Rigvedic myth of Bhujyu 
being rescued from the ocean in a hundred-oared galley, 
points in the same direction. Hence Dr. Biihler attributes 
the introduction of this w'riting to Indian traders, and 
thinks that it must have taken place about 800 B.c. That 
the full Brahmi alphabet of forty-six letters must have 
existed about 500 b.c., and was elaborated by learned 
Brahmans according to phonetic principles, primarily with 
a view to Sanskrit (not Prakrit) — for it contained the 
exclusively Sanskrit diphthongs ai and au — is convincingly 
shown by Dr. Biihler (p. 19). And a considerable period 



must be allowed between the introduction of the alphabet by 
traders and its adoption, elaboration, and rearrangement by 
the Brahmans. These palaeographical arguments, together 
with other considerations, such as the full development of 
prose in the Briihmanas, and the analysis and redaction 
of the Yedic texts, seem to render untenable Prof. Max 
Muller’s theory — formed thirty-six years ago, and therefore 
necessarily based on much more limited and exclusively 
literary evidence — that the art of writing did not become 
known in India till about 400 B.c., and that then, and even 
later, it was not applied to literary purposes. 

All the inscriptions of the first seven hundred years are 
in Prakrit or in the mixed Gatha dialect, the only one in 
Sanskrit dating from the second century a.d. In the 
inscriptions of Maurya kings, which begin in the third 
century b.c., and are scattered all over India, two types 
of writing, a northern and a southern, divided by the 
Narmada Itiver, may be distinguished. From the former 
is descended the group of northern scripts which gradually 
prevailed in all the Aryan dialects of India. They start 
from the current characters which appear in one or two 
of the Asoka edicts. Their type is a current writing, in 
which the tops of the letters are in line, and which must 
have been written with pen or brush and ink. The most 
important of them is the Niigarl script, in which Sanskrit 
MSS. are usually written, and Sanskrit as well as Marathi 
and Hindi books are regularly printed. It is characterized 
by the well-known horizontal line at the top of the letters. 
The oldest inscription entirely in the Niigarl character 
dates from 754 a.d., while the oldest MS. written in it 
belongs to the eleventh century. An eastern development 
of the Niigarl is the Proto-Bengali character of the twelfth 

From the southern variety of the Asoka writing are 
descended five types, which occur south of the Vindhya 
range, and include the Canarese and Telugu, while the 
Tamil script is probably derived from a northern alphabet 
introduced in the fourth or fifth century a.d. 



In dealing with each type of alphabet, Dr. Buhler 
describes its general characteristics, besides pointing out 
the development of each letter. All this is further illus- 
trated by several excellent plates. They are on separate 
sheets which fold into a case. Each contains twenty or 
more columns, giving the epigraphic forms of every letter 
in each period. One of the plates also presents the various 
forms of writing in the northern MSS. from the fifth 
century to the thirteenth. As all the plates can be placed 
side by side, the historical development of every single 
letter from beginning to end may be studied with ease. 
Thus, even the plates by themselves will prove a great 
boon to students of Indian palaeography. 

The sixth chapter and plate ix are devoted to the 
historical elucidation of the Indian numerals. As to the 
few Kharosffii numerals, there are indications that, like 
the alphabet, they are of Aramaic origin, and were in- 
troduced at the same time as the latter. The peculiar 
numerical notation by means of letters or syllables, which 
is used along with the Brahml alphabet from the oldest 
period down to the end of the sixth century a.d., is at 
present difficult to explain satisfactorily. Dr. Buhler, 
however, agrees with Burnell in thinking that this system 
was borrowed from Egypt, though he admits this con- 
clusion to be uncertain. It is at all events clear that in 
the third century B.c. this system had a long period of 
development behind it. From its symbols, with the 
addition of a circle to indicate the cypher, was derived 
the decimal notation, probably an invention of the Indian 
astronomers. The earliest example of the decimal figures 
dates from 595 a.d., and their employment became the 
rule in inscriptions of the ninth and later centuries. It 
is well known that these decimal symbols were adopted 
by the Arabs, who introduced them into Europe. 

The seventh chapter deals with the external arrange- 
ment of Indian inscriptions and MSS. With regard to 
punctuation, Dr. Buhler shows that it is only found in 
the Brahml script, but here occasionally from the earliest 



times. It was not, however, till the fifth century that one 
vertical stroke after a half-verse, and two after a complete 
verse, began to be systematically used. Among various 
other points, it is interesting to note that auspicious 
symbols, considered so important in later times, are 
already found at the beginning and end of two Asoka 

The last chapter treats of writing materials, scribes, and 
libraries. Quintus Curtius states that the Indians used 
birch bark for writing on at the time of Alexander. Its 
use began in the north-west, there being extensive birch 
forests on the slopes of the Himalayas, and gradually 
spread to central, eastern, and western India. The oldest 
examples of it are twists found in Buddhist topes of 
Afghanistan, and the Bower MS. of the fifth century a.d. 
According to the testimony of the ancient canonical 
Buddhist works, leaves, doubtless those of the palm, were 
the ordinary writing material of the oldest times. The 
earliest example is the Horiuzi palm-leaf Sanskrit MS. of 
the sixth century a.d., which is preserved in Japan, and 
of which the Bodleian possesses a facsimile. In Northern 
India, where they were written on with ink, palm-leaves 
ceased to be used after the introduction of paper ; but in 
the south, where the writing was scratched in with a stylus, 
they are still employed. Paper was introduced by the 
Muhammadans, and has been very extensively used for 
MSS. The oldest Gujarat paper MS. dates from the 
beginning of the thirteenth century. Neither varnished 
boards, such as are used in Burma for MSS., have been 
found in India, nor leather or parchment, clearly owing 
to the ritual impurity of animal materials. Copper plates 
were early and frequently used for inscriptions. They 
furnish a curious illustration of how narrow are the limits 
of invention. They practically all imitate the shape either 
of palm-leaves or strips of birch bark. Similarly, the 
earliest Indian stone architecture imitated the wooden 
buildings by which it was preceded. The use of ink as 
early as the second century B.c. is proved by an inscription 



in a Buddhist tope, and is certain even for the fourth 
century from a statement of Nearchos. 

Want of space prevents us from touching on many other 
instructive points set forth in Dr. Biihler’s highly interesting 
and important treatise. Like the history of Indian religion, 
that of Indian palaeography shows, more than in any other 
country, a long and unbroken development, unchecked by 
foreign influence or the introduction of printing. The 
perusal of Dr. Biihler’s work (which, however, does not 
include the last five centuries within its scope) is ac- 
cordingly a veritable education in historical evolution. The 
thoroughness, as well as the usefulness, of the volume is 
well illustrated by the following experience. A certain 
Sanskrit scholar had for some time past been searching in 
vain for an Indian inscription which he had formerly come 
across. He was able to trace it at once by consulting 
Dr. Biihler’s work on its appearance last month. It will 
be absolutely indispensable to the student of Indian in- 
scriptions and MSS. Nor can it be neglected by those who 
are interested in Semitic or Greek palaeography. 

[From The Academy, Oct. 31, 1896.] ^ ACD0NELL * 


par Abu Bekr Muhammed ibn ZakarTya Al-RazI. 
Traduction, accompagne du Texte, par P. de Koning, 
docteur en tnedecine. 8vo, pp. viii and 285. (Leyde : 
Brill, 1896.) 

The publication appearing under the above-mentioned 
title contains a collection of six treatises written by various 
eminent Arab physicians, who lived between the tenth 
and thirteenth centuries. Their value from a medical point 
of view cannot be discussed in the following lines, although 
it appears to have been more than purety literary interest 
which induced the editor, himself a physician, to devote 
so much attention to them. His work proves beyond doubt 
that he was successful in mastering all the difficulties offered 



by Arabic texts, full of technicalities, and, indeed, even an 
Arabic scholar not versed in the latter would be greatly 
embarrassed in the accomplishment of a similar task. 

Dr. Koning has, for some reason or other, omitted 
biographical or literary references, which, however, can easily 
be looked up in works on mediaeval medicine. Each article 
treats on the calculus, both from the pathological and 
therapeutical points of view, and shows the high standard 
which Arabic science had attained regarding the diagnosis 
and treatment of this disease. 

The first two articles are by the famous Ar-RazI, who 
died about 920 in Baghdad. He may be styled the father 
of Arabic medicine proper, since before his period the 
most renowned physicians were Christians. He has 
therefore been honoured with the title “ Galenus of the 
Arabs,” and was considered a great authority all over 
the world during the Middle Ages. Many of his works 
were translated into Hebrew and Latin (see Steinschneider, 
Ueberss., p. 722 sqq.), and exist in print. Ar-RazI treats 
on the calculus in several of his books, and has also devoted 
a chapter to it in his most comprehensive work known as 
“Al-Hiiwi.” The first article published by Dr. Koning 
is, however, an independent study on this subject, and is 
mentioned by Ibn Abi Useibia (ed. Muller), vol. i, p. 316, 
1. 17, as well as by Wuestenfeld, Gesch. der Arab. Aerzte, 
p. 45, No. 57, under the title, “ Tractatus de renum et 
vesicae calculis.” The second article is taken from the 
same author’s work, “Al-Fakhir.” 

Article three forms chapter 39 of B. 1 of All b. Abbas 
Al-Majiisi’s (tenth century) work “Al-MalikI” (see I.A.U., 
i, 236, Wuestenfeld, p. 39). Another MS. copy of this 
work exists in the British Museum (Add. 23,410), where the 
article in question is to be found, fob 159 vo sqq., and from 
which I have been enabled to ascertain the correct reading 
of several words which Dr. Koning has left undecided : 

P. 126, 1. 3, W 3 ; 1. 7, W U51 . P. 128, 1. 7, ; 1. 8 from 

bottom, ^ ^ U' . P. 130, 1. 8 from bottom, 



P. 138, 1. 3 from bottom (fol. 351™), P. 142, 1. 1, 

(?) jJh ; 1. 8, JJ LIjcjmB •*'1*1' Jlibj 

yUJl A*J\ j*U^I J *.>- Jj 

jytjLllj (dLxJ! ^jL:; l. 1 from bottom, sxj )! U Ujj 

t % P. 144, 1. G, -4- ' J 2$. dC*S**£t 

JA ^ ^ ~-i\ . P. 146, 1. 2 from bottom, j> 

Uh P. 164, 1. 8, J-L S^ju. d ^ 

The next article is taken from the “ Mukbtar ” of All 
b. Al-IIubal, who lived in the thirteenth century. 3 he 
note in the Leyden Catalogue of MSS. stating that the 
copy from which this article is reproduced is an unique 
one, is erroneous, as the British Museum also possesses one 
(Or. 2,805) in which this treatise is to be found, fol. 201 TO , 
with variations, e.g. : 

P. 186, 1. 5, d->~ ; seems to be 

dittography ; 1. 6 from bottom, ; 1. 4 from bottom, ; 
1. 2 from bottom, P- 188, 1. 5, p*, “and their 

weakness.” P. 190, 1. 1, ; 1. 7, P. 192, 1. 5, 

er^ > L 2 from bottom, J^JL P. 194, 1. 3, . ; 

1. 6 from bottom, • P. 202, last line, 

Juu\*. P. 206, 1. 8, L^J. P. 212, 1. 9, ^ ; 

ib. j*yl\ jjL> U ; last line, ^ *hj aLLo 

t» J p..!Ll . P. 216, 1. 2 from bottom, 

<uil* ^jb } . P. 218, 1. 1, (?). 

These passages, as well as those in the preceding group, 
prove that the language chosen by both writers is the 
same vulgar idiom as that used by Ibn Abi Useibia and 



many other authors on philosophy and science, rather than 
classical Arabic. 

To the above-named articles, which have never been 
published in the original before, are attached the transla- 
tions of those chapters which deal with the same question 
in the Canon of Avicenna and the Tasrif of Abiil-Casls, 
one of the most renowned surgeons of the twelfth century. 

The type is large and very distinct, and the editor 
deserves all praise for the care which he has bestowed on 
his task. 


G. Dalman. Grammatik bes Judisch-Palastinischen 
Aramaisch, nach ben Ibiomen bes Palastinischen 
Talmub uno Mibrasch bes Onkelostargum (Cob. 
Socini 84) UNO ber Jerusalemischen Targume zum 
Pentateuch. (Leipzig, 1894.) 

G. Dalman. Aramaische Lesestucke Zur Grammatik 
bes Jubisch- Palastinischen Aramaisch zumeist 


Worterverzeichniss. (Leipzig, 1899.) 

It may sound surprising, but it is none the less true, 
that a literature as rich and as varied as that written in the 
Aramaic dialects of Palestine should not have been studied 
from a systematical point of view, nor that its grammar 
should have been investigated hitherto. Dictionaries there 
existed, some more, others less perfect, but the forms 
of the words have thus far been utterly neglected. It is 
the more surprising as the oldest translations of the Bible 
were made in that language, probably earlier than the 
Greek translation, and the Primitive Gospel (or that of the 
Ebionites) may have been written in that very language. 
One of the great obstacles in the way of a grammar was 
the peculiar status in which these texts have come down 
to us. Most of them have no vowel-signs at all, and the 
tradition of the texts is anjMhing but sure. The biblical 
commentaries which have vowel-signs were in so corrupt 



a state that the vocalization of one page, or often of one 
verse, contradicted that of the next verse on the same 
page. The darkness which hung over this peculiar state 
of the text and vocalization rendered the task of compiling 
a grammar extremely difficult. It has, however, been lifted 
somewhat, since the discovery of Aramaic texts preserved 
in Yemen ; for these have a totally different system of 
vocalization, which turns out to be the original and genuine 
reproduction of the ancient pronunciation. According to my 
views, this system, known as the superlinear, as the points 
are invariably placed above the letters, is of Palestinian 
origin, and has retained the old forms, so much corrupted in 
later transcripts, where the other system (the sublinear) was 
substituted for it. Professor Dalman has now undertaken 
and carried to a perfect end the task of bringing some light 
into the confused matter. With great skill and profound 
insight he has been able to build up an admirable grammar 
of this or, better, these dialects of Aramaic, and to show 
the gradual growth and development of grammatical forms, 
their differentiation and divisions according to the time and 
to the circumstances in which those texts were written. He 
adduces not merely one or a few examples, but with great 
industry he adduces almost every example available. As 
a basis for this book, which fills so admirably a lacuna felt 
by every Semitic scholar, he has taken one of the Codices 
brought by Professor Socin from the East, probably of the 
fifteenth or sixteenth century, and for the other texts he 
has gone as far as possible to the oldest and often not 
easily available MSS. and editiones principes. Many 
a point may require still further elucidation, and no doubt 
some of the views advanced by Professor Dalman will be 
modified in course of time, but the great outlines, and in 
many cases also the minute fillings, will remain unaltered. 
He has given us a solid basis, from which it will now be 
easier to work. 

If I am bound to give unstinted praise to the diligence 
of the author, and to the excellence of the Grammar, 
I cannot help expressing my doubts concerning the theories 



Professor Dalman advances in his admirable Introduction, 
where he attempts a classification of the texts into Judaic- 
Palestinian, Galilean-Palestinian, and texts of a mixed 
character. It would be difficult to justify this classification, 
which appears more artificial than real. To assert that 
there are texts of a mixed character, which, according 
to Professor Dalman, were the work of the scholar who 
imitated the ancient dialects, appears to he begging the 
question. Considering that these translations of, and 
comments on, the Bible were made only and solely for the 
purpose of makiug its contents known and available to 
the masses, it is at least questionable to assume that the 
language of these translations was an artificial language, 
and as such not understood by the people. To what purpose 
was that work undertaken, then ? We are forced to see 
in these texts other forms of a popular development of 
the Aramaic dialect spoken by the people, and not an 
artificial mixture. 

This affects to a certain degree the basis from which 
Professor Dalman starts; but whatever the explanation of the 
origin of the grammatical forms may be, it does not affect 
these forms, and these alone are of true importance. They 
are all faithfully reproduced and carefully grouped in 
the Grammar. As a mere addition to his bibliography 
I mention my edition of the “ Scroll of the Hasmonaeans ” 
( Transactions , London Oriental Congress, II, p. 3 ff), which 
has escaped Professor Dalman’s notice. An index ought 
to have completed the book. Instead of it we get now, 
from the same author, an important addition, consisting 
in a selection of ancient texts, illustrating the various 
nuances of the Palestinian Aramaic, together with a glossary, 
and constant references to the Grammar. 

The selection of the texts is made with great care. 
Professor Dalman has consulted very freely the treasures of 
the British Museum, and has known how to benefit bv 
the access to these MSS. He gives also variae Icctioncs and 
short historical and explanatory notes. He has substituted 
the sublinear vocalization for the superlincar, which, from 



a practical point of view, is to bo recommended, but lie 
has, unfortunately, been too dogmatic in that transcription. 
I should have preferred not to put a Segol at all, and 
omit the Sheva Quiesceus as well as the Dagesh in most 
cases. There are many points in connection with this 
transcription which require elucidation. Professor Dalman 
being an authority on the subject, his views carry great 
weight. So, for instance (p. 2), why instead of 

? Line 4, p. 3, is evidently corrupt ; something 
is missing in the text. Line 2, p. 4, ; why not ? 

I do not wish, however, to cavil at little things, when we 
ought to be grateful for such important gifts as the Grammar 
and the Texts. Both will prove invaluable contributions to 
Semitic philology, and especially to Aramaic. 


Margaret Dunlop Gibson. Studia Sinaitica. — No. V: 
Apocrypha Sinaitica. (London, 1896.) 

The harvest gathered by Mrs. Lewis and Mrs. Gibson 
in the convent of Mount Sinai seems to be inexhaustible. 
Another sheaf is presented to us under the title of 
“Apocrypha Sinaitica.” It contains — (1) “The Anaphora 
Pilati,” in three recensions, in Syriac and Arabic, one of 
the Arabic texts being of the eighth century (A). *The 
Syriac was copied by Mr. Rendel Harris from a late paper 
MS. (probably thirteenth century). The Arabic text (B), 
taken from an undated MS., is also very old, in fact much 
older than any of the Greek texts published by Tischendorf. 
These two Arabic texts are printed side by side. Of the 
older MS. a facsimile is given of the page in which the date 
occurs, and in the margin, both of the Syriac and Arabic 
texts, constant reference is made to Tischendorf’s edition 
of the Greek texts. (2) “ The Recognitions of Clement.” 
A short version of the Recognitions is published here in two 
Arabic recensions — one from the same MS. (A) of the 
J.R.A.S. 1897 - 




Anaphora, and the second from the Codex British Museum, 
dated 1659, written by Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch, 
and by his disciple Paulus, the same Macarius from whom 
we have an excellent description of his travels through 
Yallachia, Moldavia, and Russia in the seventeenth century. 
The original has not yet been published hitherto, but an 
English translation was made by Belfour and published 
by the “ Old Oriental Translation Fund.” To these 
Recognitions Mrs. Gibson adds (3) “ The Martyrdom of 
Clement,” written by the same Macarius, who, as he said, 
had translated it from the Greek in Sinope. The marginal 
notes refer to the Recognitions and Homilies of Clement. 
Then follow (4) "The Preaching of Peter,” from the same 
Codex as the recension (A) of the Anaphora, published in 
Arabic. (5) “The Martyrdom of James, son of Alphaeus.” 
(6) “Preaching of Simon, son of Cleopbas.” (7) “Martyrdom 
of Simon.” Mrs. Gibson has also given a translation of 
the text published by her, and a carefully worked-out 
Introduction, where she studies with especial minuteness 
the history of the Anaphora Pilati, and adduces some 
parallels from the recently discovered pseudo-Gospel of 
St. Peter. This book is thus an extremely valuable 
contribution to Semitic philology and to ancient apocryphal 

M. G. 

Die Thontafeln von Teel - el - Amarna, by Hugo 
Winckler, being the Fifth Yolume of Professor 
Schrader’s Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek. 8vo. (Berlin : 
Verlag von Reuther and Rciehard, 1896.) 

This is one of the most important Assyriological publica- 
tions of the year, giving, as it does, translations of almost 
all the tablets found at Tell-el-Amarna rather more than 
eight years ago — 296 in all. The author claims that he 
has cleared away many obstacles, but frankly admits that 
his work is but the beginning of the work of explaining 
these difficult texts. The book consists of an introduction 



(xxxvi pages), giving a summary of the contents ; the 
transcription and translation of the 296 tablets (pp. 2-104 '); 
notes and corrections (pp. 405—415) ; lists of the words 
(pp. 3*-34*), the proper names (pp. 35*— 42*), a separate 
vocabulary to Nos. 294-296 (pp. 43*-49*), and a reference- 
table of the numbers of the tablets at Berlin, Gizeh, and 
London, those in the possession of Rostowicz and Murcb, 
and that found at Tel-llesy. 

The translations of the Berlin tablets are based on 
a careful collation of the texts, which has given numerous 
improved readings; but much more, the author says, remains 
to be done in this direction, and a new publication of the 
originals is promised. 

Naturally one turns first to those tablets which mention 
Jerusalem, the most interesting (from one point of view) 
being No. 183. In this the words in lines 13-17, u inanna 
appunama alu mat Urusalim sumu-la (?) ( alu ) Btt-Ninib, 
al sarri, patarat [a~\sar ameli (alu) Kelli, are rendered “ and 
now even a city of the province of Jerusalem, named Bit- 
Ninib, a city of the king, is lost with the men of Kelti.” 
Many Assyriologists (including myself) have regarded the 
definite article as being more appropriate after the word 
“ even ” — i.e. “ the city of the land (or mountain) of 
Jerusalem,” and this may be regarded as a question which 
has still to be discussed. It is to be noted, however, that 
a Bit-Ninib occurs on pp. 128-129, line 31, to whose 
inhabitants Abd-Asirta wrote asking them to assemble for 
an attack upon Gebal ; but it is doubtful whether this is the 
same place. 

From this work the student can now get an excellent 
idea of the extent of the correspondence between Western 
Asia and Egypt, which has of late years been brought to 
light. He will learn about the correspondence between 
Nimmuria (=Nimutria = Neb-mut-Ra or Amenophis III) 
and Kallima-Sin of Kar-Dunias (Babylonia) concerning the 
marriage to each other of their daughters ; about that of 

1 294-296 are in transcription only. 



Burraburias (=Burnaburias of Babylonia) and Naphururia 
(Nefer-hoper-Ra, Amenophis IV) concerning various presents 
and political affairs ; about that of Dusratta of Mitani to 
Nimmuria (Amenophis III), Naphuria (Amenophis IY), 
and Teie, the surviving wife of the former (from one of 
these it would seem that Dusratta claimed Nineveh as 
belonging to his dominions: see p. xiii, footnote). He will 
see letters from Alasia (Cyprus), a letter from Assur-uballit 
of Assyria to Naphururia, and, besides these, a large 
number of communications which passed between Phoenician 
and Canaanite princes and the king of Egypt. These 
include Jerusalem (Nos. 179-185), Gebal (53-118), Beyrut 
(128-130), Sidon (147, 148), Tyre (149-156), Accho 
(157 ff), Megiddo (192-195), Hazor (202, 203), Gezer 
(204-206), Askalon (207-213), Lachish (217-219), with 
several others. These tablets have been so often referred 
to, that their contents are probably at present very well 
known, but a great many side issues still remain to be 
discussed and settled. Thus some hundreds of names, both 
of men and of places, assume their places in history, and 
the work of the philologist will go hand in hand with that 
of the historian and ethnographist to decide all their 
bearings. The meanings of a large number of words have 
also to be decided, provisional renderings of others corrected, 
and the translations “ smoothed down ” and improved. 

The present work is greatly to be recommended, for it 
forms practically a Corpus of all the Tell-el-Amarna tablets 
(with the exception of about a dozen), and gives, by its 
arrangement, a complete picture of the results gained. 
A simultaneous edition of the work in English is announced. 

T. G. P. 

Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, etc., in 
the British Museum. Parts I and II. Printed by 
order of the Trustees. 4to. 1896. 

Part I of this important work contains forty texts, copied 
by Mr. L. AY. King, mostlj r temple accounts, apparently 


from Lagas, many from tablets circular in form. These 
inscriptions are especially important for the dates, which 
mention the chief historical event of the year they were 
written, or the preceding year : e g , we find the frequent 
note mu us-sa Uuhutarri ( ki ) bcigul, probably “Year after 
Huhutarri did evil.” 1 There are also texts of Arad- 
Sin, “ nourisher of Uritna (Ur, now Mugeyyer), king of 
Ararma (Larsa), king of Sumer and Akkad”; Lu-Utu 
or Amel-Samas, “ viceroy of Opis ” (?) ( patesi Upe ?) ; and 
Naminagani, viceroy of Lagas. 

The second part, copied by the author of this notice, 
has fifty-three inscriptions, of a later date, very diverse 
in their nature. It contains several letters (one of them 
from King Ammi-satana to a too easy-going purveyor) ; 
sales of fields, houses, slaves ; the hiring of fields ; tablets 
referring to partnership, adoption, marriages, the sharing 
of property, and lawsuits. There are also two tablets 
referring to the property of their writer’s aunt, some 
accounts, a list of male and female slaves, and a very 
interesting text of the nineteenth year of Darius referring 
to a missing piece of woven stuff (kitu kalbu) intended for 
the covering (in all probability) of the couch of Be/it Sippar 
(“the lady of Sippara ”). Bu. 88-5-12, 60, referring to 
the sharing of property, is one of three (one for each 
inheritor), the other two being published by Meissner in 
his Altbabylonisches Privntrecht ; and the marriage contract, 
Bu. 91-5-9, 2176a, is one of two (one for each wife), the 
other being also published in the same work of Meissner. 
It is noteworthy that the second wife was taken to wait 
upon the first, and to “ carry her seat to the temple of her 
god.” A very interesting text, in a peculiar style of 
writing, is Bu. 91-5-9, 296, apparently a reaping contract, 
in which the names of the contracting parties and witnesses 
are uncommon, and have a foreign look. 

The following names of kings occur on the tablets which 
are dated : Sumula-ila, Zabiu™, Abil-Sin, Sin-mubalit, 

1 Perhaps = “ was in revolt.” 



Hammurabi (whose name is also spelled Ammurabi and 
Haminirabi l ), Samsu-iluna, Abesu’ (=Ebisu m ), Ammi- 
satana, and Ammi-zaduga, all of them kings of the dynasty 
of Babylon (about 2300 b.c.). It is noteworthy that two 
of the letters are addressed to Apisi, sa Marduk uballatu-sa, 

“ Apisu, whom Merodach preserve,” and the question 
naturally arises whether this may not be Abesu’, the 
Ebisu m of the Babylonian canon. 

T. G. P. 

A Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian Language. 
Part Y. By W. Muss-Arnolt. (London : Williams 
and Nor gate, 1896.) 

Unlike Delitzsch’s Assyrisches Handwbrterbuch, this work 
is not altogether a “ one-man ” production, but the bringing 
together of the opinions of many as to the meanings (which 
are given in English and German) of numerous Assyrian 
words which are still doubtful — a great advantage. The 
sixty-four pages of the present part go from dimetu 
(a kind of bird) to xamadiru (a receptacle for grain ?). 
Like Delitzsch’s Assyrian Dictionary, the present work has 
the Cuneiform characters but rarely. It is unfortunate that 
the author has chosen x as his transcription of the sound 
corresponding with P! or -i, generally represented by h. 
Notwithstanding this, however, the work is a most com- 
mendable one, and exceedingly useful on account of the 
merit mentioned above, namely, the number of opinions 
that it gives as to the meanings of words. 

T. G. P. 

Geograriiiya Tibeta. By Y. Yassilief. 

Since the publication of the elaborate and highly interesting 
works of the late M. Dutreuil de Rhins and Mr. Rockliill, 

1 The scribe has written, by mistake, for ^ at the end of this name. 



there has been no want of ample materials for a better 
knowledge of Tibet. So great, indeed, has been the advance 
in Tibetan geography in modern times, that it is unnecessary 
to have recourse to native writers, Chinese or Tibetan, 
whose tendency towards mysticism and hyperbole detracts 
from any value their writings might otherwise possess. 
The pamphlet now before us is an instance of this style 
of composition. Its author, Minjul, was a hutukhtu, or 
high lama, and held office in the consistorial court at 
Peking, where he died as far back as 1839. lie appears 
to have been twitted by the Emperor of China with an 
ignorance of geography, and to have then and there 
sought the advice of a learned Russian, Professor Ossip 
Mikhailovitch Kovalefsky, with whose help, and that of 
other Russians, he compiled a Universal Geography. That 
part of his work relating to his own country and to 
India, based as this was on personal observations and 
non-European sources of information, was translated into 
Russian by Professor Yassilief, the eminent Sinologist. 

This treatise can hardly be regarded as a serious con- 
tribution to geography, and its title is therefore a little 
misleading. Mixed up with a few topographical facts, it 
contains a number of legends or traditions in their Tibetan 
and Indian versions of that peculiar type with which 
Buddhistic scholars are so well acquainted. Names of 
mountains, lakes, and rivers are given with but little 
explanatory text, and were it not for an occasional note 
by the learned editor, and his explanation of some of the 
names, we should feel disappointed, perhaps because we 
expected too much from a Tibetan lama, whose training 
and methods are not quite in accordance with modern ideas 
on geography. 

Minjul speaks of the advantages enjoyed by his country- 
men in their delightfully cool and equable climate ; he 
draws attention to the central position of Tibet, surrounded 
by eight nations, yet isolated from all, and commanding 
the sources of the mighty rivers which irrigate their re- 
spective countries. He enumerates the principal snowy 



mountains or ranges, the black (by contrast) bills with 
their aromatic medicinal herbs, the great transparent lakes, 
etc. He also speaks of the divisions of Tibet, but he is 
more at home in discussing its legendary history, centring 
round Gandis-ri (the sacred Kailas), with its lake Anudata, 
Anavatapta, or Mapam-yamtso, the scene of Bon-chung’s 
conflict with Naroba, where, according to the Indian story, the 
six-faced youth (probably Jamamma) smote the mountain 
with his spear and cleft the fissure in its side. Every 
monastery, temple, and idol is associated in the popular 
belief with some miracle of Buddha, the regenerator of 
mankind, Tsong-kaba, the great reformer, and the latter’s 
disciples. These tales are the theme of Minjul’s discourse, 
and the topographical details are merely accessories. 

With the aid of the valuable portfolio of maps issued 
by the French Minister of Public Instruction to accompany 
Dutreuil de Rhins’ book, we have succeeded in identifying 
many of the names, while others have baffled us. On the 
whole we think Asiatic, and especially Buddhistic students, 
have cause to be grateful to Pi'ofessor Yassilief for publishing 
this translation. 

E. D. M. 

Grammar of thf. Dialects of Vernacular Syriac as 


North-West Persia, and the Plain of Mosul, 
with notices of the Vernacular of the Jews of Azerbaijan 
and of Zakhu near Mosul. By Arthur John Maclean, 
M.A., F.R.G.S., Dean of Argyll and the Isles, some- 
time head of the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Mission 
to the Eastern Syrians. (Cambridge : at the University 
Press, 1895.) 

The beautiful types of the Cambridge University Press 
have been well employed in printing this book, which is 
likely for many years to be the standard authority on the 
subject of which it treats ; but it is probable that the book 
would have been more useful if these types had not been 



employed — if, in other words, the author had throughout 
transliterated the modern Syriac into European characters, 
in which nuances of pronunciation can be more easily repre- 
sented than in a script which the European student will 
approach with preconceived ideas about the pronunciation 
— ideas which, being based on his study of Old Syriac, will 
be misleading. However, one who has been a Missionary 
among the Syrians could sfcarcely be expected to abandon 
a character which the Missionaries are proud of having 
utilized in order to give the Nestorians a literature of their 
own. The account which Dr. Perkins gives of the reception 
of the first book printed in modern Syriac (forty-six years 
ago) is still thrilling. “As I carried the proof-sheets of it 
from the printing-office into my study for correction, and 
laid them on my table before our translators, they were 
struck with mute rapture and astonishment to see their 
language in print ; though they themselves had assisted 
me a few days before in preparing the same matter for the 
press. As soon as recovery from their first surprise allowed 
them utterance, ‘ It is time to give glory to God,’ they 
each exclaimed, ‘ that we behold the commencement of 
printing books for our people ! ’ — a sentiment to which 
I could give hearty response.” 

Fifteen years after this date appeared the Grammar of 
D. T. Stoddard, in which the forms and usages of some 
of these dialects were systematically arranged, and since 
that time most of the leading Syriac scholars have interested 
themselves in these late descendants of the ancient Aramaic 
language — some publishing texts, others contributing to the 
philological study of the dialects. There has, however, 
been no work based on first-hand research calculated to 
supersede Stoddard’s prior to the present Grammar of Dean 
Maclean. He has devoted special attention to the dialectic 
varieties of the language, having studied no fewer than 
sixteen dialects during his five years’ residence among the 
Nestorians ; and the patience that he has displayed in 
collecting these varieties, as well as the delicacy of ear 
which he has shown in noting them, deserve recognition. 



Stoddard complains of the difficulty he experienced in 
getting the natives to tell him the true forms they were 
in the habit of using, owing to the Oriental custom of 
giving the answer the questioner is thought to desire rather 
than the answer which is in harmony with fact. As this 
custom is not likely to have changed since Stoddard’s time, 
the labour represented by these collections from sixteen 
dialects must have been exceedingly great. 

A remarkable feature in the work is the wealth of phrases 
and expressions which the Dean has taken down as they 
were uttered, and which illustrate native usage far better 
than translations made under the eye of Europeans. He 
is to be thanked for having spread these with a free hand. 
A rather weak point, as has been noticed by other reviewers, 
is to be found in the etymologies, the sources of the foreign 
words being stated neither fully nor always correctly. The 
Aramaic language has at all times shown a great aptitude 
for the assimilation of foreign elements, not only among 
substantives and verbs, but even among conjunctions and 
adverbs ; and to one acquainted with Arabic, Persian, and 
Turkish the lists of New-Syriac words in the Dean’s 
Grammar will contain much that is familiar, although the 
source is often not indicated. It is just to add that this 
is not a matter by which the practical utility of the book 
is in any way affected ; the New-Syriac dialects do not 
appear to assign to foreign words any special treatment, 
but to admit them to the full privileges of natives. 

How far the assertion which Dean Maclean repeats after 
other scholars, that the modern Syriac dialects are not 
direct descendants of the classical language, but stand 
rather in the relation of nieces, is borne out by the facts 
which he has collected, will be estimated variously. It may 
be indeed true that much of them “ was in use side by side 
with the written classical Syriac for centuries,” but in the 
parallel cases of modern Arabic, modern Greek, modern 
Armenian, etc., it is difficult or impossible to say at what 
period exactly the ancient language ceased to be a natural 
vehicle of conversation. The vestiges of autiquity which 



are noted in the modern Syriac forms are perhaps rather 
to be explained by the working of analogy than to be 
supposed to date back to a very remote epoch ; and of the 
actual words which are thought to occur “ in Chaldee and 
other ancient Aramaic dialects” and in modern Syriac, but 
not in ancient Syriac, many at least are open to suspicion ; 
they are more likely to be recent borrowings from existing 
languages than survivals. 

Dean Maclean deserves cordial praise for having followed 
the example of those many missionaries who have found 
time amid their religious and educational duties to do some- 
thing for the cause of science and learning. 

D. S. Margoliouth. 

A IIistory of the Deccan. By J. D. B. Gribble. Yol. I. 
8vo. (London: Luzac and Co., 1896.) 

Whatever else may be thought of this work, there cannot 
be two opinions as to its readableness and its pleasing 
appearance. The numerous views of ruined forts and 
palaces, which it brings before us in such charming shape, 
remind us that to the Dakhin as fully as to Persia may 
be applied the well-known lines — 

~ Ay' uc 1 Aj Aj ,lj 1 'i* 4-^. A A % i A ,1 >j • 

“ The princes of Persia may be traced 
By carvings on ruined gates and walls.” 

The most valuable of the illustrations is, perhaps, the 
reproduction of an apparently authentic portrait of Nizam- 
ul-mulk, the founder of the Asaf-Jahl dynasty. If all 
that Mr. Gribble intended was to w r rite an agreeable book, 
sufficient to satisfy the needs of such a rare ignoramus as 
the young Haidarabad nobleman described on page ii of 
the Introduction, then all that remains to be done is to 



congratulate him on his success, and wish him a happy 
issue with his second volume. 

“ In every work regard the writer’s end, 

For none can compass more than they intend.” 

But surely we ought to apply a severer standard to one 
of Mr. Gribble’s experience, and demand from him some- 
thing more than this ; some measure of independent research, 
or at least a strictly critical method in dealing with the 
sources, far from inaccessible, to which he has had recourse. 
It is true that such comments and reflections as the author 
introduces in the course of his story are always sound and 
judicious, often forcible and of value. It is, however, 
doubtful if he has read himself into his subject sufficiently, 
or has studied it long enough, to acquire the requisite 
mastery over it. This is the judgment arrived at upon 
a perusal of parts i and ii of the work, in respect of which 
I have no more right to express an opinion than any other 
industrious reader having a moderate acquaintance with 
Indian history. Of part iii I shall have more to say. 

To the book as a whole one or two general criticisms 
seem applicable. Mr. Gribble should look to his trans- 
literation, which is, to say the least, erratic ; and while 
noticeably chary of dates, some of those he does give can 
hardly be correct. We all suffer from printer’s errors, nor 
can Mr. Gribble escape the common doom : for instance, 
prisma hash on p. 353 for tasma hash is obviously a misprint. 
But how could Mr. Gribble pass such forms as “ Bosetou ” 
(p. 34) for Bustan , and “ Boorahan ” (p. 45) for 

Burhan ? why call firman a farmana (p. 310) ? 

and where did he find the grotesque “ Khan Humman ” 
(p. 318) for Khan Zamdn (a title which, be it 

said en passant, was granted after and not before the capture 
of Shambit Jl) F It is not at all necessary, as some writers 
have done, to erect transliteration into a fetish, but an 
author might try to be consistent with himself, and not 
spell XJLsr’* “ Mahomed ” on p. 32 and “ Muhammed ” on 
p. 34. We might also have been spared such cockneyisms 



as “ Farkhander ” (p. 344) for farkhundah, and 

“ Shakar Kerar ” (p. 375) for Sj£ Shakar-kerah. Then 
in the matter of dates we have, for instance, on p. 33 the 
1st Rabl‘ I, 759 h., made to correspond to 1359 a.d., and 
on p. 34 to 1357 a.ix, the exact date being the 11th 
February, 1358. 

When we come to part iii, pp. 312-379, we reach a period 
which I have studied somewhat closely. As Mr. Gribble 
gives no references, it is impossible, except at great ex- 
penditure of time, to compare his facts seriatim with the 
original authorities on which he has based them. All that 
can be done, therefore, is to run through a series of the 
most prominent instances in which he seems to have either 
misread, or been misled by, the books that he consulted. 
Nothing will be brought forward except simple matters of 
fact, on which there could hardly be two opinions, if reference 
be made to the best original authorities. 

The limits of permissible inaccuracy allowed to themselves 
by most writers on Indian history are much wider than 
those obtaining in any other branch of historical science. 
Thus to call a man of forty-nine “ the young prince ” 
(p. 341), since it can be paralleled elsewhere, may pass 
as venial. Let us proceed to more unmistakeable cases 
of erroneous statement. 

Flruz Jang, father of Chin QilTch Khan (Nizam-ul-mulk) 
never joined A'zam Shah (p. 329) ; when ‘Alamglr died, 
the priuce Shah ‘Alam was not at Kabul (p. 332), but had 
been encamped at Jamrud, not far from Pashawar, since 
November, 1706 ; Mathura is not twenty but thirty-five miles 
from Agrah (p. 333); and the date of the battle of Jajau, 
the 18th Rabl‘ I, 1119 h., does not correspond to the 
23rd May, but to the 18th June (n.s.) or the 7th June (o.s.), 
1707. Again, Flruz Jang did not withdraw from the Dakhin 
(p. 335) ; he was removed by the emperor’s orders. He 
was transferred to the province of Ahmadabad Gujarat, 
which was not “ a small government,” but probably the 
richest and most profitable of them all, except Bengal. 
His son, Chin Qilich Khan, did not “ remain in the Deccan ” 



(same page), but in compliance with a summons from the 
new emperor arrived at Agrah on the 5th November, 1707, and 
on the 26th February, 1708, was appointed to the govern- 
ment of Audh. ‘Azlm-ush-shan (not “ Shah,” as printed 
here and elsewhere) was not the “youngest” (p. 341) but 
the second of Bahadur Shah’s four sons. The two Barhah 
Sayyads (p. 348) never fought on A'zam Shah’s side at 
Jiljau ; they were with Bahadur Shah, and came with him 
from Liihor ; nor did they retire from court or go to Bengal, 
but in the course of time obtained the two governments of 
Allahabad and Bahar. These appointments were procured 
for them by ‘Azlm-ush-shan, and they had nothing to do 
with Farrukhslyar until his father’s death. The batches 
of Sikhs executed at Dihll could hardly have been “ several 
hundreds each day ” (p. 359) ; they were not much over 
seven hundred men altogether, and the daily executions 
lasted for a week. 

The genealogical table on p. 364 omits to mention one 
of the emperors, ‘Azlz-ud-dln, ‘Alamgir SanI (son of 
Jahandar Shah), who reigned from 1754 to 1759. It 
therefore follows that No. 9, Shah ‘Alam (son of ‘Azlz-ud- 
din), was not the descendant of Jahan Shah, but of 
Jabilndar Shah, No. 3. Nor had Muhammad Shah “ been 
living in retirement at Fathpur ” (p. 368) ; he had been 
under lock and key in the Sallmgarh fort at Dihll, with 
the rest of the princes of the royal house, and was brought 
thence to Agrah down the river Jamnah. 

Dilawar ‘All Khan’s force (p. 369) was composed largely 
of Rajputs, not of Mahrattas ; the latter were with ‘Alim 
‘All Khan. Nor did Sayyad Dilawar ‘All Khan come 
from the west; his advance on Burhanpur was from the 
north-east. The battle with ‘Alim ‘All Khan took place 
two or three kos from Balapur in Barar (see Khiifl Khan, 
vol. ii, p. 889, or Elliot, vii, 499), a place that, according 
to the “Gazetteer for Barar,” lies in the Akola district, 
some sixty miles south-east of Burhanpur. Where does 
Mr. Gribble find that this battle was fought twenty-five 
miles west of that town? Haidar Qull Khan, Afshar, the 



J fir Atash, or artillery general, was not “ selected as the 
actual assassin” of Savvad Husain ‘All Khan (p. 371); 
the man who volunteered to do the deed was Mir Haidar 
Beg, Dughlat, Kashgharl. On p. 374 Nizam-ul-mulk’s 
accession to power as chief minister is made to follow 
immediately upon the fall of the Sayyads. As a matter 
of fact, his cousin, Muhammad Aralu Khan, Chin, became 
minister, and it was only after this man’s death that Nizam- 
ul-mulk received that office (5th JamiidI I, 1134 h., 20th 
February, 1722). On p. 375 Mr. Gribble confounds two 
separate expeditions. Nizam- ul-mulk left Dihll for Ahma- 
dabitd and Malwah on the 2nd Safar, 1135 h. (11th 
November, 1722), and was back at the capital on the 30th 
Ramazan (3rd July, 1723) ; he did not quit Dihll on his 
flight to the Dakhin until the 25th Rabi‘ I, 1136 h. (22nd 
December, 1723). 

It woidd not be unfair to say that Mr. Gribble’s work, 
when completed, will be more a history of the Ilaidarabad 
state, under the present ruling family, than a history of 
the whole Dakhin. Four centuries are disposed of in 311 
pages; the rest of the work, that is, seventy pages of 
volume i and the whole of the second volume, will be 
occupied by the 170 years from 1722 to the present day. 
Thus the volume now before us is no more than the portico 
to the completed edifice ; and by his second volume must 
Mr. Gribble’s labours be judged. Materials for a full history 
of the present line of Nizams of Haidarabad are abundant, 
and they will no doubt be carefully and exhaustively used 
iu the concluding volume. 

December 8, 1896. "W. Irvine. 

1. The Faith of Islam. By the Rev. Edward Sell, 

B.D., M.R.A.S. (Kegan Paul, Triibner and Co., 1896.) 

2. L’Islam, Impressions et Etudes. Par le Comte Henry 

de Castries. (Armand Colin et C ie , 1896.) 

The two works before us, though dealing with a common 
subject, differ greatly in scope and treatment. Mr. Sell 



and M. de Castries have both lived in Mohammedan lands 
and acquired a personal knowledge of their subject. 

During the many years which Mr. Sell has passed in 
India he has enjoyed the most intimate intercourse with 
Mohammedans, and, besides this, he has been able to consult 
the works of Musulman authors in the originals. The 
present volume is a second edition of a former work, and 
is “the result of another fifteen years’ study of Islam.” 
His treatment is mainly scientific and dogmatic. M. de 
Castries, on the other hand has studied Islam as an 
officer in the French colony of Algiers, and writes in 
a philosophic way of the characteristics of the followers 
of Mohammed. 

Mr. Sell’s work is a scholarly exposition and epitome of 
the various tenets embraced by Islam, in which he treats 
clearly and succinctly of each sect in turn. The book does 
not in any way claim to be an account of the rise and 
growth of Mohammedanism, but is merely a demonstration 
of the Faith of Islam as it really is in its various forms, 
and an indication of the manner in which it influences the 
lives of individuals and the customs of nations in the 
present day. All Mr. Sell’s statements with regard to 
dogmatic teaching are the result of personal consultation 
of Mohammedan authorities. Nothing but praise can be 
spoken of the whole undertaking. It is no light task to 
put into plain English many of the obscure tenets of Islam ; 
and while, on the one hand, the author has been careful, 
in consideration of the student, to employ and explain 
throughout the most important Arabic termini technici , he 
has, on the other hand, made his work accessible to the 
general reader also. Without ever being too prolix he has 
embraced a very wide range, and finds room, for example, 
for excellent accounts of the mystic poets and the Biihl 
movement in Persia. 

Transliteration is a vexed and sore point with all 
Orientalists, and is likely to remain so ; but surely some 
of Mr. Sell’s versions are open to general criticism. He 
tells us, for example, in his preface that he has “retained 



the anglicised forms Kliallf and Khallfate, instead of using 
the more correct terms Khalifa and Khalifat.” There 
seems considerable confusion here; for the “correct terms” 
are Khalifa and Khilafat, while Kliallf and Khallfate (not 
being Arabic) bear the appearance of a transcription of 
our old English forms Caliph and Caliphate into trans- 
literated Arabic ! Again, how is the form Mohammadiin, 
which is used throughout, to be explained? whence the 
long a ? 

The fact that M. de Castries writes in full personal 
sympathy with the dogmas of the Roman Church gives 
additional value to the discrimination, impartiality, and 
even admiration which he displays in treating of the 
Mohammedan religion. lie sees in Islam (and in this he 
is in accord with many notable doctors of his Church) the 
necessary link between fetichisra and Christianity. lie 
regrets that, “ a l’exception d’un petit nombre d’orientalistes 
sans influence dans la politique,” most people are inclined 
to regard the Musulman religion as a variety of paganism. 

He takes up three special points on which Islam seems 
most to differ from Christianity, namely : Polygamy, the 
Conception of Paradise, and Fatalism. He would have us 
review our condemnation of the first in the light of the 
stories of the Patriarchs and the Kings of Israel. As 
regards the second, he points out the frequency among 
Oriental peoples of picturing supernal delights through 
sensuous imagery, and quotes as an example the writer 
of the Song of Songs. On the third point he considers 
that the doctors of his own Church have failed to come 
much nearer than the Musulman doctors to a solution of 
the much vexed problems of Foreknowledge and Freewill. 

Other writers on Islam may possibly have dealt with 
equal candour on its essential teachings, but the able 
chapter at the conclusion of the volume well merits our 
consideration at the present time. M. de Castries therein 
reviews the attitude of Mohammedans towards their 
Christian conquerors, and puts the question, “ Will amalga- 
mation ever be possible ? ” Taking the experience of the 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 12 



French in Algeria, he answers emphatically “No.” The 
Arabs have migrated in their thousands towards the great 
Libyan desert, and sooner than reconquer Algeria they 
would conquer another land for Islam. There are to be 
found at the end of the volume several interesting ap- 
pendices : one of special interest, occupying fifty pages, 
deals with “ Les idees au moyen age sur Mahomet et la 
religion Musulmane.” 

E. D. R. 

The Early Annals of the English in Bengal. Yol. I. 

By C. R. Wilson, M.A., of the Bengal Educational 

Service. 8vo. (London : W. Thacker and Co., 1895.) 

Mr. Wilson’s work has been most severely, and, as it 
seems to me, most unfairly, condemned in one of the 
literary reviews. The grounds for attack were, first, that 
his Introduction was built up from the late Sir Henry 
Yule’s “Diary of William Hedges, Esq.”; secondly, that 
the India Office records were printed by him in a summary, 
instead of the full text. Something, too, was said, I think, 
about the audacity shown by one not officially concerned 
in touching that sacred ark. This line of criticism strikes 
one as most unfruitful, dealing as it does only with the 
accidents, and ignoring the essentials, of the work under 
review. If the book had in itself any merits or demerits, 
would it not be better to praise or censure them, without 
dilating on side issues having little or no bearing on 
a proper verdict ? 

As to the first objection, most people will think that 
Mr. Wilson has committed no breach of literary propriety. 
In his preface he plainly admits his indebtedness to Sir 
Henry Yule, and wherever he uses his predecessor’s work 
he gives a reference to volume and page. If this is not 
enough, then no man can use the work of a predecessor, 
and all advance is barred ; for no man can cope single- 



"handed with the whole of an immense subject. But it 
may be said that after Sir Henry Yule there was nothing 
left for anyone else to attempt; that Mr. Wilson, in writing 
over two hundred pages of introduction, has been merely 
wasting his time. Now, too high praise can never be 
accorded to the labours of Sir H. Yule; and the “Diary 
of William Hedges, Esq.,” like all his books, is a delight 
to the studious reader. But the three volumes in question 
will never secure a very large audience ; they are the raw 
material of history, and present no compact and finished 
narrative. This is the natural result of the diary form, 
which does not readily adapt itself to clear and continuous 
narrative. In such a case, any impartial judge must admit 
that there was room for a condensed story of our doings 
in Bengal, not excluding even the period covered by 
Hedges’ diary and so admirably dealt with by Sir II. Yule. 

The publication of a summary of the Bengal Consultations 
from 1701 having been resolved on, it was obviously 
necessary to begiu by explaining the position of things 
there in that year. In other words, the author must 
commence the volume with some sort of introduction ; and 
that which he has prefixed to his summary seems worthy 
of high praise. It can be declared, with a clear conscience, 
to be simple and terse in its language, lucid in its arrange- 
ment, and most interesting in its matter. Everyone who 
reads it through will know, in a way he never knew before, 
how the English made their entry into Bengal. 

From the first timid approaches in 1633, through an 
obscure port in Orissa, with no idea but commerce, up to 
the foundation of Calcutta and the beginnings of rudimentary 
administration, the whole story is set before us in most 
attractive shape. Whether the full text of the documents 
should have been furnished instead of an abstract, cannot 
be decided with absolute certainty by anyone who has not 
collated the book with the originals ; but from the internal 
evidence it may be safely surmised that there is little 
matter of any interest of which we have been deprived. 
If there is to be hereafter an official publication of the 



full text, no one would offer any objection. But how long 
must we wait while these projects take shape ? It is 
unwise, meanwhile, to discourage by formal disapproval 
the efforts of individual enthusiasm. Personal zeal can 
never be too strongly prized : mere official work can never 
take its place. Of this truth Sir Henry Yule himself is 
one of the brightest examples. 

Many curious points brought out by Mr. Wilson might 
be commented on. One of the strangest is, perhaps, the 
quaint expedient introduced in 1704 of Government by 
Potation — the directing head of the community being 
changed every week. Such a system must have been fore- 
doomed to failure, even without the constant squabbling, 
that plague-spot of Indian official life, which not even 
Warren Hastings could eradicate. Lord Cornwallis was 
the first of our governors in India who was free of this 
fatal hindrance. Mr. Wilson must be held also to have 
made out his main proposition, namely, that the assumption 
of authority within a foreign state was forced upon the 
unwilling officers of the Company. The “ country powers ” 
(as they used to be called) were too weak to perform the 
most elementary duty of a State, the affording of pro- 
tection to person and property against violence. As 
showing the low estimation in which Europeans were held 
in those early times, we may cite a story on p. 8 of the 
Introduction. In 1633 a ship captain was admitted to an 
audience with the Governor of Orissa. The governor, 
slipping off his sandal, offered his foot to our merchant 
to kiss, “ which he twice refused to do, but at last he was 
fain to do it.” 

Mr. Wilson, with commendable boldness and fair success, 
has attempted the reduction of the old erratic spelling of 
Indian names to some sort of rule and order. There are 
still a number of minor points on which I could suggest 
some revision. For instance, in the note on the page of 
the Introduction just referred to, when he speaks of the 
governor’s “allowance of two thousand rupees,” he evidently 
means a mansnb of 2000 zdt (see the man’s biography in 



the JWa asir-ul-umara, iii, 452), and thus, to my thinking, 
makes two mistakes, mansab meaning not an ‘ allowance ’ 
but a rank or command. Neither can the words mmisab- 
i-do hazdr-i-zat be rightly taken as having anything to do 
with * two thousand rupees,’ as I have tried to explain 
in the July number of our Journal, p. 510. 

Rahddri, on p. 78, note, is rightly enough rendered as 
‘ transit duty ’ ; but the steps by which it reached this 
meaning are not given. To begin with, the idea was 
to afford special protection on certain roads peculiarly ex- 
posed to attack, such as that from Agrah to Dihll. Special 
officers were appointed as Rah-dars (literally, ‘ Road- 
keepers whose duty it was to furnish armed escorts to 
convoy travellers and goods. For this duty they were 
permitted to take payment. In time the grant of an escort 
was dropped, while the money continued to be levied. By 
this means the arrangement was turned into a transit duty 
pure and simple. The first literal meaning of peshkash (see 
the same page) is rather an ‘ offering ’ than ‘ firstfruits.’ 
Thus pesh kashidan, literally ‘ to lay before auyone,’ i.e. to 
make an offering, hence peshkash, the thing so laid before 
or offered to anyone. The use of the word ‘commission’ 
for farmaish might be misunderstood ; the word should 
be rather ‘requisition,’ for it means the order sent to an 
official to supply a superior with goods, which latterly were 
very seldom paid for, though in earlier days their cost 
was allowed as a debit against the revenue collections. 

One or two more of these suggested corrections and 
I have done. Sher Buland Khan (p. 182 and elsewhere) 
would more properly be Sarbuland Khan. He and the 
prince ‘Azim-ush-shan married two sisters, and thus his 
prominence in Bengal is accounted for. Subsequently, he 
held successively the governments of Bahar, Kabul, Agrah, 
and Gujarat. I may also point out that Murshid Quli 
Khan, the diican of Bengal, was removed on Bahadur 
Shah’s accession in 1119 h. (1707), and joined that 
monarch’s camp on his march to the Dakhin. Murshid 
Quli Khan was not reappointed to Bengal until the 2nd 



Muharram 1122 h. (March 2, 1710), after the assassi- 
nation of Zia-ullah Khan. 

The title of Qasid-dar (pp. 179, 278), given to the post- 
master, must be peculiar to Bengal, as it is not found in 
any of the historians of the period, who speak of such 
an official as Daroph ah - i-ddk. The man referred to is 
known from other sources to have been Farrukhsiyar’s 
mirsantan, or Lord Steward, within whose province the 
postal arrangements would fall. The Mir Muhammad Dafar 
of line 30, p. 179, is no doubt Muhammad Ja'far, a man 
from Shiraz, afterwards created Taqarrub Khan; he died 
9th Rabl‘ II, 1128 h. (April 1, 1716). From page 179 
onwards, the prince living at Rajmahal must mean 
FarrukhsTyar, because his father, ‘Azim-ush-shan, left 
Bengal in 1707 (see p. 172) and never returned to it. 
This point might be made clearer than it is in Mr. Wilson’s 
text. The year 1706 on p. 281, line 9, ought to be I70f ; 
for ‘Alamglr died in 1707, on the 19th February (o.s ) or 
the 2nd March (n.s.). The technical meaning of Nishau 
(p. 27 and elsewhere) is ‘ formal writing or patent issued 
by a prince of the blood ’ ; in short, the same thing that 
if issued by the sovereign was styled a farman. 

It is to be hoped that Mr. Wilson will persevere and 
give us another volume at an early date, continuing the 
series of summaries. That volume ought to include all 
the reports and letters connected with the important mission 
to Dihll under Mr. John Surinam Mr. Talboys Wheeler 
printed part of those papers in his “ Early Records of 
British India”; and in his report on the records of the 
Calcutta Foreign Office he added a large number of con- 
temporary translations (found in the Madras records) of 
Husb-ul-huhn, and other communications from the chief 
minister, Sayyad ‘Abdullah Khan. Further additions to 
our knowledge of this mission will be most valuable. 
Surman, according to Anglo-Indian tradition, rendered 
nugatory all the concessions gained at Dihll by quarrelling 
with Murshid Quli Khan on a matter of etiquette. Having 
come from Dihll invested with a Mogul title higher than 



that of Mursliid Qull Khan, Surman claimed the first visit 
upon liis arrival at Murshidabad. The governor insisted 
on the precedence due to his office. Surruau would not 
give way, but inarched on to Calcutta, and Mursliid Qull 
Khan hindered, in every way in his power, the execution 
of the Company’s farmtin. “ What mighty contests rise 
from trivial things ! ” 

December 14, 1896. W. Irvine. 

The Mystic Flowery Land. By Charles J. II. 

Halcombe. 8vo, 225 pp. (Loudon : Luzac and Co. 

Price 10s.) 

This volume is a very popular personal narrative 
by a gentleman who has spent seven years in China. It 
makes no pretence to contribute anything to scholarship, 
and as a story is the reverse of exciting. A number 
of incidents, most of them of a very ordinary kind, are 
described, with remarks on things Chinese and on things 
in general, which we are afraid will rather weary the reader. 
With judicious skipping, it may amuse a vacant afternoon, 
and the coloured reproductions of the Chinese drawings 
of common life are well executed. 

The Buddhist Praying-Wheel. By William Simpson, 
M.R.A.S. 8vo, pp. 308. (London : Macmillan, 18y6. 
Price 10s.) 

Mr. Simpson has here given us a very interesting and 
instructive book. Starting with the so-called praying-wheel 
of the Tibetans, he points out what it really is, and, with 
the aid of excellent illustrations, makes the wheel, and the 
method in which the Lamas use it, clear. He then proceeds 
to show that it is not a praying- wheel at all ; that the object 
aimed at is not prayer, but the repetition of a charm, Om 
muni padme hung (that is, Adoration ! the Jewel in the 
Lotus), the Shad-akshara-mantra or Six-syllabled Charm. 



This charm-cylinder is a piece of very ancient symbolism. 
It is found on coins as early as the time of Christ. It was 
not only in India that water was considered the source 
of the universe; and the lotus floating on the water was 
probably, and perhaps still is, regarded as a symbol of the 
universe, and the jewel in it as a symbol of the self- 
creative, or, rather, self-evolving, force which the Buddhists 
regarded as the only source of the universe. However this 
may be, there is a deep mystic meaning in the six syllables 
of the charm ; and one can easily follow how it has come 
to be believed so potent. 

In the ancient sculptures at Sanchi, and on the modern 
representations of Buddha’s footprints in Ceylon, figures 
of the wheel play a great part. But this was an entirely 
different wheel, the symbol not of the universe, but of the 
royal chariot wheel of the kingdom of righteousness which 
the Buddha set rolling on. And there is yet a third 
Buddhist wheel, the symbol of the circle of transmigration, 
in which the unconverted man is, according to Buddhism, 
held to be bound fast. It is of the utmost importance to 
a right understanding of the question to keep these three, 
entirely different, symbols distinct. 

All three — the wheel of the universe, the wheel of 
sovereignty, and the wheel of life — are derived from the 
wheel of the sun. It was Buddhism, it is true, that applied 
the second idea rather to the dominion of righteousness 
than to the outward, material dominion of an earthly 
king. But even in that portion of the wheel symbolism 
it worked on older materials ; and only (in this instance 
as in so many others) gave a new and higher, more ethical, 
connotation to an already existing expression. 

It is not only the Buddhists who adopted this symbolism 
from the older Indian faith. The Jains also have done so, 
as their sculptures recently discovered at Mathura and 
elsewhere clearly show. Unfortunately, there have not 
been found any Brahminical representations of this symbol 
of a similarly ancient date. But it is mentioned, which is 
more important, in books of the Brahmins which are 



certainly even far older. Not only the Brahmanas, but 
even the Yedas themselves, refer to the wheel of the sun. 
The wheel of the universe is referred to in the Svetusvatara 
Upanishad. This book is later than Buddhism, but the 
symbol is referred to incidentally in such a way that one 
cannot fail to see that the idea is old established and well 
known. Only the wheel of life has not, so far, been traced 
back to literature older than Buddhism. 

These passages from the older Brahmin books show clearly 
that the original idea was that of a solar wheel, and this not 
only explains why so much importance was attached to the 
turning of it the way of the sun, but helps us also to trace 
the symbol still further back, to the time when the Aryan 
race had not yet entered India. Mr. Simpson brings together 
a great deal of curious information on the Pradakshina (or 
walking round an object of veneration with the right hand 
towards it), and this not only from Indian (both Brahminical 
and Buddhist) sources, but from customs prevalent among 
the Greeks, the Kelts, and other Western nations. And not 
only so ; he traces the same, or similar, ideas in Egypt and 
Japan, among the Muhammadans, and Jews, and Christians; 
and shows how throughout the long history of these strange 
customs the ideas of the wheel and of the sun lay at the 
back of the popular superstitions and beliefs. 

The volume is throughout profusely illustrated, and Mr. 
Simpson has added a capital index and a useful bibliography. 
In bringing together so great a mass of material from all 
parts of the world, a number of incidental problems arise ou 
which it is difficult to speak with absolute certainty. The 
moderation with which the author keeps the balance, and 
does not attempt to push his conclusions further than they 
can fairly go, is very marked. He modestly calls his work 
a “ collection of materials,” and a very admirable collection 
it is. It is certainly the best book that has yet appeared 
on the subject; and the summary in the last chapter ably 
puts the questions which the materials so brought together 
from many sources will help to solve. 



Life of Brian Houghton Hodgson. By Sir William 
Hunter, K.C.S.I. 8vo, pp. 390. (London : John 
Murray, 1896.) 

The Society will welcome this charming biography of 
one of its most distinguished members. The author has 
lavished upon it that literary skill of which he is a past 
master ; and we have a delightful volume, which the reader 
when once he has begun it will be loath to lay down 
till it is finished. This is due, no doubt, in great part to 
the wonderfully interesting tale he had to tell, the charm 
of the noble and simple character he had to depict, the 
wide range of the intellectual problems which must neces- 
sarily be raised in any life of Hodgson. But too many 
biographies are a warning how easily the story might 
have been spoiled iu the telling. And every reader will 
be grateful for the lucid way in which the facts are grouped, 
the easy style in which the work is written, the knowledge 
and care with which the various topics are so handled 
that accuracy is combined with grace. 

The book opens with an account of Hodgson’s boyhood 
and family surroundings ; describes Haileybury College as 
it was when he spent there four short terms ; takes him, 
still really only a boy, at 17, to India, and describes his life 
in the Calcutta of that day ; gives a chapter to his first 
appointment in the then just acquired Kumaon valleys, 
and to his work there as revenue settlement officer ; 
describes his solitary life of intellectual ardour as Assistant 
Resident in Nepal; and then devotes a considerable space 
(not one word too long) to a lucid and careful narrative 
of the political events with which he had to deal as 
Resident. This part of the book (chiefly based on Wright) 
is not only particularly valuable in bringing out the force 
of Hodgson’s personal character, and his ability and tact 
as a man of affairs, but is of engrossing interest as a stirring 
chapter in modern Indian history. And the final catas- 
trophe, when Lord Ellenborough so brusquely relieved 
Hodgson of his duties, and suddenly appointed another 



civilian to his post, is clearly led up to and explained, to 
the complete justification of the Resident. 

Hodgson’s short journey home, and his life as a student 
bachelor recluse at Darjiling (1843-1853), are then taken 
up with the assistance of a charming letter from Sir John 
Hooker, who stayed with him there. Hodgson had then 
given up his studies in Buddhism, but pursued with 
unabated ardour the subjects of vernacular education in 
India, the study of the races of the Himalayan valleys, 
the physical geography of the Himalaya and Tibet, and 
the zoology, especially the ornithology, of Sikhim. 

This leads up to four chapters describing Hodgson’s 
work on Nepalese Buddhism, on the hill races of India, 
as a naturalist, and as a champion of vernacular education. 
The quoted opinions of the experts on all these subjects 
are amply sufficient to show not only that he added in 
each of them to human knowledge, but that in each of them 
lie was in advance, in many respects, of his age, and took 
original views which time has proved to have been right. 
So vigorous an intellectual grasp in conjunction with so 
varied a genius is quite exceptional. Each specialist would, 
no doubt, with a reasonable envy, grudge the time and the 
attention that such a man devoted to the subjects outside 
the specialist’s own range. And it is, of course, true that, 
had he kept to one subject, that branch of inquiry would 
have gained a greater impetus in a degree it is now, 
perhaps, impossible to estimate. But it is, to say the least, 
very doubtful whether the cause of knowledge would, as 
a whole, have thereby gained. 

It is strange that Hodgson, after his final return home 
in 1855, in the full enjoyment of a physical and mental 
vigour that few can boast, ceased to take any active part in 
research. It were useless to speculate on the reasons for 
this where the biography throws no light. He was some- 
what disappointed perhaps (though there is no evidence of 
this) at the meagre results, in England aud in India, 
of the munificent generosity with which he had placed at 
the disposal of scholars the finest collection of materials 



for the study of Sanskrit Buddhism ever brought together 
either in Europe or Asia. But no one was better aware 
than Hodgson himself of those peculiar circumstances which 
then (as now) made England so far behind the Continent 
in appreciation of research, and even in knowledge of the 
right method of research. The governing classes in Eng- 
land are only just now beginning to wake up to the duty 
of the State in this matter, and the Government of India 
was then even further in arrear. The noble words of 
Hodgson, full of that burning eloquence that comes of 
strong moral enthusiasm, on the education of the peoples 
of India, show what were the views he held — 

“ I have spent many years in India, remote from the 
Residencies and large towns, and almost entirely with 
the natives, whom, consequently, it was ever an object 
with me to conciliate for my own comfort, and whom I 
trust I always feel anxious to win, in order the better to 
accomplish my public duties, as well as to influence the 
people to their own advantage and improvement. Yes ! 
I sa} r I have so spent many, many years, and during them 
I solemnly declare that the only unequivocal, voluntary 
testimonies I have received of influence over either the 
hearts or the heads of the people, have been owing entirely 
to some little knowledge, on my part, of their literature ! 
With this instrument I have warmed hearts and controlled 
heads which were utterly impassive to kindness, to reason, 
to bribery, and deeply am I persuaded, by experience and 
reflection, that the use of this instrument is indispensable 
in paving the way for any general, effective, safe measures 
of educational regeneration.” 1 

But these were not, and from the circumstances under 
which they lived, could not be, the views of the rulers of 
India. Hodgson says : — 

“ At Culcutta the great body of influential men — influential 
from their stations, their talents, and their knowledge — are, 
have been, and must continue to be, strangers to India .” 3 

1 Hodgson, “ Essays on Indian Subjects,” vol. ii, p. 296. 

2 Ibid., p. 329. 



They were not likely to value very highly knowledge 
they themselves had not. In the subjects (hey set for the 
young civilians to study, the literature of India, the history 
of the thought, of the industrial conditions, of the social 
institutions, of India, found no place. And they were 
more likely to resent, than to appreciate, the fact that so 
distinguished a man as Hodgson should have insisted, in 
words so powerful, on the importance of subjects beyond 
their ken. We find, at least, that Hodgson received none 
of those titular honours which were given to many of his 
less distinguished contemporaries. 

But for that he would have cared little, and would have 
welcomed the present signs of a change at last. English- 
men are beginning to realize that they can no longer with 
safety remain so far behind France, and Germany, and Russia 
in their knowledge of Oriental literature and history. When 
they once begin they will rapidly overtake their rivals, 
for it is not the ability that has been wanting, but the 
will ; and Englishmen in India will follow suit. Meanwhile, 
in Hodgson’s particular field — in that chapter of history 
he first opened up, and then so lavishly provided with the 
materials for further work — in Indian Buddhism, interest is 
rapidly growing. The Sanskrit texts, for which Hodgson 
did so much, are acquiring new value precisely from the 
rapid publication of the Pali texts, once considered their 
rivals. And this is not really at all strange. The two 
sets of texts, the Pali and the Sanskrit, represent different 
schools and come from different countries. But they deal 
with the same chapter in the history of human thought. 
A knowledge of both is needed for a proper solution of 
the problems that arise, and it is not easy — it is, indeed, 
scarcely possible — rightly to appreciate either of them without 
the other. The very last work of importance published on 
Buddhism, Professor Windisch’s masterly monograph on 
“Mara and Buddha,” affords proof on every page of the 
intimate connection between the two, and is throughout 
one long example of the manner in which each can elucidate 
the other. 



One may well, therefore, be impatient that whereas year 
after year three or four volumes of Pali texts are made 
accessible by the printing-press to scholars, the documents 
preserved and presented by Hodgson should be still almost 
entirely unpublished. It is a mere mockery to be told 
(p. 281) that they form the object of pious pilgrimage 
of travelling scholars, who visit (once in a generation 
or so !) the libraries where the generous donor hoped 
they would be used, and where they lie entombed. For 
entombed they are. It is only scholars with wealth 
enough to give them leisure who can study, as Burnouf 
did, the MSS. themselves. What is required to make 
Hodgson’s gifts really useful, is to place the texts in 
print (and not summaries or abstracts only, but the 
whole texts) on the tables of scholars. M. Senart’s 

splendid work on the Mahavastu will accordingly be of 
more permanent value than Burnouf’s. And only the want 
of money bars the way. Seventy or eighty pounds would 
pay for the printing of one book. A like sum ought to be set 
apart for the editor. When a few volumes had appeared 
the sale would suffice to pay for others. Our Society 

would be glad to undertake, without charge, all the business 
arrangements. Cannot those who revere the rare genius, 
the wide intellectual sympathies, the noble unselfishness of 
Hodgson, resolve to bring out a series of “ Hodgson Texts,” 
and thus to complete the work he had so splendidly begun ? 
He could not have done this himself. There were no 
scholars then to do the editing. But the times are now 
ripe ; scholars can be found ready trained. The importance 
and interest of the subject is acknowledged ; and better than 
any statue, better than any title, would such a series of texts 
keep alive the memory of the man we all reverence, and 
whom the readers of this biography will learn to love. 

For after all it is not so much the ever alert intel- 
lectuality, not the single-minded search after truth, not 
even the moral enthusiasm, as the simplicity and grace of 
Hodgson’s personal character, that those who knew him 
best valued the most. We find here a typical example 



of the noble life ; a life reflecting such a lustre on 
the Service as the highest administrative ability, alone, 
could never hope to emulate. Would that its tone and 
spirit could animate the official world ! The book ought 
to be in the hands, and in the heart, of every young 

T. W. Rhys Davids. 

The Jataka, together with its Commentary. By V. 

Fausboll. 8vo, pp. 600. (London : Kegan Paul & Co., 

We heartily congratulate Professor Fausboll on the com- 
pletion in this volume of the admirable edition of the 547 
Buddhist Jataka Tales, on which he has spent so many 
years of useful and arduous labour. He states in the few 
words of preface that he looks upon his edition as a pro- 
visional one, and no doubt all our editions of Pali texts 
must be provisional. The study of the language, being so 
recent in origin, has not been carried far enough to enable 
the editor to decide even on which is the best of the readings 
preserved in the MSS. he has to work on. And we may 
fairly hope, as the years go by, to procure better and older 
MSS. But among the Pali texts that have so far appeared 
— and the number of volumes now amounts to fifty— this 
particular work is not only one of the very best, but from 
the nature of its contents is particularly valuable from the 
point of view of Pali syntax and lexicography. We are 
glad to see that there is to be another volume to contain an 
essay — a kind of prolegomena in the form of a post-scriptum 
by the editor — and an index of names by his friend Dr. Dines 
Andersen. We have had the advantage of seeing advance 
proofs of the first sheets of this index, and can announce 
that it will be specially full and valuable. 

The actual contents of this volume are the last ten stories, 
including some of the most famous, such as the Ummagga, 
Sama, Yidhura, and Vessantara. Translations from the 
Burmese of the second and third of these four have lately 



appeared in our Journal, from the pen of Mr. St. John, and 
our readers will recollect that they have much more of the 
form of novelettes than of the usual fable or birth story. 
This is still more the case with the remaining ones. 
The Pali text of the Ummagga fills 150 of Professor 
Fausboll’s large pages in the Pali, and an English trans- 
lation of it would probably occupy about 400 pages of this 
Journal ; and the Vessantara is nearly as long. 

Meanwhile the Cambridge scheme for translating the 
whole work is making promising progress. Two volumes 
have already appeared in print, and two others are in 
preparation. And it will not be long before we have this 
invaluable collection of old-world stories, of all sorts and 
sizes, accessible to the European scholar, both in Pali and 
in English. 

It will be scarcely necessary now to point out the great 
value of this work — not only the oldest, most authentic, 
and most complete collection of ancient folklore in the 
world, but a veritable mine of information for anyone who 
studies the home life, the social customs and institutions, 
the daily habits, and common beliefs of the peoples of 
India ; and for Pali students it is simply indispensable. 

Les Castes dans l’Inde : kaits et le systeme. Par 
Emii.e Sen art, Membre de l’lnstitut. 12mo, pp. 257. 
(Paris : Leroux, 1896.) 

Die sociale Gi.iederung im Nordostlichen Indien zu 
Buddha’s Zeit. Yon Dr. Richard Fick. Large 8vo, 
pp. 241. (Kiel: Ilaeseler.) 

Hindu Castes and Sects. By Jogendra Nath Bhatta- 
charya, President of the College of Pandits at Nadiya. 
8vo, pp. 623. (Calcutta : Thacker, Spink & Co., 
1896. Price 12 rupees.) 

The number of books on Caste in India has been very 
large. And this is no wonder. For the institution, or 
custom, is not only interesting in itself from various stand- 



points — historical, ethical,, political — but is quite peculiar to 
India. All the important books on the subject are specified 
in M. Senart’s admirable little volume, and are probably 
well known to our readers. It would be useless, therefore, 
to refer to them here, and it will suffice to recall to our 
minds that the theories put forward as to the origin and 
meaning of caste are about equal in number to the books 
upon it, and are irreconcilable one with the other. It is 
a striking proof of the genius of our distinguished Honorary 
Member, that having descended into so long-fought a fray 
with a tiny duodecimo essay, a reprint of three articles in 
a review , 1 he should have been able, after first dissipating 
the mists of delusion, to put forward a solution of the 
problem which is practically final. After reading the essay 
the reader will see that it is not only the best treatment 
of the question we have had, but is the only treatment of 
it that any longer merits serious attention. 

It is well known that the population of India is divided 
into a number of sections, which we call ‘castes,’ the 
members of which are debarred from the right of inter- 
marriage (connubium) and in constantly varying degrees 
from the right of eating together (commensality) with the 
members of other sections. The disastrous effects, from 
the ethical, social, and political points of view, of the con- 
sequent restrictions have been often grossly exaggerated, 
and the advantages of the system ignored. But it cannot 
be denied that the term ‘ caste ’ covers a state of things 
which it behoves the rulers of India, at least, clearly to 
understand. The Government has accordingly spent large 
sums, and employed for lengthy periods the services of 
some of their ablest civilians, in the collection of elaborate 
evidence on the subject; and the costly and valuable census 
returns have been largely tinged with the question. Never- 
theless we do not know to this day how many castes there 
are, or the exact degrees of restriction by endogamy and 
by exogamy, and by disabilities of various kinds as to meats 

1 Revue des deux mondes. 

j.r.a.s. 1897. 




and drinks, to which each caste is subject. The reports 
are hazy as to what caste really means and implies, the 
most contradictory views as to the nature of caste have 
governed the minds of the collectors of evidence, and of 
the census officials ; and consequently (while the great 
value and importance of the results obtained are beyond 
question) it is difficult, and, indeed, in many cases impossible, 
to compare these results together. 

It would seem that there must be between two and three 
thousand such caste divisions in India. And although 
this is only a vague guess, owing to the inexactitude of the 
returns pointed out by M. Senart (p. 17), it is enough to 
show that the restrictions are not confined, after all, within 
such very narrow limits. The Brahmin law books suppose 
that all these castes are descended from an original fourfold 
division into Brahmins, knights, tradespeople, and work- 
people. Mr. Wesfield, Mr. Ibbetson, and Mr. Risley dis- 
regard this, and set up irreconcilable theories. One of 
these is that castes are derived from occupations, another 
is that they are derived from differences of race. M. Senart, 
agreeing that the Brahmin theory cannot be admitted, is 
easily able to show that neither of the other theories at 
all cover the facts which the writers of the reports have 
themselves brought together. They lie, in fact, open to 
the same objections as those that make it impossible to 
explain the origin of religion by any one cause, such as 
ghost-worship, phallus-worship, or sun-worship. Some 
castes, no doubt, are occupation-castes, some are race-castes, 
some are religion-castes ; but no one of these explanations 
is sufficient, alone, to explain the varied results that lie 
before us in the returns ; no one of them, standing alone, 
is based on a large enough historical induction. 

Now we have long known that the connubium was the 
cause of a determined struggle between the patricians 
and the plebeians in Rome ; and evidence has been yearly 
accumulating on the existence of restrictions as to inter- 
marriage, and as to the right of eating together, among 
other Aryan tribes — Greek, Germans, Russians, and so on. 



Even without the evidence of the existence, now, of such 
restrictions among the modern successors of the Aryans in 
India, it would have been almost certain that the ancient 
Aryan tribes, there also, were subject to the same 
divisions. The facts of caste make it certain. More than 
this, restrictions as to connubium and commensality are not 
confined to Aryan races. It is probable that the notion 
of such customs was familiar enough to some, at least, 
of the races that preceded the Aryans in India. The 
basis of such customs as regards marriage is always, where- 
ever they exist, a threefold one — a section (parallel to our 
modern tables of affinity) within which a man can not 
marry ; a larger section within which he can ; and all the 
rest of the world with whom he can not intermarry. Both 
the spirit, and to a large degree the actual details, of 
the restrictions of caste are identical with these ancient, 
worldwide, and especially Aryan, customs. It is in them 
that we have the key to the origin of caste. 

M. Senart shows how the growth of strong political and 
national feelings constantly tended, in the West, to weaken, 
and at last succeeded in removing, these restrictions. lie 
suggests that the absence of such feelings in India may 
be one reason why the disabilities have not, also there, been 
gradually softened away. It is, indeed, very suggestive 
for the right understanding of Indian history, that they 
should, on the contrary, have become so permanent a factor 
in Indian life. The problem remaining is to trace in the 
literature the gradual growth of the sj’stem — the gradual 
formation of new sections among the people ; the gradual 
extension of the caste-system to the families of people 
engaged in the same trade, belonging to the same sect, 
tracing their ancestry (whether rightly or wrongly) to the 
same source. All these factors, and others besides, are 
real factors. But they are phases of the extension and 
growth, not explanations of the origin, of the system. 

It is, of course, impossible in a short summary of this 
sort to state the case with all the necessary limitations 
and reserves with which it is put forward in the essays 



themselves. Everyone interested in the subject must read 
M. Senart’s book. It is only possible here to show the 
general lines along which the argument, so soberly and 
convincingly put forward, is there carried on. 

Dr. Fick’s work is an admirable example of the way 
in which such a study of caste in the literature should be 
conducted. He has wisely chosen a series of texts the 
date of which is (sufficiently, at least, for the purpose 
of his inquiry) practically ascertainable ; and the Buddhist 
texts he works on have the further advantage that the 
facts mentioned in them are not coloured by any pre- 
conceived notions, are recorded by men independent of the 
Brahmin influence, and are referred to quite incidental^. 
He shows conclusively that there was not then (just as 
there is not now, and never has been) any Brahmin caste 
in India. There are many castes of Brahmins who follow 
all sorts of occupations, which is a very different thing. 
In the same way there is no Khattiya caste ; there is 
a social class of bureaucrats, a governing class, which is 
also a very different thing. And there is no caste of 
tradespeople (Yessa) ; there is a social class of Setthis , 
and many different castes associated with trade of various 
kinds. M. Senart is here in error in supposing that Gahapati 
is used in Buddhist literature as a name for the Yessa. 
We hear of Brahmin Gahapatis as well as of Setthi Gahapatis 
and plain Gahapatis; and the passage he quotes in support 
of his proposition mentions, not the Gahapati, but the 
Kalaputta ; and it might be suggested that his description 
of the Brahmin Cdtuvamu/a theory as a designation of what 
was really not four castes, but four classes, should be so 
far modified that it should read rather “ four groups of 
castes,” than four “classes.” 

All the passages relating to these higher ranks are worked 
out by Dr. Tick with great completeness and admirable 
judgment. The lower grades are less fully dealt with. 
A man is often described in the Pitaka books with a com- 
pound ending in -putta and preceded by the name of an 



occupation (kevatta-putta, assaroha-putta, and so on). This 
does not mean that he was the son of a fisherman, etc., 
but that he was “ of the sons of the fisherfolk,” that 
he belonged to the class of fishermen. There can be very 
little doubt that in most cases, if not in all, it is a caste also, 
not merely a class, that is implied. Then there is frequent 
mention of Nesiidus, Kiratas, Pukkusas, Candalas, and other 
sections, which are evidently castes. It would be an ex- 
cellent plan to collect all such references with the view of 
seeing what numerical, geographical, social, and other con- 
clusions could be safely drawn. Dr. Fick has referred to 
cases mentioned in the Jataka of the customs relating 
to technical purity and impurity, to the connubium, and to 
comiuensality. It would be a valuable addition to his essay 
to collect all similar cases from the Pitaka books. The 
present essay gives us only isolated specimens ; and it is 
only because what we have is so important and interesting 
that we wish for more of a similar kind. 

The third work on our list is of quite a different order. 
In it we have the existing caste divisions dealt with, 
strictly from the Brahmin point of view, each in a short 
section. The list is not exhaustive, and the statements 
under each section are not exhaustive. The only attempts 
at explanation are a series of classifications and generaliza- 
tions drawn up with much ingenuity, tending to support 
the Brahmin position, and having very little relation to 
the facts. In the sections devoted to the subdivisions con- 
sequent on the various religious movements of later times, 
we have usually a sketchy life of the founder and a 
superficial account of the tenets of the school. We there 
learn that all that does not fit in with the sentiments of 
orthodox Brahmins is bad, thoroughly bad, bad form. The 
author has no kind word to say for any person, or for any 
opinion, outside the charmed circle. And herein lies the 
value of the book. It gives us an excellent picture of the 
tone and spirit that have had so much influence, through 
the centuries, in shaping the caste-system of India. It is 

J 98 


an instructive guide to the intricacies of the feelings by 
which the various grades and castes and divisions are nicely 
weighed in a balance and placed in just their proper social 
position. It enables us to see the whole complex organiza- 
tion through Brahmin spectacles. 

Manual of Indian Buddhism. By H. Kern. 8vo, pp. 137. 

(Strassburg : Triibner & Co. Price 7s.) 

In this beautifully printed volume (the printer is 
Drugulin, of Leipzig), we have the Buddhist books 
discussed in twelve pages, and then about thirty pages 
each devoted to the life of the Buddha, Buddhism, the 
Buddhist Order,' and the outlines of the history of the 
Buddhist community. 

Of the books we learn that the Pali Sutta Titaka in 
substance probably existed in the third century B.c., and 
that the Buies of the Order are still older. The Sanskrit 
books are but partially known, and their dates are quite 
uncertain. The expression “Northern Buddhists” for the 
various sects to which they belong is said (p. 3) not to 
be accurate, and it is a pity that the learned author has 
not therefore discarded the use of it. At the end of this 
catalogue of books we have a page on Indian thought and 
ideals at the time of the rise of Buddhism, and it is pointed 
out in a note that the idea of Maya (in the sense of the 
“ illusion ” of the later thinkers) was current then. This 
is surely an error. The word has not yet been traced 
(in that sense) in any work older than the Pali Pitakas, 
nor in them. Though Sankara reads the idea into the pre- 
Buddhistic Upanishads, it is, as a matter of fact, not to be 
found there. 

In the second part, the Life of the Buddha, the plan 
followed is to give, in the author’s own words, an abstract 
of the account as found in Buddhist books of various dates 
and the product of various schools. Thus, for the first 
part we are told that it is mainly based upon the Nidaua 



Kathii (which, by-the-bye, is wrongly stated to have been 
translated by Chalmers) ; and in the subsequent parts other 
authorities are abstracted in the same way, and the details 
are completed from various sources. 

Now the beliefs of the Buddhists concerning the personal 
history of Gotama have varied in every time and country, 
growing in magnificence as the interval of time grows 
greater. Our author regards them all with impartiality, 
and brings them together in a narrative which has the 
merit of comprehensiveness, but also the disadvantage of 
not representing any phase of Buddhism that ever existed. 
When the various accounts of a supposed episode iu the 
life of the Buddha, written by authors differing from one 
another by centuries in date and by thousands of miles iu 
domicile, are welded together in a new account differing, 
both by omission and by addition, from each and all of those 
on which it is based, we obtain a fresh version of the story 
that is eclectic, it is true, but that corresponds to no one 
stage in the history of Buddhist belief. It is difficult to 
see what use can be made of this. The student does not 
even get the author’s own view, either as to what really 
happened or as to the growth of the story. If the various 
accounts were given side by side, there would at least be 
the materials out of which a life of the Buddha, or a history 
of the lives of the Buddha, might afterwards be constructed. 
But the narratives are not preserved in their original form. 
It is impossible for the reader to know whether the words 
he is reading are those of the compiler, or of the Buddhist 
author he has principally, at the time, in his mind. No 
student will care to wade through arid reproductions in 
this style of ancient legends, whose beauty and poetry (often 
their only merit) have evaporated under the effect of an 
unsympathetic travesty in what is, necessarily, a cursory 

In the description of Buddhism a similar method is 
followed. We have not the Buddhism of any one age or 
country ; and as it was, of course, impossible to set out the 
whole of Buddhism, a selection has been made from various 



sources. No two authors would probably, under the 
circumstances, make exactly the same selection. In fact, 
the early Buddhists, in putting into the Buddha’s own 
mouth summaries of his view of life, of his religion, have 
chosen in different suttas different words. We have one 
very interesting such summary, for instance, in the 
Samannaphala Sutta, though it is confined, as the name 
implies, to the Buddhist view of the advantages to be 
gained through life in the Order. Not only are all these 
ancient summaries of Buddhism ignored, but the selection 
here made is charged with a quite different tone and spirit; 
and if there be any truth at all in the views put forward 
by the oldest authorities we have, the Buddha would 
scarcely recognize it as an exposition of his doctrine. The 
disadvantage of this would be somewhat compensated for 
if the doctrine here set out had been held at any time, by 
the Buddhists of any age or country, as their faith. We 
should then have a picture, if not of original Buddhism, 
yet of the Buddhism of some later stage ; and that would 
be useful for purposes of comparison. Unfortunately that 
is not the case. Early and late are mingled together. And 
we have not the advantage, which would be very great, 
of Professor Kern’s own views as to the manner or degree 
in which the growth or change took place. 

The defects of the system thus followed are sufficiently 
obvious. But should any wish to see what can be made 
out of it by a scholar of great learning and philological 
acumen, he would do better to consult the present 
author’s larger work entitled “ Ilet Buddhisme,” of which 
the one before us is, in great part, a compilation. In the 
older work there is a better proportion of space in which 
to set out the system, and it is accompanied (in the German 
translation) by a capital index. There is no index to 
this one. 



YI. Additions to the Librarv. 

Presented by the India Office. 

The Avesta, edited by K. Geldner. 3 vols. Yol. I, 
Yasna ; Vol. II, Yispered and Khorda Avesta ; Yol. 
Ill, Yendidad. 4to. Stuttgart, 1880-1896. 

Aufrecht (Th.). Catalogus Catalogorum. Tart 2. 

4 to. Leipzig, 1896. 

Presented by the Imperial Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg. 

Yasilief (V.). Tibetan Geography (Russian). 

8vo. St. Petersburg, 1895. 

Radloff (W.). Mundarten der Kryra. 

8vo. St. Petersburg, 1896. 

AYiener (S.). Catalogus librorum impressorum Hebraeorura 
in Museo Asiatico imperialis Academiae petropolitanae 
asservatorum. Fasc. 2. 4to. Petropole, 1895. 

Radloff (TY.). Yersuch eines Worterbuches der Tiirk- 
Dialecte. Bd. II, Lief. 1. 4to. St. Petersburg, 1895. 

‘Abd al Kadir Bagdadensis. Lexicon Sahnamianum cui 
accedunt eiusdem auctoris in Lexicon Sahidianum 
Commentariorum Turci particula prima, Arabici 
excerpta edidit C. Salemann. Tome I, pars 1. Lexicon 
Sahnamianum continens. 4to. St. Petersburg, 1895. 

Schrenck (L. v.). Reisen und Forschungen im Amur- 
Lande in den Jabren 1851-1856. Bd. Ill, Lief. 3. 

4to. St. Petersburg, 1895. 

Presented by F. F. Arbuthnot, Esq. 

Actes du dixieme Congres international des Orientalistes 
session de Geneve. 3 e partie. Sections : II, Langues 
Semitiques ; III, Langues Musulmanes. 

8vo. Leide, 1896. 

Presented by Lady Meux. 

Budge (E. A. YTallis). Some Account of the Egyptian 
Antiquities in the possession of Lady Meux. 

4to. London, 1896. 



Presented by the Societe Finno-Ougrienne. 

Wiklund (K. B.). Entwurf einer Urlappischen Lautlehre. 
Yol. I. 8vo. Helsingfors, 1896. 

Presented by Mrs. Brian Hodgson. 

Hunter (Sir W. Wilson). Life of Brian Houghton 

Hodgson. 8vo. London, 1896. 

Presented by the University of Leyden. 

Serrurier (Dr. L.). Bibliotheque Japonaise: Catalogue 
raisonne des livres et des Manuscrits Japonais 
enregistres a la bibliotheque de l’Universite de Leyde. 

Boy. 8vo. Leyde, 1896. 

Presented by Rajendra Narayan Rai Bahadur. 

Brennand (W.). Hindu Astronomy. 8vo. London, 1896. 

Presented by the Publishers. 

Abu Bekr Muhammed ibn Zakarlya al-Razi. Trait4 sur 
le Calcul dans les reins et dans la Yessie. Texte et 
Traduction par P. de Koning. 8vo. Leyde, 1896. 

Conrady (Dr. A.). Eine Indochinesische Causativ- 
Denominativ-Bildung und ihr Zusammenhang mit den 
Tonaccenten. Roy. 8vo. Leipzig, 1896. 

Weise (Dr. 0.). Der Orientalist Dr. Reinhold Rost sein 
Leben und sein Streben. 8vo. Leipzig, 1897. 

Simpson (W.). The Buddhist Praying- Wheel. 

8vo. London, 1896. 

Eick (Dr. R.). Die sociale Gliederung im Nordostlichen 
Indien zu Buddha’s Zeit, mit besonder Berucksichtigung 
der Kastenfrage. 8vo. Kiel, 1897. 

Bhattacharya (J. N.). Hindu Castes and Sects. 

8vo. Calcutta, 1896. 

Halcotnbe (C. J. II.). The Mystic Flowery Land : A 
Personal Narrative. 8vo. London , 1806. 

Baden-Powell (B. II.). Indian Village Communities. 

8vo. London, 1896. 


203 ’ 

Presented by the Author. 

Dutt (Sri Kedar Nath). Srigouranva Smaranamangala 
or Chaitanya Mahaprabhu : his Life and Precepts. 

8vo. Calcutta, 1896. 

Hirth (Fr.). Ueber fremde Einfliisse in der chinesischen 
Kunst. 8vo. Munchen u. Leipzig, 1896. 

Barth (A.). Deux chapitres de Saurapurana. 

pamphlet. 4to. Leide. 

Die Religion des Yeda von II. Oldenberg. 

4to. Paris. 

Dvivedi (Maharaahopadhyaya S.). Treatise on the 
Integral Calculus. 8vo. Allahabad, 1895. 

Bloch (Dr. Th.). Uber das Grhya- und Dharmasutras der 
Vaikhanasa. 8vo. Leipzig, 1896. 

Takakusu (J.). I-Tsing’s Record of the Buddhist 
Religion as practised in India and the Malay 
Archipelago (a.d. 671-695). 4to. Oxford, 1896. 

Brandstetter (Dr. R.). Malaio-Polynesische Forschungen. 
Part 5. Griindung von Wadjo. 4to. Luzern, 1896. 

Chavannes (Ed.). Les Inscriptions Chinoises de Bodh- 
Gaya. 8vo. Paris, lb96. 

Le Slitra de la paroi occidentale de l’inscription 

de Kiuyong Roan. 4to. Paris, 1896. 

Grierson (G. A.). Satsaiya of Biharl-Lal, with a Com- 
mentary entitled the Lala-Candrika by Qri Lallu Lai 
Kuri, edited with an Introduction and Notes. 

Roy. 8vo. Calcutta, 1896. 

Chatterjee (Prof. M. N.). Science of Ethics ; its Nature 
and Source. 8vo. Lahore. 

Banerji (Prof. Kalipada). Kshahamiti. 8vo. 1895-6. 

Schlagintweit (E.). Die Berechnung der Lehre. Eine 
Streitschrift zur Berichtigung der buddhistiseben 
Chronologie verfasst im Jahre 1591 yon Surejamati- 
bhadra, aus dem tibetischen iibersetzt. 

4to. Munchen, 1896. 




Garbe (R.). Samkliya und Yoga. 

Roy. 8vo. Strassburg, 1896. 
Speyer (J. S.). Yediscbe und Sanskrit Syntax. 

Roj\ 8vo. Strassburg, 1896. 
Biihler (G.). Indische Palaeographie von circa 350 
a. Chr. — circa 1300 p. Ckr., mit 17 Tafeln in Mappe. 

Roy. 8vo. Strassburg, 1896. 
Kern (H.). Manual of Indian Buddhism. 

Roy. 8vo. Strassburg, 1896. 
Scherman (L.). Philosophische Hymnen aus der Rig- 
und Atharva-Yeda. 8vo. Strassburg, 1887. 

Bohtlingk (0.). Brihadai'anyaka Upanisbad. 

8vo. St. Petersburg, 1889. 
Dahlmann (J.). -Nirvana. Eine Studie zur Yorgeschichte 
des Buddhismus. 8vo. Berlin, 1896. 

Zorab (M. J.). Haic and Belus, a National Drama. 

8vo. Calcutta, 1895. 
Bohtlingk (O.). Chandogya TTpanishad. Kritisch heraus- 
gegeben und iibersetzt. 8vo. Leipzig, 1889. 




Art. YIII. — On the Origin of the Ancient Northern Con- 
stellation-figures. By Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. 


Amongst the most remarkable instances of the result of 
careful observation and systematized thought which "Western 
Asia has given to the world at large, are the Signs of the 
Zodiac, and the ancient extra-zodiacal constellation-figures, 
northern and southern ; and by ‘ ancient ’ I mean those 
which have been enshrined for all future time in the 
Phainomena of Aratos . 1 Of the Twelve Signs I shall only 
speak incidentally. It is now many years since Ideler and 
Guigniaut, contrary to the views of Letronne, arrived at 
the correct conclusion that the Signs of the Zodiac came, 
with so much else of archaic thought and civilization, from 
the Euphrates Yalley ; and, having firmly established them- 
selves in Hellenic usage, were afterwards carried by Greek 
conquerors as far as India in the east and Egypt in the 
south. But, although modern research has supplied an 
immense amount of material for the purpose, it is remarkable 

1 Vide R. B., jun., The Heavenly Display of Aratos, 1885. 

J.B.A.B. 1897. 




that the classic work of Ideler 1 still gives the best account 
of the constellation-figures and their various stars. Surely, 
then, it is time that an effort was made to utilize in a 
connected form some at least of the results of subsequent 
investigation ; and, although the inquiry, like all such, is 
progressive, and, like all researches into the ancient and 
archaic past, is beset with numerous difficulties, yet the 
principles to be applied and the general outlines of the 
subject are clear and distinct. 

That the Greeks either themselves * invented ’ the general 
scheme of constellations, or received this artificial arrange- 
ment from savages, there is not the slightest evidence. Men 
naturally group stars in idea, and from China to Peru we 
find constellation-figures ; hut I am not speaking of such 
figures generally, only of the familiar Aratean forms. 
And even amongst these the same idea may occasionally 
arise independently ; e.g., Greeks and North American 
Indians alike called the seven TFtfm-stars a Bear. Again, 
the amount of evidence that this scheme of figures was 
not Hellenic in origin is overwhelming, and e.g. is proved 
by the Babylonian origin of the Signs of the Zodiac ; so 
that, whilst, on the one hand, we have no evidence 
of Greek origin, on the other hand there is absolute 
evidence to the contrary. I have shown elsewhere 2 that 
long ere the days of Eudoxos, who died cir. b.c. 350, the 
Greeks were familiar with the constellation-figures generally ; 
and it is further to be remembered that classical writers 
frequently speak of the introducer or popularizer of any 
discovery or branch of knowledge as its * inventor,’ As 
all investigation shows, man * invents ’ remarkably little ; 
his ideas and discoveries are slowly evolved from the facts, 
suggestions, and analogies of nature. Thus, to give an 
instance : according to Diogenes Laertios, Anaximaudros 
of Miletos “ was the first discoverer of the gnomon ” ; 
whereas, as Herodotos (ii, 109) truly says, “The gnomon, 

1 Untersuchungcn iiber den Vrtprung und die Bedeutung dtr Sternnanun, 1809. 

* Vide The Heavenly Display, p. 87 et seq. 


with the division of the day into twelve parts, was re- 
ceived by the Greeks from the Babylonians.” If, then, 
the constellation-figures did not arise amongst the Greeks, 
if they adopted the Babylonian Signs of the Zodiac, what 
is the a priori conclusion respecting the introduction of 
these figures into Hellas at which we should naturally 
arrive ? Surely it is this, that after making all due 
allowance for any influence which the mixed peoples of 
Asia Minor had upon the Greek mind — and such influence 
was certainly considerable in many respects — the channel 
by which the Aratean constellation-figures reached Hellas 
was Phoenician. And when we turn from general pro- 
bability to particular testimony, we find the unhesitating 
opinion of antiquity summed up in the flictum of Strabo 
(XVI, ii, 24) that “astronomy and arithmetic came to the 
Hellenes from the Phoenicians.” They were led, naturally 
enough, to study these sciences, he says, from their com- 
mercial accounts and sailings by night ; and the instance 
that they taught the Greeks to steer by the Little Bear 
instead of by the Great Bear , is too familiar for more 
than a passing notice. If it be objected that astronomy 
is a very different thing from imagining constellation- 
figures, I answer that astronomy then really mainly was 
what the word implies, i.e. * star-naming ’ ; and if even 
the modern atlas finds a certain use in these old figures, 
or, at all events, does not venture to discard them, much 
more were they serviceable to ancient mariners. 

V r e shall find on examination that almost every one of 
the extra-zodiacal constellation-figures, whether northern 
or southern, is connected in myth and legend or in art 
with the sphere of foreign and Phoenician influence ; and, 
from the case of the Signs of the Zodiac, this is only 
exactly what might be expected. Now the more we in- 
vestigate the history of early Hellas, the wider does this 
sphere prove to be, and the deeper is its influence shown 
to have penetrated. I am well aware that some writers, 
influenced by a former stage of knowledge and opinion, 
attempt to minimize the effect of foreign contact upon 



the Greek mind. They rather unwillingly admit that 
Phoenicians probably landed in Boiotia, and that Aphrodite 
bears traces of Semitic influence, 1 but decline to go much 
further in this direction, and e.g. stoutly claim Poseidon 
and Dionysos as genuine Hellenic divinities. 2 But this 
standpoint represents the past, not the future of research, 
and is daily becoming more obsolete. Again, some modern 
writers, such as M. Svoronos 3 and Professor D’Arcy W. 
Thompson, 4 are beginning tentatively to connect ancient 
art, and especially coin-types, with the constellation-figures. 
But there need he no hesitation in the matter. As I have 
shown, 5 by instances taken almost at random from Mysia 
and Ionia, constellation-figures swarm on coins, and bear 
witness alike to their deep and widespread influence and 
to their foreign associations. Phoenician coins especially 
illustrate this. Amongst many whose researches are of 
value in the investigation may be specially mentioned 
Movers, Bunsen, and Lenormant — with whose studies of 
the fragments of Sanchouniathon and Pherekydes of Syros 
the inquirer should be familiar — and the very remarkable 
work of M. Victor Berard, De VOrigine des Cultes Arcadiens, 
1894. This accomplished writer, who combines an actual 
and practical knowledge of the locality of which he treats 
with keen acumen and an acquaintance with the latest 
authorities, bids fair, when his work is carefully weighed 
and its conclusions duly appreciated, to effect a revolution 
in the current ideas respecting a large portion of Greek 
mythology and legendary history. The principal classical 

1 It is satisfactory to find that Mr. L. R. Farnell, in his important work The 
Cults of the Greek States, 1896, is sound on this point. Aphrodite, he declares, 
“was originally an Oriental [by which he evidently means 1 non- Aryan ’] 
divinity” (ii, 618). The attempt of Professor Homrnel to explain the name — 
Istar — Aslitorct — Athtoret — Aphtoret — Aphrotet — 'keppoUrrj — he regards as 
• ingenious,’ “ hut philological analogies are wanting.” 

2 “ The worship of Dionysos . . . had been borrowed by the Greeks from the 
East” (Sayce, Eel. Anct. Babylonians, p. 54, n. 2). Semele = Ph. 'Samlath, 
the Sumero- Akkadian goddess Samela (vide R. B., jun., Euphratean Stellar 
Researches, pt. i, p. 22). 

3 Sur la Signification des Types Monet aires des Ancicns, 1894. 

4 On Bird and Beast in Ancient Symbolism, 1895. 

6 R. B., jun., Greek Coin-types and the Constellation-figures, in the Academy, 
Sept. 21, 1896. 


authorities for constellation legends will be found collected 
by C. Robert, Eratosthenis Catasterismorum Reliquiae, 
Berlin, 1878. 


I will next take the northern extra-zodiacal constellation- 
figures in order, and point out a few of the numerous 
indications of their Semitic connection. 

Aratos ( Phai ., 31-4) says of the Bears : — 

“ From Krete to heaven these, by the will of Zeus 
Mounted, what time they him concealed a babe 
In odorous Dikte, near the Idaian hill, 

Within a cave, and nourished him a year.” 

M. Svoronos observes that in Kretan coin-types the 
Great Bear is represented as a Cow, hence Bootes (“ the 
Herdsman ” — of the Cow-Bear), and the Little Bear as 
a Dog (‘ Chienne ’), a Zeus-suckler (vide Coins of Kydonia, 
“Hound suckling Infant”). In the migration of myths 
and legends one animal frequently replaces another, in 
accordance with the fauna of the several countries into 
which the story is successively introduced. I need hardly 
observe that Krete, the island of Poseidon, 1 is one of the 
chief centres of Phoenician influence in Hellas. The Bear 
was a sacred animal in Syria 2 ; and in his valuable treatise 
Peri tes Suries Theou, in which he has so amusingly 
imitated the style and mental standpoint of Herodotos, 
Lukian says : “ In the courtyard [adjoining the temple of 
the goddess] great oxen [cf. Tauros~\ and horses [cf. 

1 “Le nom d’un (lieu Tan se trouve en composition dans celui d’ltanos de 
Crete, i-Tun, ‘ Pile de Tan.’ Les plus anciennes monnaies de cette lie 
represented le dieu Tan comme un personna^e a queue de poisson, tenant le 
trident de Neptune ; au revers est represente le monstre marin tannin et sa 
femelle ’ (Lenormant, Les Origines, i, 545, n. 2). ni<TLs-''lTavos =Tlo<rei5uv, 
“ Lord-of-the-isle-of-Tan.” Itonos, a variant of the name, appears as the 
husband of Melanippe (“ Black-horse ”= the black Demeter Hippia, vide inf., 
p. 223) and sire of Boiotos (Paus., IX, i, 1), i.e. the inhabitants of Boiotia. 

1 \ ide Bachofen, Der Bar in den Lteligionen des Alterthums ; Berard, p. 130 
et seq. 



Hijopos-Pegasos ] and eagles [cf. Aetos ] and bears and 
lions [cf. Leon ] roam free, and they never harm men 
and are all sacred” (cap. xli). The Great Bear was also 
from very early times connected with the nymph Kallisto 
(“ the most beautiful,” i.e., in a stellar phase, a specially 
bright constellation) = Artemis Kalliste, a form of the 
great Semitic goddess 1 ; and the extraordinary bear-cult 
of Brauron in Attike, 2 in connection with the goddess 
Artemis Orthia (“the Phallic ”)= the goddess Asherah 
(“the Upright”) of Kanaan, equally illustrates the position 
of the Bear as a sacred animal connected with a foreign 
ritual. The Greeks, as is now generally recognized, con- 
stantly applied the names of their own native gods and 
goddesses to any foreign divinity who seemed to correspond 
in some phase or way with the epichorial divinity, just 
as Latin writers speak of the ‘Juno’ of Carthage, etc. 

It is quite possible that the Greeks, independently of any 
Semitic influence, called the seven Wain-stars Arktos, in 
accordance with a line of thought made familiar to us by 
Professor Max Muller; but this does not exclude a joint 
Semitic influence, which would be all the more powerful if 
it tended to a similar conclusion. The Homeric statement 
that the “Bear alone is exempt from being dipped in the 
ocean flood” (II., xviii, 489), has much vexed the souls of 
commentators ; and whilst Strabo (I, i, 6) would give to 
the Bear the non-natural sense of “ the Arctic Circle,” 
Delambre and Sir G. C. Lewis think “ that the Great Bear 
was the only portion of the sky which, in Homer’s time, had 
been reduced [by the Greeks] into the form of a constella- 
tion.” Strabo remarks that “ the second [ Bear~\ was not 
considered a constellation until, on the Phoenicians specially 
designating it and employing it in navigation, it became 
known as one to the Greeks.” The view of Delambre is 
exceedingly improbable, and I understand * Homer ’ to mean 
that the Bear alone of the constellations which he specially 

1 Vide Berard, p. 129 et seq., where this point is proved at length. 

2 For a detailed account of this, vide It. B., jun., The Great JJionysiak Myth, 
i. 239-41 : ii. 134-6. 


names, the others being the Pleiades , Hyades, and Oridn, 
“ hath no part in the baths of Ocean.” But it is clear 
from Strabo and from other authorities 1 that the Little Bear 
was a Phoenician constellation ; and as the Phoenicians did 
not borrow, but lent, constellation -names, it further appears 
that the Great Bear was one likewise. We have positive 
testimony that neither of the Bears appeared in the native 
spheres of Egypt and Babylonia. 2 It is true that we 
meet in W.A.I., II, xlix, No. 4, 1. 44, with a Kakkab 
Dabu (“ Star of the Bear ”) ; but this, whatever it may 
have been, was neither of the Arktoi. The Sumero- 
Akkadian name of the Great Bear was JLargidda (“ the 
Long-chariot ”) = the Wain, which “all the year is fixed” 
(Kal satti izzaz, W.A.T., III, lii, No. 1, Rev. 1. 24) ; and 
the fact, always insisted on, that the constellation had two 
names, Bear and Wain, seems to refer to different appella- 
tions having been given by different peoples. The Little 
Bear, a constellation peculiarly Phoenician, as above noticed, 
is a reduplication of the Great Bear, 3 4 and its special name 
Kynosoura — by a popular etymology understood as “Dog’s 
Tail,” which is absurd, for more than the tail is shown — 
would appear on the Hellenic side, like Lykosoura, to 
mean “ Trail-of-light.” 1 But, especially since the Zeus 
Lvkaios of Lykosoura was a Phoenician divinity, 5 it is 
more than probable that oura in origin was the Sem. a6r, 
‘ light.’ Kynouros was a son of Perseus, and Kynosouros, 
a son of Hermes, who gave his name to a peak in Arkadia 
(Steph. Byzant. in voc. Kynosoura) ; and the word, which 
seems always to be connected with height and light, may 
probably be a transcription from the Semitic, or even an 
echo of a Euphratean name. 6 A gem from Asia Minor, 
figured in the Thierbilder of MM. Imhoof-Blumer and 

1 Vide R. B., jun., The Celestial Equator of Aratos, p. 2. 

2 Tide inf., p. 216. 

3 For illustration of the mythic Law of Reduplication, yide R. B., jun., 
Eridanus, sec. x. 

4 Yide R. B., jun., The Heavenly Display, p. 8, and authorities cited ; Sir 
R. F. Burton, Thousand Eights and a Night, ii, 368. 

5 Vide Berard, pp. 49-93. 

6 Vide R. B., jun., Euphratean Stellar Researches, pt. iii, p. 9. 



Keller, shows the Bears and the Serpent ( Drakon ) much 
as on a modern globe. 

Heraklis, the Kneeler. “ Certains,” says M. Berard 
(p. 257), “ ont voulu tirer 'Hpa/cXf)? de karokel, le voyager , 
et peut-etre trouverait-on a cette hypothese une con- 
firmation dans 1’ 'Apxa\ev<; de Gades et 1’ “ApyaXos de 
Laconie.” * Marathon ’ is, of course, a Phoenician name, 
and “ the district of Marathon worshipped Herakles ; 
indeed, it boasted that it had been the first of all the 
Hellenic countries to worship him (Paus., I, xxxii, 4). 
Herakles is Archal, the labouring, striving, fighting 
Baal Melkarth of the Phoenicians.” 1 Whether there 
was a Hellenic, as well as a Phoenician Herakles, 
I shall not here inquire ; but, if so, the latter 
has completely overshadowed the former, and even in 
Hellas, Herakles is particularly connected with localities 
especiall)' under Phoenician influence, such as Boiotia, 
Argos, and Arkadia. But this constellation-figure, rightly 
identified with Herakles, is especially called the Kneeler 
( Engonasin , Nirrn, Genunixus , “ Nixa genu species,” etc.) ; 
and this special attitude links it with Euphratean art of 
the most archaic tjqjes and times : witness the specimen 
from Nippur given by Hilprecht, The Babylonian Expedition 
of the University of Pennsylvania, 1896, vol. I, pt. 2, 
pi. xxvi : “ Man fighting a lion.” The Babylonian cylinders 
show the kneeling Gilgames in conflict with a lion, and 
the type continues from age to age until we come to the 
fine kneeling Herakles of Thasos (vide Svoronos, pi. xvi), 
a well-known Phoenician settlement (cf. Herod., ii, 44). 
The mythic history of Herakles is, to a great extent, that 
of the constellations. He obtains the golden apples, 
“ idealized quinces,” 2 the “ Kydonian [Kretan] apple,” 
guarded by the Serpent ( Drakon ) called Ladon (=Sem. 
Letaa or Letooh, lit. * lizard,’ crawling monster : cf. El 
Lagarto—' alligator ’), and alluded to in Job, xxvi, 13, as 

1 Professor Duncker, Hittory of Greece, Eng. edit., i, 63. 

1 Hehn, Wanderings of Plants and Animals, Eng. edit., p. 185. 


“ the crooked Serpent ” ( Ndkh&s/i ) ; and in the sphere 
his right foot “ is planted on the twisting Serpent’s head ” 
(Aratos, P/iai., 70) in token of his victory. As Meroda^ 
fights with and overcomes the three Demon-birds (vide 
Lajard, Culte de Mithra , pi. lxi, 7), or contends with his 
bow and arrows against a single Bird (ibid., pi. liv, B. 11), 
so Melqarth-Herakles, in the sphere, kneeling, from his 
bow shoots an arrow (= the constellation Ohtos-Sagitta) 
against the constellations the Eagle (= the Euphratean 
constellation Id%u, “ the Eagle.” The Eagle is a frequent 
coin-type), the Vulture (=the Euphratean Baditarta%u, “the 
Lammergeier,” Heb. Tartak l ), otherwise the Phoenician 
Kinndr (“ the Zither ”) or Lyra (which appears as a coin- 
type in the familiar Aiginetan Tortoise), and the Bird 
( Ornis ), otherwise the Sican. He also in legend kills 
Kyknos (= Cygnus, ‘Swan’) in battle. "With his lyre 
(Kinndr) he kills Linos, the Phoenician dirge Ai-Lenu 
(“ Alas for us ! ”) personified, for, as a furious and raging 
Sun- god, also representative of the Phoenician human 
sacrifice ritual, he is constantly, in the myth, slaying those 
near and dear to him. Like his fellow constellation-hero 
Perseus he fights against a Sea-monster (= Ketos : vide 
11., xx, 145), and also overcomes the Bull (= Tauros), 
whether Kretan, Tirynthian, or Marathonian, all Phoenician 
localities. He conquers the twin Moliones (= Gemini), 
who, according to some accounts, were united in one body 
with two hands, four arms, and four legs. He overcomes 
Hydra and Karkinos (Cancer), as shown on the coins of 
the Kretan town Phaistos. Like the Euphratean Gilgames 
he conquers the Lion (= Leon) and wears its skin, with 
which he appears on Phoiniko-Kilikian coins, where he 
is also represented with club and bow, or holding up 
a lion by the tail in Euphratean fashion. He overthrows 
the Centaurs ( = Toxotes- Sagittarius and Kentauros), and so, 
sun-like, goes triumphing through the Signs. 

There are two natural shapes among the northern 

1 2 Kings, xvii, 31. Vide R. B., jun., in the Academy , June 20, 1896. 



constellation-figures, the Crown and the Triangle. The 
former is connected in myth with the Semitic Dionysos, 
who gave it to the Kretan Ariadne ( = Sem. \ Aretah ?), and 
who traditionally invented buying, selling, the triumph, 
and the “ diadema, regium insigne ” (Pliny, Hist. Nat., 
vii, 57) ; that is to say, the Sun-god established civiliza- 
tion, and first triumphantly crowned heaven with his 
glowing circle. The Crown or Wreath appears upon 
Phoenician coins of Kossura and Gaulos. The three 6tars 
of the Triangle, called by the Greeks Deltoton, are exactly 
reproduced in the conical stone placed at times at each 
side of a Phoenician temple. 1 The Triangle also serves 
to indicate a Tripod, which appears on Phoenician coins 
of Gaulos, on Kretan coins in genere, and also on coins of 
the Kretan towns of Axos and Naxos, and on coins of 
Andros. Like most of the Signs, it is connected with 
Herakles, who was said to have carried off the Delphic 

The Serpent-holder ( Ophiouchos ) was identified in legend 
with the god Asklepios- Aesculapius, the principal 6eat 
of whose worship in Hellas was Epidauros, where tame 
serpents were kept in his temple. He is the Phoenician 
Eschmun, who appears on the coins of Kossura holding 
a serpent in his left hand. “ Une inscription trilingue 
de Sardaigne traduit Eshmoun Merre par Actk\->']7uo<; Meppr) 
et Aescolapeius Merre.” 2 3 On the sphere he and his 
brother, Melqarth-Herakles, are placed head to head, like 
the Gemini- type on the Babylonian cylinders. 

The Charioteer (Heniochos) and his Car, the Babylonian 
constellation Narkahtu 3 (“the Chariot”), came from the 
Semitic east. In the Babylonian sphere Narkahtu was 
placed just over Taurus, where Auriga now is ; /S Tauri 
was called “ the northern light of the Chariot,” and Ptolemy 
styles it, “ The one at the tip of the northern horn [of 

1 Vide Coin of Kypros, figured in Perrot, History of Art in Photnieia, Eng. 

edit., i, 281. 

3 Berard, p. 253. 

3 Vide R. B., jun., in the Academy, Nor. 10, 1894. 


the Bull~\, the same (which) is in the right foot of the 
Charioteer.” On the cylinders Heniochos appears in a special 
type, driving four horses 1 ; and this type is exactly re- 
produced in Phoenician art, 2 and also appears in a curious 
classical iustanee at Rome, where a charioteer, driving four 
gryphons arranged in a similar manner, is being crowned 
by a female figure. 3 Heniochos- Auriga is a Poseidon 
Hippios, in one Greek legend called Myrtilos, which 
connects him with Adonis the Myrtle-god ; in another, 
Erichthonios, which is an epithet of Poseidon. 

The Beartcard, Ploughman, Herdsman, or Shouter (Bootes) 
in legend is either Arkas or Ikarios. Arkas (Gk. “The 
Bright”) is son of Zeus Lykaios (= Baal Khamman or 
Hamon = Palaimon) and the beautiful Phoenician goddess 
whose name is translated Kalliste-Kallisto, at once virgin 
and mother. Like other youthful Sun-gods, he dies and 
comes to life again ; and also shows the familiar Semitic 
aspect of triplicity. “ Areas, le heros-enfant, la dieu-soleil, 
est un triple dieu, l’infernal Apheidas, le celeste Elatos, et 
le fort Azan,” which latter personage is Azeus, a hero of 
the Boiotian Orchomenos, and “ en Syrie, sous le nom 
d’ 'A§ wv, un fils de Melqart, fondateur d’Aza ou Gaza ” 
CBerard, p. 269). Ikaros or Ikarios is identical with the 
Megarian hero Kar the Karian, who is said to have built 
the Akropolis of Megara, where were temples of the 
Semitic divinities Dionj r sos and Aphrodite and a statue 
of Asklepios-Eschmun (Paus., I, xl, 4). The underlying 
historical fact is, that the Karians were constantly employed 
by the Phoenicians as mercenaries. In the Attic legend 
Ikarios is a friend of Dionysos and sire of Erigone, “ une 
traduction populaire d’ 'Epvtcivri ” (Berard, p. 180) = Erek- 
liayim, the Phoenician goddess of Mount Eryx in Sicily, 
Astarte Erek-haylm (“Astarte longae vitae auctor”); and 
Ikarios, Erigone, and their little dog Maira (“ the 
Sparkler ”) are translated to heaven as Bootes, Parthenos 

1 Vide Lajard, Culte de Mithra, pi. xli, 3 ; Cullimore, Oriental Cylinders, i, 6. 

1 Tide Perrot, i. 210. 

3 Tide Spon, Becherches curieuses d’ Antiquite, 1683, p. 69. 



( = Ph. Aschtharth ; Bab. Istar), and Prokydn ( Canis Minor). 
The star a Can. Min. is called by the Arabs Ghomdisa 
(“the Watery-eyed”), a reminiscence how in the mytb the 
“ canis ululans Mera ” (Hyginus, Fab. cxxx) wept for the 
death of its master Ikarios. According to another phase 
of the myth, Maira was a daughter of the Phoenician 
Atel-Atlas (Paus., VIII, xlviii, 4), and was seen by Odysseus 
in Hades ( Od ., xi, 326). 

We next come to the Family Group — Kepheus, Kassiepeia, 
Andromeda, and Perseus, with their foe the Sea-monster, 
and two other constellations more or less connected with 
them, the Horse and the Dolphin. Few stories are better 
known than that of Andromeda, the fair daughter of 
Kepheus the Aithiop king, and the beautiful Kassiepeia, 
exposed at Joppa through the anger of Poseidon to a Sea- 
monster, and rescued by Perseus, whose name is generally 
said to mean, as indeed in Greek it does, ‘ Destroyer.’ 1 
The whole tale palpably belongs, not to Hellas, but to the 
Outerworld. 2 Much has been written about it lately, but 
with small result, since the mere comparison of the legend 
with stories more or less similar from all parts of the world, 
leads to no particular conclusions and explains little or 
nothing. What is required is a searching examination of 
the mythic history of the several personages, with an 
inquiry into the meaning of their names — for the meaning 
of a mythic name generally contains the root of the whole 
concept — and an answer to the very difficult question 
how it was that these personages, at least three of whom 
are palpably not Greek in origin, came to occupy such 
important positions in the Greek sphere. It must be re- 
membered that in this article I am merely giving an outline 
of the subject, not discussing it exhaustively. 

In the first place, then, let us notice the important state- 
ment of Achilleus Tatios, one fully borne out by the 
monuments, so far as known : 'Eu rf) rwv AiyvTTTuov cr^aipa, 
ovre 6 Apdtcwv e’er tii' voputypevos ?’) 6vopatyp.evo<t Sure ' AptcToi, 

1 As connected with irtprrw. 

3 Vide Gruppe, l)er phoinikitche Urtext der Kastiepeialegtndt , 1888. 


ovre Krjfavs, a\\' ere pa ayp^para eldwXcov. Ovtco Se teal iv 
tt) tu)v XaX&alwv ( Eisagoge , xxxix). Hence, it is clear that 
the Serpent and Kepheus were neither Egyptian nor Baby- 
lonian constellations. But Kepheus, not being a personage 
within the Hellenic, Egyptian, or Babylonian worlds, and 
connected with the Aethiopians and Joppa, must therefore 
have been either a Phoenician or connected with Phoenicia, 
a conclusion in accordance with the whole body of evidence 
respecting the constellations. According to Professor Sayce, 
with whom in this instance I am unable to agree, Kepheus 
= “Kef-t, the Egyptian name of Phoenicia” ( Herodotos , 
p. 2, n. 2) ; and he was also supposed by some to have ruled 
in Babylon or regions adjacent, 1 an opinion without founda- 
tion. Herodotos (vii, 61) says Kepheus was a son of Belos 
— which is true in the sense that Phoenicia w-as a daughter 
of Babylonia — aud makes Xerxes share his own confusion 
between Perseus and the Persians (ib., 150). Through another 
double mistake (between ‘Khamman’ and ‘ Khemmi-s,’ 
and between * Perseus ’ and * Per-se,’ “ son of Isis ”) he 
represents the cult of Perseus as obtaining at Khemmis 
in Egypt (ii, 91). In another place (vi, 54) he says : 
“According to the Persian story, Perseus was an Assyrian 
[“ The Assyrians . . . the Greeks call Syrians,” vii, 63] 
who became a Greek.” The Phoenician origin of that re- 
markable archaic civilization now known as Mykenaean, 
has been recently advocated with great ability by Dr. Helbig, 
and, whether his theory be correct or not in its entirety, 
it is certain that Mykenai, a name which M. Berard 
connects with the Phoenician Mayaneh 2 (‘Camp’), has 
borrowed much from Phoenicia ; and, according to the 
legend, “Mycenes avait ete fondee . . . par le heros oriental 

1 Vide Hellanikos, Frags., clix, clx ; Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, Eng. edit., 
p. 337 et seq. 

2 “La traduction exact de Tvplwv ^TparoneSov (Herod., ii, 112) serait 
Maxaneh Tzor, par analogie avec . . . Maxaneh-Fan ” (Ji/d., xviii, 12). The 
name appears in such Greek forms as Mekone, Mykone, Mukonion, Makanitai, 
Mykenoi, Migonion, Mexane (the Phoenician island of Thera, also called 
Phoinikis : vide Berard, p. 306). A plural city-name, e.g. Mykenai, as 
Professor Sayce notes, is an indication that the inhabitants were of more than 
one race. 



Persee ” (Berard, p. 328). The Homeric Aithiopians, 
favourites of the Phoenician Poseidon, and about whom so 
much has been written, divided into two parts and most 
distant of men, practically represent the “ sun-burnt ” in- 
habitants of the Palestinian seabord in the East (cf. Od., 
iv, 84), and the Phoenician colonists and sailors in the 
West towards Atel (“the Darkness,” Atlas), divided by 
the empire of Egypt, and only known to the poet through 
hearsay and romance. 

From the foregoing considerations and a great mass 
of similar evidence, we arrive at the conclusion that even 
admitting, for the sake of argument, Perseus to be a com- 
bination of two mythic heroes, one Greek, the other Semitic, 
the remaining figures of the Family Group are undoubtedly 
Phoenician, imported bodily into the Greek sphere with 
the other Phoenician constellations, and that therefore it 
is in Phoenician myths and legends that they must be 
studied. It will be noticed that I am not here specially 
concerned with the primary meaning of the famous story 
of the Maiden delivered by the Hero from the Monster ; 
but with the Phoenician signification to be attached to 
the various personages, and how and why they became 
constellation-figures. From a study so difficult dogmatism 
must necessarily be excluded, but the following conclusions 
are based upon a careful examination of the evidence 
available : — 

In Phoenician kosmogony theories and religious belief 
the Serpent and the Wind played very prominent parts. 
From the Wind, Kolpia ( = Q6l-pia’h , “the Yoice-of-the- 
Wind”), and his wife Baau (‘Emptiness,’ the Babylonian 
goddess Bahu, Heb. bohu, Gen. i, 2), “ the Night,” sprang 
Aion (‘Period,’ ’ Havaili) and Protogonos ( = Addin Qadmun, 
“ the Primeval Man ”), whence came other powers and 
personages, including Kassios ( Qassiun ), who gave his name 
to Mount Kasios. There were two mountains of this name, 
both connected with Phoenician worship ; one adjoining 
Egypt and the Serbonian Lake (cf. Ilerod., ii, 6), the other 
on the Syrian coast. The southern “ Mount Kasios stretches 


into the sea in the form of a promontory, and took its name 
from the Phoenician temple of Baal-Katsiu (‘ Baal of the 
Promontory’), which stood upon it. Like Mount Kasios 
on the Syrian coast, it was also known as the Mountain of 
Baal Tsephon, ‘Baal of the North.’ The name of the 
god Katsiu is found in Nabathean inscriptions, and Zeu? 
Kdcno<; on bronze coins of Seleukia in Pieria, where the 
god is represented by a conical stone.” 1 “ Apollodore 

(I, vi, 3) nomme le Casion comme le mont ou Zeus a foudroye 
Typhon . . . Casion est le vrai nom qu’a dh ecrire Phere- 
cyde et que deja ses copistes ou ses extracteurs, du temps 
d’Apollonios Rhod., avaient altere, eu faisant le Caucase. 
Cette montagne etait le point ou s’etait localisee la fable 
phenicienne, et * la Roche de Typhon ’ est shrement la roche 
du Casion ou s’elevait le sanctuaire . . . le Ba'al Qeplidn 
. . . Zeus Casios . . . le Qagiu des inscriptions arameennes 
est le dieu qui se precipite lui-meme du ciel sur la terre sous 
la forme de foudre ou d’aerolithe.” 2 We thus find Baal Katsiu 
or Qassiu, Baal Tsephon (= Zeus Kasios), a god of the 
promontory, of the north, of the storm-wind, and of the 
conical stone, connected with Typhon ( Tv<f)da>v , Tvepcoevs), 
a creature of monstrous form. In the Byblos theogony 
Baitulos (= Beth-el), “the Living Stone” — for the god 
Ouranos ( Schama ) endowed certain BanvXia with souls — - 
is a son of Ouranos and brother of Elos (//-Kronos), Dagon 
(the Fish-god Poseidon), and Atlas ( Atel ). This Baitulos 
is the Zeus Kasios, the god of the North and of the Stone, 
Baal TSEPHON-KEPH (Ph. Keph, ‘stone’: cf. Cephas ), 
Kepheus, called “ the King,” and reduplicated in a stellar 
form as a constellation of the extreme north. Those who 
have read Gruppe’s monograph (vide p. 216) will notice 
how much ‘ stones ’ are connected with the Kepheus legend. 

In the Phoenician kosmogony preserved by Pherekydes 
of Syros the world was first ruled by Ophion, Tepwv 
'0(f)icov ( — Nakhash qadmun), and Eurynome ( =Erehhno'ema , 

1 Sayce, Herod., p. 128. 

2 Lenormant, Les Origines, i, 573-4. 



“ Beautiful-night ”), who were hurled from power by Kronos 
(II) and Rhea (Amina). How Kepheus was originally repre- 
sented in the Phoenician sphere, we do not know ; but 
Boreas appears as serpent-legged on the famous coffer of 
Kypselos (Paus., V, xix, 1), which has preserved several 
remarkable instances of archaic Semitic forms, such e.g. as 
the original type of the constellation Kentauros. On a vase 
(vide Roscher, Lex., in voc. Boreas) the god appears as 
Janiform ; and on another archaic vase (ib., in voc. Giganten) 
Zeus, kneeling on one knee (= Engonasin-Melq&rth ), is 
fighting with a huge winged monster, half man and 
half a double snake (— the two snake-legs of Boreas). 
Many personages connected with Phoenician influence — e.g., 
Kadmos and Harmonia, Asklepios, Trophonios (= Baal 
Tropha, “ the Lord of Cure ”), and Herkyna (= Venus 
Herycina = Astarte Erek-hayim : vide sup., p. 215; Paus., 
IX, xxxix, 2), Erichthonios, Hekate, 1 the Giants, etc. — are 
more or less serpentine; and this monstrous serpentine North- 
wind-power, double and yet single, has apparently produced 
in constellational form at the crown of heaven Kepheus and 
Drakdn, for the Greek will rarely accept monsters as gods. 
Stellar arrangement, too, suggests the present form of 
Dralcon to harmonize and fit in with the two seven-star 
groups of the Wains (Bears). 

Eurynome, the consort of Ophion, though beautiful, 2 is 
also unanthropomorphic. She belongs to the group of 
piscine divinities — Dagon, Poseidon, Derketo - Atargatis 

1 As to the Semitic connection of Hekate, vide Berard, p. 362. Mr. Farnell, 
Cults of the Greek States, vol. ii, cap. xvi, Hekate, gives many excellent reasons 
in support of the view that the goddess is not in origin a Greek divinity, but 
hardly any evidence in support of his own theory that she came to Hellas from 
the North. He does not perceive that many points in her history on which he 
justly lays stress, mark her l’hoenician connection. Amongst these may be 
mentioned, (1) her participation in the Ivabeiric cult of Samothrake ; (2) her 
connection with horsemen and sailors ; and (3) with Boiotia and Boiotian poets ; 
(4) her triplicity ; (6) her connection with Britomartis (vide inf., p. 225) ; and 
(6) her titles, *Ayyt\os, Ehplirira, Zurtlpri, and KaWlarq (vide sup., p. 210). 

2 A doubtful liue in the Theogonia describes her as “having a very lovely 
form ” ( vo\vi\paTov «75oj f\ovaa, 1. 908), but it is noticeable that wo\vfiparos 
was also at times understood ns meaning * deeply accursed.’ This might, from 
a Greek standpoint, be supposed to refer to the fall and degraded shape of the 


(Atar-’ati) ; and her statue in her ancient cypress-girt 
temple at Phigaleia in Arkadia, was that of a woman to 
the waist and a fish below, w 7 ith gold chains (Paus., 
VIII, xli, 4), a link which connects her with “the Chained 
Lady,” Andromeda. The Baal of the North had, as of 
course, his female reflection or Ba’alath (Baaltis, Beltis), 
and she was the beautiful Eurvnome of the Zeus Kasios, 
otherwise called QASSIU-PEAER (cf. Heb. peaer, ‘beautiful,’ 

‘ rosy-faced,’ Rhode-Rhodeia), Kassiepeia, a name which, 
according to Souidas (in voc.) signified Kallone, “ the 
Beauty ” (cf. sup., Kalliste-Kallisto). In Homer, Eurynome- 
Kassiepeia, already fallen from heaven, is, as becomes her 
Derketo character, a daughter of Okeanos (//., xviii, 399), 
dwelling with Thetis 1 by the ocean-stream ; and a quaint 
remembrance of the fall of ‘.‘ sad Kassiepeia,” as preserved 
in the constellation-figure, is thus expressed by Aratos : — 

“ Nor seemly still 

Show from her seat her feet and knees above ; 

But she head foremost like a tumbler sits, 

With knees divided ; since a doom must fall 
On boasts to equal Panope and Doris.” 

Phai., 664-8. 

According to one story, she had boasted that she was fairer 
than the Nereids, and she is also represented as being the 
wife of Adonis. 2 

In Philon’s translation of the Phoenician kosmogonies 
it is stated that Ouranos married his sister Ge (‘ Earth ’), 
“ who was so called on account of her beauty.” This state- 
ment, as it stands, is unintelligible, and we see at once that 
its force depends on the original name translated ‘Ge,’ which 
Lenorinant admirably renders by Adamath, “ the female 
Earth,” or — as adam, As. admu, ‘ man,’ is “ connected with 

1 “ @fTt 5 , dans la legende grecque, est l’epouse de : le m)\6s grec 

serait la traduction exacte du thith semitique ; tous deux designent la terre 
humide, la boue, la Terre unie a l’Eau, la Matiere primitive” (Berard, p. 212). 

2 Vide Servius, in Ver., Eclog.,x, 18. 

J.R.A.8. 1897. 




the root which means to be ‘ red ’ ” 1 — “ the Ruddy ” 
or “ Rosy-one.” But this Adamath, as will be 
perceived, is the daughter of Tsephon-Keph and Qassiu- 
Peaer. The Greeks had evidently much difficulty in 
rendering the name, as their language did not supply them 
with any forms like ‘ man-ess ’ or * male-ess,’ which latter 
we find in the cuneiform inscriptions. 1 They could not 
translate Adamath by ’AvSpo'yvvos, which meant something 
altogether different ; and so they translated the first part 
of the name and transliterated the second, and thus of 
ADAM-MATH made ANDRO-M ED(A), a name which, so 
far as I am aware, no one has hitherto even attempted to 

Amongst the personages mentioned by Sanchouniathon 
are the brothers Samemroumos ( Schame-menim ), called 
Hypsouranios (“the High-celestial”) and Ousoos, “who 
was the first who made clothes of the skins of animals 
which he slew . . . and was the first who launched a boat. 
He erected two columns or pillars to Fire ( Isch ) and Wind” 
( Qoljjfa’h ), and these two pillars play a great part in 
Phoenician religious history. Thus Herodotos (ii, 44) says : — 
“ I made a voyage to Tyre in Phoenicia, hearing there was 
a temple of Herakles [Melqarth] at that place, very highly 
venerated. I visited the temple, and found it richly adorned 
with a number of offerings, amongst which were two pillars, 
one of pure gold, the other of emerald [glass ?], shining 
with great brilliancy at night” (ap. Rawlinson). Movers 
has shown that one pillar was dedicated to Schame-merum- 
Kiyun (Chiun, Amos, v, 26, whence Gk. .KiW)-Kronos, 2 

1 i.e. the Assyrian zikarat ( W.A.J . , III, liii, No. 2, Rev. 1. 31). 

2 The etymology of Kpdros is generally regarded as unknown. In The Great 
Dionysiak Myth , ii, 127, when considering the god at length, I explained 
Kronos as = Karnos, Karneios, and connected the word with the As. Karnu, 
Heb. Keren , ‘ horn ’ (cf. Ashtereth Karnaim), as also meaning * power.’ In 
Sanchouniathfin, ‘Kronos’ is regarded as a translation of ‘II’ (“the Powerful”). 
The transposing of the Rho was archaic (cf. l’aus., Ill, xiii, 3) ; thus the Sent. 
KarMm— Gk. Kpiaos. We have only to compare the accounts of Kronos in 
Sanchouniathon with those in the Boiotian Hesiod to see the hopelessness of 
attempting to make him n purely Greek divinity. Mr. Farnell well says he is 
“ one of the figures of a lost ana defeated religion” (Cults of the Greek States , 

i. 26). 


in a planetary aspect the planet Saturn ; the other to 
Ousoos-Khamman-Herakles. As Schroeder and Lenormant 
have proved, a form such as the Gk. Ou-soos represents 
an original Bo-soos (e.g., Ph. Bo-dam = Gk. On-dam), and 
Bo is a contraction of Bar. 1 lienee, Bosoos = BAR-SAV 
(cf. E-8««’), “ the Son of hair,” or “ the Hairy,” Ousoos 
clad in the skins of animals, Herakles with his lion’s skin 
= Gk. PERSEUS. With the original meaning of the 
Andromeda-mj'th, whether the rescue by the Sun-god of 
the earth from the grip of winter, or of the dawn from 
the clutches of darkness, I am not here concerned. Thus, 
then, we have on Phoenician ground the origin of the 
Aithiop king Kepheus and the constellation-figures con- 
nected with him, which, being important personages in 
Phoenician belief, were naturally translated to the sky. 
The Sea-monster, the Whale ( Ketos ), connected with Joppa 
and Jonah, follows, as of course, in their train. Many such 
‘monsters’ were “pastured in the deep” ( Od ., v, 421-2). 

The Horse is an animal especially connected with Syria 
and Semitic divinities, such as Poseidon-Hippios and 
Astarte, the latter being the goddess called by the Greeks 
Demeter Hippia. 2 At Phigaleia she was represented as 
“ seated on a rock, like a woman in all respects except her 
head, for she has the head and mane of a horse, and repre- 
sentations of serpents ( SpaKovrcov ) and other monsters about 
her head ; and she has on a tunic reaching to the feet, 
and a dolphin in one hand and a dove in the other ” (Paus., 
Till, xlii, 3). 3 The Asiatic monster-gods, which arise 
naturally enough through symbolism, are never pleasing 
to the Greek ; and the Andromeda of the sphere is of 
human form, but over her head in heaven is the Horse, 
not a whole, but a Demi-horse, be it observed, the steed 

1 e.g. “ Romilcar pro Bar mil car ” (Gesenius, Script. Ling. Phoen., p. 431). 

2 Vide Berard, p. 114 et seq. 

8 This goddess and her Semitic origin have heen so fully treated by Lenormant 
and M. Berard that I do not discuss the matter at length. Mr. Famell 
innocently says, “Arcadia lies remote from Oriental influences” ( Cults of the 
Greek States, ii, 430). As M. Berard has shown, in great detail, it was at one 
time almost a mass of Phoenician ideas and cult. 



Pegasos, i.e. “the Horse [Sera, sms] of the Fountain,” sacred 
to the goddess, the Winged-horse of Bellerophon (=Baal 
Raphon, “ the Lord of Health ”), which appears alike on 
Hittite seals 1 and on the Phoenician coins of Syracuse, 
whilst the Horse’s head and the Demi-horse with Fish 
(the Dolphin), is found on those of Panormos. “ Astarte, 
mistress of horses,” passes from the East across Greece to 
the Latin West, where she reappears as Yenus Equestris. 

The remaining constellation is the Dolphin, which, as 
we have seen, is connected alike with the Horse and 
with the Hippia - goddess. It is useless to ask, could 
not Greeks as well as Phoenicians have invented a 
dolphin - constellation ? In the abstract, of course they 
could ; but we are not concerned with possibilities, only 
with actualities. When Ino ( — Ph. Anna, “the Merciful,” 
Dido, “the Beloved”), daughter of Kadmos ( = Ph. Qadmun, 
“ the Easterner,” “ the Primeval,” who appears in the 
cuneiform inscriptions as the god Qadmu 2 ) and wife of 
Athamas, “in Ionic Tammas” 3 (Ph. Tammuz), to escape 
from the fury of her husband (= Herakles Mainomenos) 
threw herself and. her son Melikertes (= Melqarth), also 
called Palaimon (= Baal Hamon), into the sea, it is the 
sacred Dolphin, the fish which appears on Phoenician coins 
of Gades holding the trident of Poseidon, that carries the 
child in safety to the isthmus of Korinth (Paus., I, xliv, 1 1 ). 
Like every other constellation-figure, the Dolphin appears 
in a thoroughly Phoenician connection, and is then adopted 
by the Greeks, alike as a coin-type and as a heavenly Sign ; 
for it is not Phoenicians who borrow these symbols from 
Greeks, but Greeks from Phoenicians. 

In further illustration of the subject generally, let us 
notice some Greek Kretan coin-types. Here we meet with 
Diktynna, the Net ( Biktvov ) - goddess, Aphrodite of the 

1 Vide Laiard, Culte de Mithra, pi. xliv, 3a. Another Asiatic instance given 
by Lajard (pi. xliii, 27) shows a winged Denii-horse, in fact the exact 
constellation-figure of Aratos. 

2 Tablet K , 2100, col. iv, 8. 

3 K. 0. M tiller, Orchomenos und die Mxnyer, p. 166. 


Net (Od., viii), Eurynome and Andromeda of the Chains, 
called Britomartis (“ the Sweet-virgin ”), “ quod sermone 
nostro sonat virginem dulcem,” 1 in Phoenician Ast-No’ema 
( = Gk. Astynome). Next comes the god Dionysos, whose 
name appears in the cuneiform inscriptions as “ the Sun-god 
Da-ai-nu-tsi” ( JP.A.I. , IV, xxviii, 1, Rev. 1. 6) = Dionyxos; 
or as “the god Di-wa-nu-^a sa all” (ibid., Ill, lxvi, Rev. 
col. v, 1. 40), “ Dionysos of the City ” = Melqarth (“ the King 
of the City”) ; or, again, as Di-wu-nis-i (ibid., Ill, lx, No. 2, 
1. 40), “the Great Judge of men ” = Dionysos, called at 
Teos 6 t if; 7ro\ea)9 0eo? Atovvaos. There were at least 
seven different Greek forms of the name. Then we find 
Europe (= Ph. Erebh, “the West,” as the side of night 
and darkness, whence Gk. ''Epe/3o <; 2 ) and her Bull ( Tauros ), 
Eagle ( Aetos ), Altar ( Thyterion-Ara , once also zodiacal, and 
held by the Claws of the Scorpion 3 4 ), Dog ( Eu6n and Arid os), 
Tripod ( Deltbton ), Raven ( Korax ) and Serpent (Hydra) 
together, Herakles with Lion’s skin opposed to Crab ( Kar - 
kinos) and Hydra, Herakles kneeling with bow, Bow (often 
put for Toxotes-Sagittarius), Zither (Lyra), Dove (Pleiades), 1 
Dolphin (Delphis), Prow of Ship (= Argo), 5 Bull, Bull 
butting, Bull’s head and star, Hound suckling infant (vide 
sup., p. 209), Amphora ( — Kreter ), Bunch of Grapes, a type 
of the Pleiades (vide Svoronos, p. 107), Lion’s scalp, Sea- 
monster ( = Ketos), Trident, the symbol of Poseidon, Trident 
between two Dolphins, Poseidon, Arrow-head (= Oistos- 
Sagitta), Forepart of Goat (= Amaltheia-Hi’z), etc., etc. 
The connection of coin-types such as these with the con- 
stellation-figures, is as obvious as that of Krete with the 

1 Solinus, xi, 8. 

2 Cf. Od., xii, 81, where the Cave of Skylle is to front “ towards the west, 
to Erebos.” 

3 Tide R. B., jun., Remarks on the Euphratean Astronomical Names of the 
Signs of the Zodiac , sec. vii. 

4 Really “ the Clusterers ” (vide R. B., jun., The Heavenly Display, p. 9). 

5 “ Argo is often drawn as a demi-ship, and this singular circumstance 
apparently had its origin in the very peculiar shape of the Phoenician war- 
galley ” (R. B., jun., “ Phoenicia and the Ancient Constellation-figures,” in the 
Academy, Nov. 7, 1896). 


Philon of Bybloa translated the work of Sanchouniathon 
On the Phoenician Letters, and in a passage on the nature 
of the Serpent, preserved in Eusebios {Prop. Euan., i, 10), 
he says, E’LprjTcu Se rjpuv Trep'i auTov iv toi? eVt/ypa^o/nevoi? 
irepl 'E0co(hu)v. As Lenormant observes, “ Les idcodia sont 
manifestement les signes celestes, ethuth, hebr. 6th6th ” {Les 
Origines , i, 552). The Phoenician treatises on the con- 
stellation-figures are unfortunately lost, but patient research 
will enable us to reconstruct the Phoenician sphere, the 
parent alike of the Greek and of our own. 


Art. IX. — A Historical Basis for the Questions of King 
‘Menander,’ from the Tibetan, etc. By L. A. Waddell, 


It may interest students of Buddhism to learn that the 
famous Questions of King ‘ Milinda’ appear to be known 
to the Tibetans. 

Last year (1895), when I was making inquiries on this 
subject from Lamas at Darjiling, I found that most of the 
Lamas knew of the existence in their literature of con- 
versations purporting to have been held between Nagasena 
and a certain ancient king, who, however, was named 
‘ Ananta,’ and not * Menander ’ or 1 Milinda.’ I failed to 
procure any Tibetan text or book bearing on this question, 
except the few references which will presently be cited. 
But from the character of the questions, as quoted from 
memory by the Lamas, and the statement that this king 
Ananta was the greatest of Nagasena’s converts, there 
could be little doubt that he is intended for the same 
person as the ‘ Milinda ’ (or Menander) of the Pali text. 

This conjecture now seems confirmed by an old Chinese 
version of the story which has been translated by Mr. 
Takakqsu in his article in our Journal, 1 in which the king 
is called Nanda. 

Now this difference in the name of the king is very 
interesting. For, when it is considered in connection with 
the other differences which apparently exist in Tibetan, 
both as regards the personality of the king and the locality 

1 J.R.A.S., Part I of 1896, p. 16. This Chinese version is found in the 
111th tale of the Sarny ukta-ratna-pitaka sutra, ■which was translated into 
Chinese in a.d. 472. 



of his kingdom, the question arises whether (even if 
Menander be really the name which was intended for 
‘ Milinda ’ by the author of the Pali text.) there was not 
an earlier version of the hook or a primitive tradition on 
which it was based, with its scene laid in a more truly 
Indian setting, and more in keeping with the details of the 
story? For there are many incidental references in the 
text of the Milinda Prasnaya which are inconsistent with 
the theory that the king in question was Menander, or 
that the site of his kingdom lay so far to the extreme 
north of India. 

Indeed, the chief expounder of the Milinda Prasnaya has 
alleged that that work is, after all, only a ‘ romance,’ 1 and 
that the dialogues are ‘ not real conversations,’ but only 
questions ‘put into the mouth of’ King Milinda, and 
answers ‘put into the mouth of Nagasena.’ 2 3 But, is it 
not probable that this highly finished classic was founded 
upon a simpler tale or traditional sayings of the celebrated 
sage Nagasena ? The Chinese and Tibetan accounts appear 
to support this hypothesis. 

Nagasena is not improbably a real historical personage. 
His name is well known to Tibetan Buddhists, who always 
draw a sharp distinction between him and Nagarjuna, the 
chief propagator of the Mahayana system. This latter 
sage, Nagarjuna, has an altogether different personality, 
and lived about the second century a.d. s and subsequent 
to Kanishka’s Council ; whereas Tibetan history, as we 
shall see, makes Nagasena a contemporary of King Nanda 
of Magadha, and places him 27 years after the second 
Council B.c. The Mahavanso also places King • Nanda 
after Kalasoka, under whom this Council was held. 4 Naga- 
sena is one of the sixteen great Sthaviras (Pali, Maha-thera) 
— the sixteen great ‘ Rahans ’ (Arahats) — of the Chinese, 

1 Rhys Davids’ Questions of King Milinda, vol. xxxv of ‘ Sacred Books of the 
East,’ p. xvii. 

1 Idem,y. xvii. 

3 See Wenzel in Journal Puli Text Society, 1886, p. 2 ; and my Buddhism of 
Tibet , pp. 10, 11, 15, etc. 

* Tumour’s translation, p. 21. 



while Niigarjuna is not one of these, and he is only given 
the epithet of Acarya or Teacher. 

I have no access to the detailed biographies of Nilgasena, 
which are said to exist in Tibetan literature, but I have 
consulted the short descriptive list of these sixteen Sthaviras, 
of which every Lama has a copy, and of which a translation 
has been made by Pander. 1 It states that the hermitage 
of Nilgasena, the Stliacira, was at tbe mountain called 
in Tibetan ‘ ijos-yag$,’ which literally means ‘ face or 
side ’ 2 + ‘ wide or great.’ This word is restored by Pander 
to * Urumunda near Riijagriha ’ ; but my copy of a large 
Tibeto-Sanskrit dictionary gives as its equivalent Vipula- 
parsra, or ‘ the side of Vipula,’ which is the most northerly 
of the five hills of Riijagriha. 

According to the Japanese manual entitled the Butsu-zo- 
dsui (p. 142), the hermitage of Nilgasena was at Mount 
‘ Panduva.’ The J filinda Pramaya introduces us 3 to his 
father Sonuttara, his teachers Rohana (who was also his 
uncle 4 ) and Assagutta (Asvagupta), of tbe Yattaniya 
hermitage on ‘ the Guarded Slope ’ in the Himalayas, 
100 yojana distant from Piitaliputra, 5 Dharmarakshita 6 
of the Asoka monastery near Piitaliputra, and Ayupala 
dwelling at the Saijkheyya hermitage near Siigala. And 
the Chinese translations in tbe Journal by Mr. Takakusu 
supply some further particulars about him. 

Now let us look at the personality of the king in 
question. The Chinese variant of 1 Nanda ’ for his name 
seems to bring the story into relation with King Nanda 
of Magadha, an Indian Croesus, who, according to Tibetan 
history, as has just been mentioned, was a contemporary 
of Nagasena. This reference has already been published 

1 Das Pantheon des Tschangtscha Hurthuk'tu : Koniglichen Museum fur 
Volkerkunde, I, 2/3, p. 87. 

2 Jaesckke's Tibetan Dictionary, p. 128. 

3 As Prof. Rhys Davids notes, Questions, etc., p. xrv. 

* J.R.A.S. 1896, p. 9. 

5 Rhys Davids’ Questions, p. 26. 

6 Two of this name appear as Asoka missionaries, Rhys Davids’ Buddhism, 
p. 233. 



by Vassilief 1 and Rockhill. 2 As some doubt has been 
thrown on the accuracy of Vassilief ’s translation, and the 
reference is important, I have looked it up in the Tibetan 
and here extract it — not, however, from Bu-ston’s history, 
which was the authority quoted by Vassilief, and which 
I have not available, but from Z’alu, 3 who is quite as 
trustworthy, and who gives this narrative in almost the 
identical words of Bu-ston. And I should say that there 
is not the slightest doubt here as to the correct restoration 
of Nagasena’s name, 4 or seemingly as to the identity of the 
Sthavira here referred to with the sage of the Milinda, 
for only one Sthavira Nagasena is known. 

This author, after describing the first and second great 
councils of the primitive Buddhists, goes on to say (fol. 98) : 
— “ Concerning the third council there are several opinions, 
as no (specific) prophecy exists regarding it. Some (say) 
that 137 years after the death of The Guide ( i.e . Buddha), 
King Nanda and Mahapadma lived. In the city of Pandu- 
pura (? Patalipura 5 ), the doctrines of the virtuous ones 
were disordered by a demon named ‘the Noble Sinner,’ 6 
who during the time of the elder Mahakasyapa and 
the other clergy ( Uttara ) had entered into a Bhikshu, 
who displayed many miracles. On this, the Sthaviras 
Nagasena 7 and Manoratha 8 collected the different orders 
(? statutes).” 9 

1 In the appendix to Schiefner’s German translation of Taranatha’s Hittory 
of Buddhism in India , p. 298. 

2 The Life of the Buddha, etc., p. 187. Here, translating from Bhavya’s 
commentary in the 90th vol. of the Tan-gyur, the Sthavira’s name is given as 
‘ Naga.’ 

2 Z’alu Lotsava’s ‘ Sug-’bum.’ 

4 The Tibetan translation is ‘ ALu-hi-sde.’ 

6 The Tibetan word is 4 skya-wo-hi-pura,’ which my Tibeto-Sanskrit 
dictionary restores as above. The 4 skya ’ may, however, be a contraction for 
4 Akya-nar,’ which means the Pdtali flower, and hence probably the city was 

6 Skt. Papiya-hhadra, or Unruhen-bhadra. 

1 Tibetan * ALu-hi-sde.’ 

"Tibetan ‘ Yid-’og ’ =‘ mind + become or suitable.’ Rockhill, Life, etc., 
p. 187, gives ‘ Sthirnmati.’ Neither of these two names are found in the 
list of the sixteen great Sthaviras. 

9 The word simply means ‘ orders or classes.’ Schiefner translates it 
‘ Spaltung der Schulcu,’ op. cit., p. 298. And Rockhill’s text (op. cit., p. 187), 
which is loss condensed, gives details of ‘ a great schism.’ 



This recorded co-existence, then, of King Nanda and 
Niigasena, as contemporaries, supports the authenticity of 
the simpler form of the story which is found in the Chinese 
translation as early as a.d. 472. 

But the question is further complicated by the still 
different explanations offered of the Tibetan variant of the 
king’s name, to wit, Ananta. 

Thus, although I am told that the most detailed con- 
versations of Niigasena and King Ananta are to be found 
in Tibetan only in the Tantrik section of the Kalacakra 
cyclopaedia, which we know 1 was composed about the 
tenth century a.d., in a country (Shambhala) to the north- 
west of India, corresponding generally to the ancient 
Bactrian-Greek kingdom of Menander ; still, a small MS. 
which I found with a Lama places the scene of these con- 
versations somewhere in or near Bengal; and the birthplace 
of the king, or of his more immediate ancestor, is placed 
in ‘the eastern Tipura,’ which is evidently the modern 
district of ‘ Tripura ’ (Tipperah), lying between Bengal 
and Burma, in the eastern portion of the ancient Tri- 

Kaligga, at the head of the Bay of Bengal, from which, 

strange to say, the Kalacakra is said to have been originally 
derived. 2 

This MS. bears no date or reference to any authority. 
It is evidently very corrupt and modern ; but I abstract 
it here for what it is worth. Fuller and authoritative 

accounts of Ananta are to be found, I am told, in the 

books noted below. 3 

The MS. is entitled — “ Ananta, the eighth in descent 
from King Bhupala Ramananda, 4 having invited the noble 

1 Csoma’s Tibetan Grammar, p. 192. Also my Buddhism of Tibet, p. 269, 

2 From Cuttack, in Orissa : see Csoma, Tibetan Grammar, p. 192. 

3 In the ^Z’an-stog-rfbu-mahi-’grel-pa, translated by Danasri and Lotsava 
Rin-ch’en-izag-po. Also in the Ne-wahi-oik’o-wahi Lug-spyod, 'in the 
pZ’an-stog-<fbu-mabi-rgyen. These hooks seem to be contained in the 

1 Tibetan ‘ rfgah-byed ’ or ‘ pleasure + causing,’ which words my Tibeto- 
Sanskrit dictionary restores as above. 



Sthavira Nagasena from Urumunda, 1 the king of mountains, 
worshipped him, and having received instruction in all the 
vehicles of the Dharma, his entire Skandhas became a 

The leading names in the MS. are here abstracted : — 
‘In the chain of the eastern Tipura ’ ( = ? Tripura) lived 
a king of the lunar race called Bhupala ‘ Ramananda.’ 2 
His son ‘Aga-meroja’ was crowned king of the southern 
country of Odisa (Orissa). The son of the seventh genera- 
tion was King Mukundadeva, 3 who possessed the countries 
of ‘ Odisa, Ghahura (? Gaura), Bhagala (? Bengal), Bota, 
Jarikhanda, and Kalinjar ’ ; and by force of arms he 
conquered the greater part of the three Kaliqgas and 
‘ the middle country ’ (Magadha). He was famed as ‘ the 
king (who was) The Master of the Elephants.’ This king’s 
son was named Ananta or ‘ The Infinite.’ Ananta’s mother 
was the Princess Lakshimani (sic), who from the first had 
faith in the Buddha. The Sthavira Hagasena having come 
from Urumunda, 4 ‘the king of mountains in the West’ 
instructed the prince fully in the doctrine and caused him 
to comprehend * the higher points.’ Ananta asked many 
questions, and afterwards resigned his kingdom, and 
becoming a member of the Order, delivered many sermons 5 
at Meghanatha and elsewhere ; and finally he attained 

In support of this tale, a Lama recited to me a stanza 
professedly from the Kah-gyur — the Tibetan Buddhist 
canon ; but he could not tell me the particular volume 
in which it is to be found, nor does Feer’s vocabulary of 
Csoma’s Analysis contain any reference to it. It is in the 
form of a prophecy and is rather enigmatical : 

1 Tibetan ‘ rjos-yags,’ as before. 

5 See previous note for Tibetan equivalent of this word. 

s A king of this name belonging to tbe Sena dynasty is mentioned by 
Taranatha : Schiefuer’s translation, p. 256. 

4 Tibetan 4 rjos-vaq*.’ 

5 These are called 4 Avadanas,’ and are said to have been translated by the 
Tibetan interpreter Zla-walii-’od-zer — who is possibly the same as Zla-bzag, 
the fabulous author of the Kalacakra. 



“ The letter Ma from first to last enjoys the Dharma. 

“ He (or she) will invite Naga. 

“ The one named with the letter A will be great. 

“ He will love The Teacher’s Law, and be respected 
by the wise.” 1 

Here the letter M is said to stand for ‘Mother,’ that 
is to say, for Ananta’s mother. ‘ Nilga ’ represents Naga- 
6ena. And A is interpreted as Ananta. 

The name Ananta is chiefly known to Indianists as the 
cognomen of one of the greatest of the semi-divine dragon- 
spirits or ndgas of Hindu and Buddhist mythology. But 
these latter beings had doubtless their human prototypes 
amongst the semi-aboriginal Ndga- tribes, so called, as in 
the case, for instance, of the great iVd^fl-king Nanda. The 
full name of Ananta is said by a Lama to be Ananta 
Gupta. The name appears to bear no real homology to 
the ‘ Anantakaya ’ of the Milinda text, 2 for that individual 
was a Tavan foreigner and merely a servant of the hero 

Further, a site much further south than the extreme 
north-west of India would fit in better with many of the 
incidents and illustrations of the text of the Milinda 

In that text, a passage, the authenticity of which Professor 
Rhys Davids sees no good reason to doubt, 3 states that king 
Milinda afterwards gave up the kingdom to his son, and 
having entered the Buddhist Order attained to Arahatship. 
This we know was certainly not true of Menander, though, 
on the other hand, such abdications for religious retreat are 
not usual amongst Hindus, down even to the present day. 

That text also states, that king ‘ Milinda ’ was born in 
“an island called Alasanda, about 200 yojana ” 4 from Sagala 

' The Tibetan is : Yi-ge ma z’es ^z’on-nu-ma | dat)-po t’a-mar ch’ os-la 
rfgah | Alu-pos z’es-kyai) spyan drarj-rjo [ yi-ge a miijbdaqnid ch’e | ston-pahi- 
Aston-pa gc’es- ’dsin- Ayed | Alo-/dan yon-tan kun-gyis-Akun || 

8 Questions, p. 49. 

3 Op. eit., p. xxiv. 

4 Questions, p. 127. 



city. This reference to a maritime site for his birth is 
confirmed in one of the Chinese accounts, 1 which says that 
the king was born as the crown prince of a country 
“bordering the sea.” And as that very vague unit of 
measure, the yojana, was seldom less than from five to 
seven miles, 200 yojanas from Sagala in the Panjab could 
carry us to the Indian seabord in the neighbourhood of 
Orissa and the Sandarbans, with their numerous islands. 
Indeed, the word Alasanda-dlpa may have been intended for 
the ‘ Sanda-dipa ’ of the Sandarbans, in the Tri-Kaligga, and 
bordering on Tipperah, which is probably the ‘ Tipura ’ of 
our text. 

The Chinese account adds : “ He (Milinda) afterwards 
succeeded to the throne in a country bordering on the 
sea.” 2 Now, this description could scarcely apply to 
the inland Sagala of the Panjab, but, on the other 
hand, it could easily denote Bengal, Orissa, and the 
Kaligga country. 

The reference to the three Seasonal rains of the country 
in question, can only apply to a part of India which receives 
the so-called North-eastern Monsoon, like the coast-districts 
of Madras, and including Kaligga and Orissa. The text 
states that “ there are three kinds of well-known rains 
reckoned in the world — (1st) that of the rainy season, 
(2nd) that of the winter months, and (3rd) that of the 
two months Asillha and Savana.” 3 Thus we have it 
definitely stated that the proper rainy season of that 
country did not fall during the months of June-July and 
July- August ( Asalha and Savana), but between this period 
and the winter months. This account cannot therefore 
apply to the Panjab, and it scarcely applies even to the 
greater part of Bengal ; but it does apply to Kaligga and 
Orissa — from which latter place, it will be remembered 
that the Kalacakra, with its detailed accounts of Ananta, 
claims to be derived. As this point is a crucial one, and 

' Mr. Takakuau’s article, loe. eit., p. 8. 
! Id., p. 10. The italicsare mine. 

5 Question s, p. 171. . 



can readily be tested by our statistics of the rainfall, I have 
obtained from the Meteorological Reporter to the Govern- 
ment of India 1 the following statement (see p. 236) of the 
average monthly rainfall throughout the year, which 
speaks for itself in regard to the places in question. And 
that official himself remarks that the rainfall as noted in 
the text above quoted “appears to me to fit in fairly w'ell 
for Orissa, Ganjam, and the north Madras districts/' 

The references to ‘ tidal waves ’ 2 and * the saltness of- the 
Ocean,’ 3 and to * dead bodies cast up by the sea,’ 4 are 
appropriate to the maritime provinces of Bengal and Orissa, 
but not to the Panjab. 

Again, the Gayal ( Bos frontalis), which is referred to, 5 
is a bovine animal which is peculiarly restricted to Eastern 
Kaliqga, Tipperah, and Assam. The name is sometimes 
also applied to the Gaur (Bos gaums), but this animal is 
seldom found north of the Nerbudda, nor is it probable 
that it extended to the Panjiib within historic times. 6 
"Wild buffaloes, too, 7 * are common in Orissa and the plains 
of the Ganges and Brahmaputra, but are wanting in the 
Pan jab. s 

The "Wood-apple, which is used as a common simile, 9 
is not a native of the Panjab. The greatest authority on 
Indian Botany writes 10 : “Wood-apple (Feronia elephantum) 
is wild in hilly parts of Southern India, also along the 
Sivaliks and inter- Himalayas up to 1500 feet, as far west 
as the Ravi. It does not occur in the plains of the Panjab 
unless planted or in gardens.” 

Further details in regard to both Nagasena and the king, 
from the more precise Tibetan sources, are much to be 

1 Professor Pedler, F.R.S. 

1 Questions, p. 276. 

5 Id., pp. 131, 133. 

4 Id., p. 259. 

5 Id., p. 211. 

6 Blanford’s Mammalia of India, p. 485 et seq. 

1 Questions, p. 211. 

9 Blanford, op. cit., p. 492. 

9 Questions, p. 262. 

10 Dr. George King, F.R.S. , in a letter to me. 

Average Monthly RAINFALL at Certain Stations in INDIA. 




desired. In Chinese and Japanese literature also more 
references will doubtless reward further search. Mean- 
while sufficient evidence, perhaps, has been adduced to 

warrant the belief that this Buddhist classic, entitled 
‘The Questions of King Milinda,’ was probably founded 

upon a simpler story or traditional tale of dialogues held 

between the quasi-historic sage Nagasena and a king of 
Bengal or of South-Eastern India. 

r.B.A.s. 1S97. 



Art. X. — A Study of the Dakhan Villages, their Origin 
and Development. By B. II. Baden-Powell, M.R.A.S. 

It is probably well known to most readers interested 
in tenure questions, that the villages of the Dakhan 
Districts of Bombay are in that form in which no joint- 
ownership of the whole (separately named) area appears : 
the holdings within the village are entirely separate , 1 and 
no area of waste land is included as the ‘ common ’ 
property of the whole body, and capable of partition. 
But apart from the fact that the village is a geographical 
unit, the feeling of being a * community ’ is maintained 
by the common interests and customs of the local group, 
by obedience to one hereditary headman, and by its self- 
contained life : having its own staff of artizans and servants, 
the village does not need to look outside its own limits 


for the supply of its ordinary wants. This constitution is 
quite different from that of the joint-village of Upper 
India, though some features (such as the artizan staff) 
must necessarily be common to both. 

To these Dakhan villages the modern Bombay Revenue 
system has been applied, with its special system of 
permanently demarcating the holdings by corner-stones 
or other marks, its local method of comparative valuation 
of soils for assessment purposes, and its simple but efficient 
forms of recording the separate holdings ; so that it might 
be thought that the raiyatwarl village was a modern in- 
vention, or at least something widely different from what 

1 Whatever joint- ownership now exists (following the Hindu law), it is within 
the different family holdings, which themselves are, and always have been, 

2 ^ 


it was in days long past. This is not the case : witli 
all its refinements, the Bombay Revenue system has really 
restored, and not originated, the essential basis of land- 
holding which the preceding Maratha and Moslem systems 
tended to upset; it has crystallized into definiteness what, 
in fact, were the original and ancient features of the 

It is true that modern theories of ‘ the Indian village ’ 
have ignored the raiyatwari form as a specific one, and 
have been based on a consideration of the village forms 
of Upper India, and in reality on only one class even of 
those. But the time has come when such theories need 
to be re-examined in the light of a closer study of facts. 
We need not, however, in so saying, be ungrateful for 
what the theories have done for us ; since they have 
more or less directly stimulated inquiry and provided 
valuable suggestions for guidance as to its method. There 
can be no doubt that the last twenty years have seen our 
means of studying villages very greatly enlarged. But 
while the Settlement Reports and other documents of this 
period, written in the light of the results of modern 
historical and economic inquiry, are our most natural 
sources of information regarding the fuller detail we 
require, there are a certain number of older Reports 
which have long been out of print, and are now only 
occasionally to be met with, but which have a special 
value of their own. For one thing, they have the 
advantage of presenting things as they were, at a date 
much closer to the beginning of British rule, and before 
the old native system of land-management had become so 
much superseded by progressive legislation. They also 
present the facts in full detail, because everything was 
new to the writer and nothing could be taken for granted. 
Of this type is the exhaustive monograph on the Dakhan 
villages written in 1852 by Mr. R. F. Gooddine, of the 
Bombay Revenue Survey Department. The immediate 
occasion for this Report was the necessity, then beginning 
to be felt, of arranging some plan for the regular 


24 L 

remuneration of village-headmen and officers, to replace 
the older custom of allowing them to levy fees of various 
kinds called parbharii hak . 1 These were at once precarious 
as a source of income and oppressive to the villagers from 
whom they were extorted. In reporting on the custom 
previously in force in a large number of villages in the 
Ahmadnagar Collectorate, a typical district of the Bombay 
Dakhan, it was necessary to explain the whole system of 
village organization and how the land was held and village 
affairs managed. Mr. Gooddine, like other official writers 
in the early years of settlement operations, had no such 
suggestive guides as the works of Sir H. S. Maine and 
others, which indicated the way to study customs and apply 
observed facts. The general conclusions about village 
history arrived at in the Report are based, in some 
instances, on undeniably mistaken premises ; and the author 
was unable to sift his facts or trace them to the respective 
periods to which they really belong. The case, in fact, 
strikingly illustrates the want of such a method of co- 
ordinating customs with the economic stage to which the 
people of the time belonged, as Dr. R. Hildebrand, 
Professor of Political Economy at Graz, has recently 
been recommending . 2 Nevertheless, the Report contains 
a mass of valuable information ; and what is more, the 
local terms (which themselves often enshrine information 
about the origin and meaning of things) are presented 
not only in the unfortunate * phonetic ’ disguise usually 
employed at the time, but also in the native character. 
On the basis of this information I propose to consider 
the probable life-history of the Dakhan villages. 

It is hardly possible to avoid the conclusion that as 
regards India generally, villages— i.e. settlements for 
permanent agriculture — were established in favourable 

1 Parbharii means ‘ intermediate,’ ‘ indirect.’ I use throughout the common 
Marathi form hak for the Arabic haq, and so the (M.) spelling mira-s for (Ar.) 
miras, and watan or ratan for watan, motarplia for muhtarfah, etc. 

2 “ Recht und Sitte auf den verschiedenen wirtseliaftliekeu Kulturstufen.” 
(Jena: G. Fischer, 1896.) 



localities in the culturable plains and in the vicinity of 
rivers, before the Aryan invasion. 

Apart from the evidences of a pastoral stage among 
the various tribes, or one of shifting or nomadic cultivation 
such as even now continues in various jungle-clad hill 
ranges of Central and Eastern India, we have actual local 
survivals of ancient (and apparently little changed) non- 
Aryan villages, both Kolarian and Dravidian. It is 
equally difficult to doubt that these villages represent very 
much the natural, original, form adopted everywhere by 
the early agricultural races of India. Such villages were, 
necessarily, first established under tribal or patriarchal 
conditions of life. In fact, the tribal stage, with its 
greater and lesser clans, septs, and sections, was naturally 
one which would produce a number of limited groups 
adapted to settle down to agriculture in the same place, 
thus forming villages ; and this tendency of tribal groups 
to settle together must have been further reinforced by 
the physical conditions under which agricultural operations 
had to be carried out. All the earliest evidence we can 
gather from non- Aryan village locations shows that the 
groups were led by a headman, who almost certainly 
derived his position from a clan constitution in which the 
smaller septs or sections (of * village ’ dimensions) had 
their petty chiefs as the larger groups had their greater 
chief and patriarch. We have, however, no evidence that 
among those early tribes a whole village was looked on 
as a unit, either held ‘ in common ’ or * owned ’ by any 
one man or family and afterwards held by a co-sharing 
body of descendants. Nor is any trace to be found of 
a process (such as we see in the later tribes on the 
N.W. Panjab Frontier) whereby the new coming tribal 
group was counted head by head, and an allotment of 
land made to each, in their several families or households. 
It is quite likely that in very early villages the original 
groups had much more of a clan-connection than is 
traceable in the villages as they are at the present day ; 
but it is impossible to say whether in all cases, or in any. 



the several holdings were formally allotted by any process 
whatever. So much seems certain, that the culturable 
land must have been vastly in excess of the wants of the 
population ; and that certain general clan-territories (traces 
of which are met with all over India) 1 were acknowledged. 
It is quite possible either that the earliest village groups 
settled anywhere they pleased within their own * territory,’ 
and that around the site fixed on for residence, each man 
(or head of the household) selected what land he liked 
(and to the extent he could manage) out of the abundant 
waste ; or that the method of making lots for the 
headman, original settlers, and for the priests, etc. (such 
as is traceable in the Dravidian settlements in S.W. 
Bengal), was also common all over Dravidian India. 
I think the latter very probable. No trace of any idea of 
property in land referable to non-Aryan tribal times, or even 
to Aryan tribes up to the date of the Institutes of Mann, 
has been found, except one which applies to the separate 
holding, and that in virtue of first occupation and of 
labour bestowed in the first clearing and preparation of 
the soil for the plough . 2 

It will also necessarily follow that no such early village 
could have treated any area of waste and unoccupied land 
adjoining, as a definite property of the whole body — to be 
partitioned when the occasion arose. The great area of 
surplus waste was ‘ no man’s land,’ or at best was subject to 
the vague claim of being within a general clan-territory. 
Definite areas of waste belonging to village groups and 
included as an integral part of the * estate’ in a ring-fence, 
are only found in the later joint-villages. However this 
may be, there is not the least evidence that any ‘ raiyatwarl ’ 

1 In some cases still designated by old terms, such as nadu, parha (muttlia 
among the Kaudh tribes), etc. In other parts they became the tappa, ’ilaqa, 
pargana, taluka, etc., which marked the local limits of later conquering chief- 
ships ; and later still, official divisions of land recognized for administrative 

2 On this subject, and as to the (superior) Aryan title being regarded as an 
overlordship, not at first an actual soil-ownership, see my “Indian Village 
Community” (Longmans, 1896), p. 204. 



village was, at any period, different from what it is still, 
in respect of the adjacent waste. It is very likely that 
when a group was well established, if in later times new- 
comers sought to join it and obtain land to cultivate, they 
would have to ask consent of the older settlers ; and they 
might not have had the same privileges in extending 
their holdings (and perhaps in other matters) as the original 
settlers: but once admitted, their ‘title’ to the cultivated 
holding was just the same — a right (hereditary and per- 
manent) in virtue of first clearing and conversion from the 
ownerless jungle. It may be suggested, in passing, that 
this early absence of auj^ definite claim to land not actually 
cleared and occupied, must have facilitated the growth of 
the (very ancient) claim of ‘the Raja’ to the waste land. 
When the days came in which patriarchal rule gave place 
to a Raja and his subordinate territorial chiefs, the Raja 
(very likely a foreign conqueror) invariably assumed, without 
apparent opposition, the right to make grants out of the 
waste, or to reserve it for his own hunting; always, of 
course, respecting the customary use, by the villages, of an 
ample margin for grazing and other requirements, near 
their settlement. 

This ancient village, with its headman and its separate 
family holdings, and with certain other features to be 
noticed presently, is evidently the prototype of the raiyat- 
wiiri form of village, which is by far the most widely 
extended in India, prevailing as it does over all Central, 
Western, and Southern India, as well as Bengal and 
Riijputana. Moreover (as shown in Mr. W. C. Benett’s 
Gondii Settlement Report), it anciently prevailed in the 
kingdoms of Oudh before Rajput landlord-communities and 
other forms of landlord-right arose. And it is evidently 
the form of village known to Manu, whose work is held 
to belong primarily to Northern India and the Ganges 
Plain generally. 

But over villages so established it is always possible that 
a change, forming a second stage in their existence, should 
come. If any conquering clan of a superior, energetic 



race gains the dominion over the country, it is extremely 
likely that the ruling and military class, at least, will be 
non-agriculturist. They will establish their rule locally, 
and as their branch families multiply, a network of over- 
lordships is observed to be formed over the villages, which 
at first expresses itself, not by interference with the actual 
landholders, but by exacting from them a share in the 
produce of the land. 

In India, Aryan and other later dominant races have been 
observed to possess the ‘joint-family’ idea; and when an 
overlord’s family multiplies, the descendants, all equally 
entitled according to their place in the family table of 
descent, divide this source of income into family shares, and 
these shares are attached to certain definite portions of the 
village area ; and the lands become called by the names of 
the heads of the family divisions. We are well aware in 
India how an overlordship of this (or any other) kind 
always, in time, grows into a virtual soil- ownership . 1 
From one cause or another the co-sharers are drawn closer 
to the land ; they become resident managers and de facto 
owners, however vaguely defined their title may be, ac- 
cording to our modern juristic notions. We have abundant 
opportunities in India for tracing and verifying the mode 
of growth of this overlord right, which is invariably desig- 
nated by some term indicating ‘inheritance.’ 

Where such dominant tribes come in succession and in 
considerable numbers, and also multiply rapidly in their 
new home, they acquire possession so widely, and form so 
many new village-groups constituted on their own ideas of 
superior (and also joint-family) right, that they completely 
(as far as later times are concerned) obliterate the older 
form of village as a prevailing feature in the province. 
Tillages then appear to consist entirely of these tribal 
groups, or of co-sharing bodies of descendants from the 

1 For example, in days of revenue-farming, the village manager — and his 
family after him — constantly have become, unless circumstances interfered, 
co-sharing 1 proprietors ’ in later days. 



local chiefs or their grantees : the older cultivating bodies 
have become tenants and lost all traces of an original 
constitution of their own. 1 Thus a new type of village 
becomes altogether the prevalent one, — all the more so that 
a great number of villages are new locations, aud not merely 
superstructures on an older foundation. 

Such a change of type has, as a matter of fact, occurred 
all over that part of India which lies north of the Vindhyan 
hills ; the obvious cause being that there we have the special 
sphere of the conquests of Aryan, Jat, Gujar, and Moslem 
tribes, who successively settled and dominated, having the 
tribal concentration, and often the monarchical organization, 
and special type of family constitution, which produced the 
joint or co-sharing type of (Upper Indian) village. 

If we now revert to the Dakhan, and accept the strong 
probability that the earliest villages were pre-Aryan (and if 
so certainly Dravidian), and in the simplest form just now 
sketched, it will appear that there was also here, at a remote 
date, a conquering immigration, and the villages became 
subject to an overloi’dship. But the superior families, were 
destroyed by war, or otherwise disappeared. In fact, the 
privileged tenures of village lands would have disappeared 
altogether, but for certain special circumstances which caused 
them to be retained under Moslem and Maratha ride, but 
practically in a modified form. Subsequently, they dis- 
appeared in everything but the name. 

As regards the proof of the earlier stages of this process 
of change, we can only draw inferences from the circum- 
stances of the case ; but there are certain indications which, 
fortunately, are in themselves hardly disputable. For the 
rest, it is matter of plain history. We know how the pro- 
gress of tribal movements has been both facilitated and 
retarded by the geographical peculiarities of India. The 
central mass of hills, which it may be permitted to include 

1 In tlie co-shared village the old institution of a privileged headman entirely 
disappears ; the village is governed by a council of the heads of the shareholding 



under a collective name as the ‘ Vindhyan,’ and which 
stretches across India from west to east below the Ganges 
plain, undoubtedly served (in ancient times, at any rate) as 
a dividing line or barrier. On the whole they kept the 
main course of Aryan progress to the plains of Upper 
India, as far as Bengal and Western Assam. They left the 
Dravidian country south of the Viudhyas largely untouched 
by any popular or extensive immigration. ‘Hindu’ influence, 
as such, came there at a later time, and in a very different 
mode. But at the western extremity, the ‘ Yindhyan ’ barrier 
ceases, some way before the coast is reached ; and thus the 
interesting country of Gujarat is open (with hardly any other 
obstacle than the desert country to the north) to an approach 
from the Indus Yalley, and from the passes through the 
Sulaiman hills to the west of the Indus ; and once in 
Gujarat, it would not be difficult to dominate the Narbada 
Valley, and to extend to the Tapti Yalley, to Berar, and to 
the Dakhan, as represented by the Ahmadnagar district, for 
instance, as far as the limited number of the invaders served. 
A shprt study of the map will make this obvious. Now, 
among the Yedic tribes we find the Yadava, and the tradition 
that they occupied the Indus Yalley. Certainly very ancient 
Sanskrit-speaking princes were found there, and Sanskrit 
words were in use at towns or ports at the mouth of the 
Indus in remote times. Moreover, throughout Upper Western 
India, we find the population from early times Aryanized, 
though with a distinctly Dravidian basis. Other northern 
tribes, sometimes not at all connected with Yedic times, also 
found their way by the same open route to Kacoh, Kathiawar, 
the Bala country, the peninsula of Saurashtra, and the 
neighbourhood. The Yadava (or Jadufi) origin is also every- 
where traditionally asserted for the ruling clans, not only in 
Sindh, but in Western India. Such an origin is claimed 
by many of the Marathii chiefs’ houses. Now so much is 
certain that, whatever Aryan tribes, Yadava and others, took 
this Indus Yalley route, and settled in Sindh and in Upper 
Western India, and possibly in parts of the Panjab, they 
were completely cut off and separated from that (probably 



larger) body of Aryan clans which crossed the Panjab and 
settled near the Jamna River, in Brahmavarta, and after- 
wards extended over the wider range called Aryavarta, and 
finally over the whole Ganges plain to Mithila, Magadha, to 
the confines of Assam. It was only among these latter 
clans that the Sanskrit literature, the caste system, the 
‘ Hindu Law,’ and the Puranic religion, were developed. 
The Western Indian and Indus Talley Aryans and the 
northern tribes originally could not have had all these 
developments. They would, therefore, have mixed readily 
with one another, and with the superior Dravidian 
families. Probably the great agricultural race of KunbI, 
and possibly the Ahir and others, are due to such a mixture. 
Their speech, doubtless, is mainly Sanskritic or Aryan, 
but with a certain Dravidian element ; and the Puranic 
religion and the Brahmanic types of thought and speech 
which now mark the Maratha dialect, are clearly later 
additions. The so-called ‘ Maratha ’ Brahmans are not 
of Maratha race, but, like the Dravira, Gaur, and 
other Brahmanieal sections, foreign and much later 
importations. The old Yadava may have had a type of 
religion more like that of the Veda; whatever it was, it 
was of such a character that it did not keep the Aryan and 
Dravidian races distinct ; and whatever the form of belief 
may have been it soon gave way to a new one : all the early 
Aryan remains in the Dakhan are connected with Buddhism 
and Jainism, before the Puranic religion and caste rules, etc. 
(now prevalent), were introduced. For the earliest centuries 
we have nothing but vague indications of a long-continued 
period of quasi-Aryan rulers and local chiefships in the 
Dakhan. In the Gujarat country, however, northern (Indo- 
Scythic) and Aryan clans are abundantly traceable. It is not 
until a period which can be fixed with some definiteness in 
the early centuries of the Christian era, that the more 
developed ‘Hindu’ chiefs from Raj pu tana (and tradition 
says even from Ayodhya or Oudh) came to the West from 
Miilwa, and thence through the Mahi hills to Gujarat and 
the peninsula, where they established kingdoms and 



ultimately extended to the Dakhan. Who those primitive 
Dravidians were, over whom such Aryan and northern 
adventurers ruled, we have, of course, no definite evidence; 
but in the hill country Koli, Bhll, Mer, and other tribes are 
certainly of pre-Aryan origin ; and a once numerous race of 
Mhar or Mahar were evidently also dominant . 1 

Altogether, the undoubted Aryan or northern basis of 
the Maratha races and others in Western India suggests 
that they were derived from the Yiidava and other northern 
immigrants ; they represent probably a certain mixture of 
blood, but are clearly distinguishable from the more purely 
Dravidian races of the Madras Presidency and the southern 

It is important to bear in mind the fact, which is proved 
by actual survivals in or about the first quarter of the 
present century, that in the Dakhan villages the privi- 
leged or ‘superior’ holdings in family shares were called 
by names which indicate ancestors of the Aryan type — names 
still borne by the Maratha houses . 2 3 * * Now it is a perfectly 
well-known fact that these early Aryan or quasi-Aryan 
houses disappear from history, either as the result of inter- 
tribal wars, later Rajput victories, or of the early Moslem 
conquests, or of all of them combined ; and that the races 
(since called Maratha) only emerge again to view in the 
late seventeenth century under Siva j I . 8 From the rapid 
disappearance of the old family holdings in villages, it is 
clear that they were never sufficiently numerous, or did not 
endure for a sufficient time to enable them to displace the 
older village constitution. Their over-lord right appears, so 
to speak, rather as a thin layer over the villages, and only 
the memory of it would have survived, perhaps not that, 
if it had not been for the later Revenue System of the 

1 The name given to the country hv the later Hindu writers, Maharashtra, 
seems much more likely derived from the name of this race than from the wholly 
unmeaning maha = great, sc. ‘ magna regio ,’ as sometimes suggested. 

2 See Colonel Sykes’ paper in J.R.A.S., Yol. II, p. 208. 

3 Who was a Maratha Kunbi, and who became a ‘ Raja,’ performing various 

ceremonies and taking the title of a Kshatriya from the Brahmans. See 

Grant-Duff, “ History of the Mahrattas” (Bombay reprint), vol. i, p. 225, note. 



Moslems, which was the means (undesignedly) of reviving 
it, in other hands. 

The first raids of the Ghazni Sultans in the eleventh 
century (conducted by this same open route from the Indus 
Yalley into Gujarat) did not affect the Dakhan. The first 
established rule there dates from the fourteenth century. 
The subsequent division of the Dakhan kingdom into five, 
the partial overthrow of these rulerships by the Mughal 
emperors, and the final predominance of the resuscitated 
Maratha chieftains, are all well-known historical facts. 
The effect that these later administrations had on the older 
family holdings will be better reserved for statement in 
a later section, in which the history of ‘ minis ’ (shares in 
the superior tenure) is collected together. 

Having indicated the general history so far, it will be 
desirable at once to sketch the village constitution, as 
regards its officers, its artizans, and menials and servants, 
and the mode of their remuneration. 

In the isolated and self-contained existence of the 
villages it would have been impossible for the residents 
to supply the simple wants of daily life, or get the 
necessary cloth, shoes, carpentry, pottery, etc., without 
going perhaps long distances to a town. Each, therefore, 
attached to itself a staff of artizans, menials, and servants, 
who became hereditary and served the village, not for 
payment by the job, but for a regular remuneration, which 
in the Dakhan seems chiefly to have been by means of 
fees in cash and grain, etc., paid at each harvest . 1 It 
might of course happen that in small (and contiguous) 
villages, one artizan would serve two or more, taking the 
remuneration in each. 

1 Snell fees are also common in North India ; also in the Madras villages, 
where they are called merai. Such a plan of providing for daily wants is, naturally, 
one that would he found iu every kind ol' village, uo matter what its internal 
constitution or origin. 



The Village Staff and its Remuneration. 

1 . The Patel or Headman. 

I have already explained that in all raiyatwarl villages 
the headman is a relic of the old tribal life, and has always 
remained as tlie central figure. He is called Patel, and 
by the Moslems Muqaddara. Patel (Patalika) is certainly 
an ancient title ; probably not the earliest, unless we may 
take it that the gramadhikari, gramakuta, etc., of books 
are rather literary designations than titles used in popular 
speech. Probably too, there were earlier (non-Sanskrit ic) 
titles which varied (as they do at the present day) in 
different localities. Naturally enough, when a ‘Raja’s’ 
Government was established, the headman became adopted 
into the state system 1 from obvious advantage, if not 
necessity ; but he certainly existed from the earliest times. 
"When we recollect the instances given by Sir J. Malcolm, 
of the extraordinary sensitiveness of the people to the 
hereditary right of the old Patel ; how essential it was, 
in restoring a deserted village, to find some descendant 
of the old Patel family to head the party ; and how in 
cases where a new man had to be appointed, it was with 
the understanding that he should resign if ever an even 
remote descendant of the real family should reappear, 2 it 
is quite incredible that the headmanship should have 
originated as a mere State appointment at the comparatively 
later date of the establishment of the monarchical form. 
As a matter of fact we have actual survivals of old Dra vidian 
villages in South-West Bengal, where not only is the 
hereditary and originally tribal character of the village- 
chief obvious, but where the first form of the interference of 
the ‘ State ’ was not that of adopting the (probably illiterate) 

1 As appears, for instance, in Manu (vii, 1 1 5) when the king appoints a head of 
each village, a head of a small group of ten, and a head of a district of 100 
(desmukh), etc., thus adopting the immemorially existing organization of 
agricultural society. 

2 Malcolm, Memoir of Malwa and Central India (Bombay reprint), vol. ii, 
pp. 17, 18. 



headman, but of supplementing him by a second officer, 
who could keep accounts of the king’s revenue-share of 
the grain, and who was called Mahato, and afterwards 
pandya, patwarl, and other local titles . 1 Still, the headman 
could not be ignored, and he also was recognized as 
a State official. In an interesting paper read to the 
Society of Arts , 2 by Mr. J. F. Hewitt, an officer who had 
local experience both in the Central Provinces and also 
in South-West Bengal (Chutiya Nagpur), a full account is 
given of the old Dravidian villages and the (tribal) head- 
man, and the subsequent establishment of the Raja’s 
manager and his grain-share. From traces which occur 
elsewhere, the conclusion seems to be inevitable that some- 
thing of the same kind was the typical form, wherever 
the widespread Dravidian races occur ; and that the 
modern raiyatwilrl villages are the lineal descendants of 
this early type. We notice first, that the headman, as 
leader of the party of settlers, in some of the ancient 
villages, had a special holding of the best land set apart 
for him ; and that the original settlers and soil-clearers 
(bhuinhar) were in several ways privileged. Another 
lot of land was reserved for the worship of the gods . 3 
The territorial chief was also (in such early times) 
supported by another lot of land in each village, the 
entire produce of which went to him ; 4 and this latter plan 
was gradually superseded, or rather supplemented by the 
chief (probably by that time called Raja) taking a share 
in the grain-produce of all lands, except the village head- 
man’s and those of the old privileged settlers. It is when 
the grain-share was introduced that we find a second official, 

1 And, of course, it is not intended to he denied that where the Raja was 
a conqueror or an alien it must frequently have happened that the headmanship 
was seized by, or conferred on, one of the ruling race to the displacement of an 
older indigenous chief. 

2 Journal Soc. Arts, vol. xxxv, p. G22, May, 1887. 

• 1 This is the natural prototype of the devasthnn and dharamditi lands in the 
villages, still reserved for religious and charitable objects, just as the headman’s 
holding was the prototype of the watan lands. 

4 In some parts it was cultivated by slaves or by special tenants, who were 
given holdings of their own to support them. 



the prototype of the patwarl or kulkarnl, also appointed ; 
and he is remunerated by a hereditary holding of land 
somewhat smaller than the village headman’s. Now in 
the Dravidian countries there are traces of this ancient 
allotment of ‘ Royal lands ’ locally, which seem to have 
been antecedent to the Revenue-share of the grain . 1 It 
is equally universal to find traces at least of the headman’s 
privileged holding and of a similar one for the kulkarnl 
and others of the village staff. 

It is these ancient holdings that were afterwards called 
by the Moslem rulers watan = the * home ’ or ‘ native ’ 
lands — the ancient and most cherished family possession ; 
and in the course of time they became associated with certain 
manpan, — dignities and places of precedence which were 
hardly less*valued than the land itself. In later times, too, 
it was very natural that this ex-officio land should be allowed 
by the State to be held partly or wholly free of revenue 
charge. Such an exemption is referred to in Manu 2 ; and 
the headman’s land was in later times often held as inam 
(in’am), free of revenue charge, or at least had only to pay 
a quit-rent. Under the Mariithas, their plan of revenue 
farming, and their habit of surcharging everything, 
destroyed the privilege in some localities, but it is still 
abundantly in evidence . 3 

1 It can. of course, be no more than a suggestion of probability that the old 
‘ allotment for the (territorial) chief ’ was sufficient in days of patriarchal or 
tribal government ; but that when a Raja with his court appeared, either the 
land was not sufficient, or was granted away by him to courtiers, relatives, or 
dependents. At any rate we have evidence, all over India, that in remote times 
a share in the grain became the principal source of ‘ State ’ revenue, and the still 
older ‘ Royal farms,’ if ever they were general, were forgotten, having become 
private holdings, and only survived in local memories here and there. 

2 See Manu, vii, 119, where the king is to allow certain revenue officers the 
privilege of a certain area free of charge. It is reckoned by kulam, the area 
sufficient for the support of one family One commentator explains it as equal 
to a ghanta. a double plough-land cultivated with six pairs of bullocks. (See 
Biililer’s note ad loc.) It is remarkable, however, that this landed privilege is 
assigned to the chief of a small group of villages ; the village headman is allowed, 
as a perquisite, such articles of food, wood, and grass, etc., as the villages were 
bound to find for the king’s service. This is perhaps the real origin of the hak 
or grain fees and perquisites. 

3 The Mariithas destroyed the privilege in the Central Provinces, but it 
survived under the Moslem rulers in the Nimar district : it is abundantly trace- 
able (as a tenure) in Berar, and in many parts of the Madras Presidency. 

j.r.a.s. 1897. 17 



From the Dukhan Reports I gather that the watan land 
(occasionally held as inara or free of revenue charge) is 
confined to the headman, the kulkarnl, and to the Mahar 
watchmen. But in other parts, in Berar, for instance, the 
barber, the sweeper, and other such, had their petty watan 
lands as remuneration for village service — at least, when 
these grants had not been absorbed, as they sometimes were, 
by some great chieftain of later times . 1 

Thus we see the village headman to be an essential feature 
of the raiyatwarl village. He is president of the com- 
munity, head of the village police, and also presides over 
the panciiyat or assembly of elders that could be called to 
decide any dispute on social or caste questions, or having 
reference to property. There is one feature of the position 
which deserves notice. Whatever the earliest ffcrm of suc- 
cession in the days of tribal village-chiefship may have been, 
the Patels of historic times have been Hindus, or at all 
events have had the ‘Hindu’ institution of the joint-family. 
Consequently all the watan land and the various halts, privi- 
leges, dignities, and precedences (manpan) constitute a family 
property which is capable of descending to a number of 
heirs jointly ; the patelgl or headmanship becomes jointly 
held by a number of branches ; and sometimes special 
arrangements have been made to provide for their holding 
the actual official position in rotation. In other cases a 
‘ tarfbandi ’ arrangement has been sanctioned, under which 
a village would be divided into two parts, and the propor- 
tionate allotment of revenue laid to the separate responsi- 
bility of each sharer. These parts were apt to become 
separate villages . 2 Much complication also arose in later 
times, when the Patel was made personally responsible for 
the whole revenue ; in such a case he might fall into 
pecuniary difficulties, and he would have to sell even 
a share (takslmu) of his own family watan and the privileges 

1 See IterJr Gaz. 1870 (A. C. Lyall), p 101. 

2 Hence the addition to some village names of Khurd (corr. of Khurd) ami 
Hudrukh (P. buzurg), and = greater and less, or rather elder (i.e. original) and 
younger (the offshoot). 



thereto attaching; and as a formal partition had to be made, 
a jury or pancayat would have to apportion some of the 
dignities and precedences to each party. One would retain 
the precedence of throwing the first cake into the IIolI 
festival fire, another the privilege of having the drums 
first beaten at his house, and so forth. 

The multiplication of shares of the patelgl must have 
been a fruitful source of multiplied exactions on the humbler 
villagers, as each branch or sharer would be inclined to 
demand the shoes, the blanket, the woven piece, etc., that 
was the original Patel’s hak. 

2. The Kulkarni or Accountant. 

Next as to the Kulkarni. A writer and accountant was 
needed, not only for official duties, but as the village ‘notary’ 
in general. He would also be frequently needed as referee 
regarding all those numerous details of collecting the various 
haks for payment of the village artizans and menials, which 
were further complicated by levy of similar haks for the 
headman and accountant himself, to say nothing of the 
baht! or extra revenue cesses which were levied from time 
to time in the later days of revenue farming. 1 

The village affairs, it will be continually borne in mind, 
may be regarded as in two ‘ departments,’ the cultivated and 
waste area, — the sphere of the cultivator and landowner, and 
the village-site or group of houses, with its walls for defence 
and gates, its central dwelling for the Patel and his family, 
the CavadI (Chowree or Choultry of books) or public 
meeting-place, and its group of residences for all classes, 
including the village artizans and craftsmen and the shop- 

’ In Elphinstone’s celebrated minute “On the Territories Conquered from 
the Pesliwa ” (see Forrest’s “Official Writings of Mountstuart Elphinstoue,” 
p. 292), an account is given of these levies — babtl, jyasti-patti, etc. — which went 
to the treasury, or at least to the superior revenue-farmers, and were quite 
distinct from the hak by which the village officers levied for their own purposes. 



This distinction gave rise to two heads of taxation, known 
by the terms kali and pandhrl. The land was said to be the 
black or kali, and the residence site and its affairs were the 
pandhrl or * white.’ 1 I will first of all enumerate the staff 
that served the village, and then the haks by which they 
were paid — part of which come under the head of kali and 
part of the pandhrl. 

3. The Artizan Staff. 

Captain Grant Duff, in his History of the Mahrattas, 2 
says that the whole staff theoretically included twenty- 
four members, called alute-balute, twelve of each. The 
term baliite refers to the grain-fees (or hak) by which 
the staff were paid : perhaps the whole compound term is 
rather due to the love of alliterative reduplications so 
often observed ; but aliite (whatever its origin) refers to 
the non-effective, or non-labouring section of the staff, all 
of whom, at any rate, did not receive haks. But it will 
be observed that such a complete staff is rather ideal than 
actual ; nothing like the number could even be desired, in 
any but very large and mixed villages. Mr. Gooddine gives 
a smaller list of twelve only, also divided into ‘effective’ 
and ‘non-effective’ (karu-naru is another terra applied); 
and he justly remarks that even this number was not 
attained in smaller villages ; it being easy to see what 
members would be indispensable, and what would only be 
wanted in more developed communities. In either case the 
official staff — the headman, his executive deputy (Caughula) 
and the KulkarnT — are not included, as too dignified. They 
(and, originally, the holders of the minis lands or overlords 

1 It is said that the former term had reference to the prevalent black soil of 
the arable land, the latter to the white or lighter-coloured (and less friable) clay 
of which walls and cottages woro built. Flat-roofed houses of sun-dried bricks 
are common, and the villages were formerly walled and gated or surrounded by 
thick hedges of ‘ prickly pear ’ (Opuntia Lillenii). 

2 Bombay reprint, vol. i, 27, note. 


of the village) were distinguished as the gaonkari or the 
village controllers. 

I will very briefly enumerate the entire twenty-four above 
spoken of, as it is interesting to see what could be required. 
The alfite comprised (1) the sonar or goldsmith, whose 
special duty was to assay the coins paid in — a duty in 
former times of great importance ; now, of course, not so. 
(2) The jangam or priest of the lingait sect; (3) the tailor; 
(4) water-carrier; (5) Taral or veskar, 1 the headman’s peon 
or messenger who attended visitors, and watched the gates 
(whence the name); (6) the gardener; (7 and 8) certain 
religious persons who beat tambourines and played the 
pipes on festival occasions; (9) a RamosI or a Mill (of the 
old indigenous tribes, now fallen to a very low position), 
employed in aid of the police, etc., and for defence, under 
the name of bartani (or bartaniya) ; (10) a seller of pan, 
the aromatic leaf universally chewed; (11) the oil-seller; 
(12) gonclall or beater of kettle-drums. The effective or 
karu (balute) staff, in theory, were (1) satiir or carpenter ; 
(2) blacksmith ; (3) shoemaker or tanner — who does not, 
however, make any articles of raw hide ; (4) the mahar, 
usually four or five or more of them, the remnant of an 
aboriginal race, of superior intelligence, employed in various 
capacities of watch and ward, messenger, etc., and especially 
being the repository of knowledge of boundaries ; (5) a mang 
or low-caste scavenger, who could also make ropes of raw 
hide; (6) potter; (7) barber; (8) washerman; (9) a Guro, 
whose duty it is to wash and ornament the village idol, 
applying red lead, etc. He also makes the leaf platters 
(patraoll) for a village festival : these are used by Hindus 
instead of plates. (10) A Brahman jyoshl or astrologer ; 
(ll)bhiit or bard; (12) a mulana ( = mulla),a Muhammadan, 
who is employed to kill beasts for food, saying over them 
the proper formula ; he is not otherwise a butcher. It is 
curious that the Marathas adopted the custom of net, i.e., 
making some invocation of the deity at the slaying of 

1 Sometimes written yeskar. 



animals for food, which was doubtless copied from the 
Muhammadan rule of * halal.’ Hence the Marathas allowed 
the killing to be done by a Moslem. 

It is not easy to see how or why some of these are dis- 
tinguished from the alute first enumerated ; others, no doubt, 
are distinctly working craftsmen or makers of specific things 
requisite for daily life. In a small village, and perhaps 
generally at an earlier stage, only some of these would be 
found ; as the carpenter, smith, potter, barber, water-carrier, 
and washerman. The distinction, however, is evidently a 
matter of importance, since we find three ‘grades’ (oil, or 
in Moslem villages kas) recognized. These grades are 
supposed (theoretically) to correspond to the relative dis- 
tinction between pay at 30, 25, and 20 sheaves of corn 
from each pain of land (a certain area-division, of which 
presently) in the village. The actual customary rates of 
reward are all fixed. The duties of the staff are obvious 
from their names. The barber (nhawl), besides doing the 
village shaving, carries messages connected with betrothals, 
as in Upper India. The blacksmith is only supposed to 
make the iron parts of agricultural implements; not of carts, 
e.g. ; for the latter he gets paid separately. The potter is 
obliged (against his village remuneration) to supply free 
earthen vessels to the Mahars and to the other artizans of 
the village, and also for any official visitor. The goldsmith 
is of course paid for ornaments that he makes ; his village 
duties are assaying coin (now no longer required), and 
making the mangalsutra or bridal thread on occasions of 
marriage. It will be observed that in dignity he is reckoned 
as naru, not karu. 

The Mahar, who is always of this (aboriginal) race, is of 
curious importance. 1 There are always several of them 
who divide in shares the duty and emoluments. For this 
is almost the only member of the staff that has a special 

1 It has been suggested that the position of the tribe with regard to boundaries 
and their intimate knowledge of the old village holdings and limits generally, 
point to the probability (which accords with their own tradition) that, they were 
once (in days long gone by) the original possessors of the soil. Cf. Gustav 
Oppert, “ The Original Inhabitants of India,” pp. 21, 47, etc. 



(watan or ex-officio ) holding, called Hadoll 1 or Hadki or 
DoranI (according as it is for one branch of duty or another). 
“The Mahar,” says Mr. Gooddine, “is emphatically called 
‘the village eye.’ lie is the watchman and guardian of 
the village, and the living chronicle of its concerns. His 
situation and his curiosity make him acquainted with every- 
body’s affairs, and his evidence is required in every dispute.” 
He knows all about the boundaries, not only as between 
holding and holding, but between one village and another, 
lie has also multifarious duties as watchman of crops and 
of cattle, and as porter at the gates ; he assists travellers, 
carries messages, delivers letters, furnishes a guard at night, 
and so forth. He is, therefore, fairly well paid, having his 
hereditary landholding, a tithe of produce, and various 
presents of bread, oil, condiments, etc., from the dealers. 2 
At some former period each village had a certain number 
of Mahars, 8, 12, or lb, according to its size. On this 
account the duty (and the emolument also) is divided into 
shares among the number, and sometimes three brothers 
(say) will hold the office and take the remuneration in 
turn — one getting it every third year. In a large village 
the duties will be divided, and the grants also : thus there 
w ill be one set watching the gates (veskar), also the threshing- 
£oor or stacking-yard ; others will be the gaon-mahar or 
general servants : it is these who arrange for conveying 
the baggage of travellers, who clean the horses of the official 
visitors, and find pegs for picketing 3 them, as well as 
collecting firewood, grass, etc. 

1 Hadoli is stated by Mr. Gooddine not to refer to had, the boundary 
(Arabic), but to be derived from had, ‘ a bone,’ and oil, ‘ a row,’ because of the 
Mahar having to see to the clearing of the village of dead cattle. DomnI means 
‘ a dish ’ of a certain kind, and refers to the means of filling it, or perhaps to the 
scraps or remains. 

- He also got the skins of cattle dying in the village, except those belonging to 
the l'atel, whose dignity demanded that the Mahar should return their skins on 
receiving a small fee called hath-dhone = to ‘ wash his hands ’ (after the 
skinning). When the services of the Mahar to certain district officials were 
not required, they used to levy on the Mahar families a small tax called rabta in 
lieu of the services. 

3 It may be mentioned as showing the minute division of duty which custom 
enforces that for the pegs the Mahar finds the wood, while it is the duty of the 
Satar or carpenter to shape and point them. 



4. Method of Realizing the Males. 

It was stated just now that the hak or fees for remune- 
rating these artizans, etc., came partly from the ‘depart- 
ment’ of cultivation or kali, and partly from the pandhrl. 
But those which come from the cultivated land are again 
the subject of customary classification. Some crops yield 
grain that can be measured, or tied into sheaves ; others do 
not admit of this treatment : moreover grain, etc., may be 
taken when it is ripe and threshed out, or in the ear before 
it is ripe. So we have the following rather curious dis- 
tinctions. Grain, I should premise, is measured by paili, 
one of which is about four local ser. 1 (1) Allowances for 
the usual or common grain crops are calculated at so many 
sheaves (giir) or so much grain by weight or measure. But 
(2) a variety of dues are collected under the head of nimbilr, 
properly referring to a number of stalks and ears gathered 
when the corn is still green. And (3) some crops are grown 
in smaller quantities — such as oil-seeds, tobacco, hemp, 
ambarl (another fibre-plant) and vegetables ; dues of these 
are collected in small lots, as may be convenient, under the 
denomination of wanwula. Lastly (4) there are dues from 
the biigait or garden lands — a lapful of peas or beans, a 
handful of fruit, a small bed (wapha) of carrots or onions. 
And under this head also come the varied dues connected 
with sugar-cane — so many sticks, cups of the juice, and 
moulds of the boiled sugar. 

The carpenter, blacksmith, and shoemaker (as the principal 
artizans) have also the privilege of sowing in every land- 
holder’s farm a strip of four furrows, with a particular grain 
called rallii : the landholder tills the land, the artizan brings 
a basket of the seed-grain to sow, and reaps the plot when 
it is ripe. 

Except so far as the artizan class get help from one 

1 The reckoning in the Dukhan is by Khandi (Candy), and the scale is 
1 khandi =20 man. 1 man = 1 6 paili. f pfiili = 4ser. But the ser is a local 
one which (judging from some oi Mr. Gooddine’s calculations) is of such size 
that four of them = 31 (uearly) of the standard (2tb) scr. 



another, as when the potter gives earthen vessels gratis, the 
variety of tolls taken in the other ‘department,’ the pandhrl 
does not directly contribute to the remuneration of the artisans 
and menials. 

This, however, reminds me that the collection of hak or 
dues in the village, whether under the head of kali or 
pandhrl, was not only, or chiefly, confined to the paying 
artizans and menials. A large portion of the whole, nearly 
all that of the pandhrl collected under the name of motarphii, 
went to the Patel and the KulkarnI (some also to the Mahar). 

In fact, if we place the ichole of the haks together, in- 
cluding some that were taken in cash, we may observe that 
they were variously devoted — 

1. To the remuneration of the artizan staff as just 

explained ; 

2. To remunerate the Patel and KulkarnI ; and 

3. To provide for the sadilwar or expenses common to 

the whole village. 

The haks from the kali chief;/ go to the artizans, but 
from this source the Patel used to get several special fees 
called adepiide, 1 bhlknl, autkl, maparkl (so many sheaves of 
corn, on different occasions). So also the KulkarnI used to 
get a salai, or ‘ tale-fee,’ for keeping the tale of the several 
heaps, and measuring the grain at the threshing-floor (one 
heap out of each lot of 100 palll). Also he took an odha, or 
‘ haul,’ out of each landholder’s heap, being as much grain 
as he could take up by clasping his hands and extending his 
arras in a loop. 

It will be remembered that these (and also the following) 
fees to Patel and KulkarnI have long been abolished in favour 
of a fixed pay and allowances ; but some of them, no doubt, 
are still levied by custom. The haks of the artizans remain 
as always. It is, however, interesting to see what various 
pretexts were made for raising the Patel’s emoluments. It 

1 The KulkarnI took a similar fee called g'u.grl. 



is probable that some presents or offerings were really 
ancient; but the regular hales are usually believed to date from 
Moslem times, when the officer became responsible for a more 
or less fixed revenue-demand, and had to be remunerated 
extra for his labour and responsibility . 1 The officers’ imposts 
(in the pandhrl department) came under two heads: the 
motarpha and the mushahara ; the one (generally) in kind, 
the other in cash. 

I may as well state the different fees together, adding the 
letter (P) and (K) to distinguish those that go to the Patel 
or the Kulkarni respectively. The motarpha heads were: — 

Kharidkhat and khotpatra (K) are two kinds of fee on 
documents of sale, whether of the produce of a field or 
something else. 

Jakat (Ar. zakat = alms, ‘poor-rate’), a toll of a paisa 
per head on bullocks laden with merchandise entering the 
village (P). 

Peobud (lit. ‘the bottom of the grain-pit’), an allowance 
paid (K.) on opening a store-pit and selling the grain. 
The Mahar also gets a portion for lifting the grain as (Iv.) 
does for making the account of contents. Theoretically 
the grain given is the inferior stuff at the bottom of the pit. 

Seosabji (lit. ‘green business’), a toll on sale of green- 
grocery (P.). 

1 By this means the Treasury was saved the task of finding a larger salary, 
and the Patel was always able to refer to his fixed allowance of free-land or cash 
as his only emolument ; if pressed with the fact that he got so much more from 
fees he would have a hundred excuses — that they were not paid, that this was for 
a special and different service, etc., etc. It is certainly curious to notice how 
oriental races seem always to cling to an idea of fixed rates, although circum- 
stances have long compelled a change : the increase is disguised by a fiction. 
Thus we are familiar with the way in which not only later Mughal rulers, hut 
also the Marathas, would often profess to. retain the original revenue rates, but 
add on a lot of cesses — which appeared to be temporary and for special reasons, 
but which, once imposed, were never taken off. This method also concealed, on 
both sides, the real extent of what was taken or charged, and this both liked. 
1 notice a curious instance of the same feeling in Grant Duff's account of 
a treaty in which Sivaji eugaged to compensate the British Government of 
Bombay (in the seventeenth century) for depredations committed on a certuiu 
factory, lie was really to pay 10,000 pagodas, but ho stipulated that it should 
appear as an agreement for the Governor to purchase Maratha merchandise to 
the value of .5,000 pagodas annually for three years, which was only to be paid 
for at one-half the value. And for the rest an exemption from customs duty was 
granted. Thus pride was salved and the Treasury saved from a ready-money 



Lagnarauhfirt, 1 a fee of a shawl or a turban given on 
marriage occasions (P.). 

Sali-koshtI (P.), a piece from each loom according to the 
different kinds of make. Thus the Dhangar caste give 
the (P.) a blanket from each loom; and being shepherds 
they also offer him at the Dasahra festival a sheep from 
each flock. 

The shoemaker was expected to find (P. and K.) a pair of 
shoes gratis, and sometimes one for each of the branch 
families of the Patel’s house. 

These are the personal dues ; but then there were various 
expenses belonging to the community as a whole: such were 
called the cillar, including the sadilwar (Ar. sadir-warid = 
going away and arriving). They consisted of travelling 
expenses of village officials on duty', holding festivals and 
entertainments for the village, alms and charity in certain 
cases, entertaining guests, finding oil for lighting the public 
meeting house, stationery for the clerk, etc., etc. The head- 
man defrayed all these in the first instance, and was allowed 
to reimburse himself by a cess levied as mushahara — a 
cash percentage on the revenue (25 per cent., more or less, 
according to the place) over and above the State revenue. 
After defraying the village expenses, and certain fees to 
the district officials (desmukh, despandya, etc.) he took the 
rest himself as part of his remuneration, and also paid 
the KulkarnI either by a lump sum, or at so much per cent., 
or so many anas per cahfir division of land. If the officers 
had sufficient remuneration otherwise — I suppose by means 
of inam land — this mushahara would not be granted, and 
then the headman only' levied an amount to cover the 
sadilwar ; in either case it is obvious that unless the superior 
officials were watchful the Patel would make the sadilwar 
an excuse for the most oppressive levies. 2 

1 Lagna is a first marriage ; muliurt a second. 

2 In the joint- villages of Northern India the ‘ village expenses ’ are paid out 
of the malba, a fund collected from the profits of the waste and the undivided 
part of the estate (if any), and by a rate on the co-sharers. The headman had 
to pay the charges and recover them subject to audit by the co-sharers, who 
might dispute the propriety of the charge iu any instance. 



Land-Management and the terms in use. 

Having thus seen how the officers and the village artizans 
are paid, we shall glance at the land-management. In 1852, 
the most prevalent caste of landholder was the KunbI — an 
agricultural caste of enterprise and ability, which, originating 
in these parts, has also extended itself far into Hindustan in 
search of good lands to cultivate. It must be explained 
that the condition of things then existing was, that certain 
parts of the villages were still held under the denomination 
of minis lands, and the superior title thus implied had 
become chiefly a matter of name and dignity ; but until 
the abolition of the haks and the other irregular imposts 
taken by the village officers, it had this advantage, that 

it might be wholly, or at least partly, exempt from such 

payments. Other land, not so privileged, was held by persons 
called Upri. Lands held by UprJ, if once miras but no 
longer in possession of the old families, were said to be 

gatkul. The holder or ‘ owner ’ of minis land was called 

thalwahlk or thalkarl. 

Both thalkarl or mirasdar and Upri were resident in the 
village and had their interest in its affairs and paid 
pandhrl dues; so that a person cultivating land in the 
village but not resident, was on a somewhat different footing 
and was called wowandkari (or aondkari or awandkari — all 
being forms of the same word). 

It will be well also to note that the total area within the 
geographical limits of a village is called siwar ; that culti- 
vated land in general is bawar (or wawar) ; a field is set 
(Hindi khet). 1 The term partan is also applied to a field as 
arranged for ploughing (partane ‘ to turn ’ : cf. the ghumao 
measure in the Panjab — ghumaua ‘to turn’ the plough). 
Thike also means a field ; but especially the lot or ultimate 
subdivision of the thal or major-share of the miras family 
in the village. Uncultivated land reserved for grass 
cutting, etc., is kuran, and unculturable waste gairau 

1 Malai is a field in tlie soft alluvium on the edge of a stream. 



(evidently corrupted from the Arabic wairiin ). 1 Certain 
lauds reserved for State purposes, or (owing to some dispute 
Or otherwise) excluded from calculation, were called serl. 

Further History of the Miras Title. 

These terms, relating to land-management, enable us to 
examine more closely the rather curious history enshrined 
in them. 

I bave already adverted to the fact that the Aryan 
family names by which minis lands were known indicates 
(what is also intrinsically probable) that the quasi-Aryan 
overlords, who certainly found their way as conquerors 
or adventurers into the Dakhan districts, established 
a claim to various village lands. It should be explained 
as regards the term minis 2 3 * that the Moslem administrators 
merely introduced the Persi-Arabic term for these old 
hereditary holdings ; and being short and convenient it 
became universally used . 5 They certainly' did not invent 
the superior rights, because (as I have said) they' had long 
existed on lands held by Aryan families, which is conclusive. 
But the Moslem system indirectly brought about the levy 
of haks, and that again introduced a new element into 
the miras privilege, at any rate when it had passed into 
the hands of new holders. 

1 Mr. Gooddine’s derivation from gae ‘ a cow,’ and ran ‘ pasture, ’ is surely 
fanciful ; nor would the long vowels of the first member go into the syllable 

- Connected with the root wirs, wirsa = ‘ inheritance,’ ‘hereditary,’ etc. 

3 Their revenue system necessitated the use of many terms (naturally Persi- 
Arabic), which became fixed in the usage of the country, and were kept up by 
the Marathas long afterwards. It should be added that the term miras became 
also common in the Tamil country of Madras, where (as alwavs) it indicated 
a superior privileged tenure ; but in Tamil the term kaniadsi also survived, 
expressing the same idea. In Marathi there is a term kunbava (bhava) which 
is said to mean ‘ agriculture ’ in general, being connected with kun (the Kunbi 

caste) and bhava, state or condition. But I should like to be sure that kunbi 
was not itself derived from kun, meaning some superior kind of agricultural 
tenure, and not vice versa. Certainly in the Maratha State of Tanjore (see 
Mirasi Papers, 1862, p. 89) it was stated that kunbava was the equivalent of 

kaniadsi, i.e. the superior tenure or privileged holding of land. In the Dakhan 
thalwahik or thalkari was certainly used not for any tenant, but as the equivalent 
of mirasdar. 



It has indeed been suggested that the term miras only 
means (in general) ‘ hereditary,’ and that as in the oldest 
form of village there probably was some distinction between 
the original settlers and first-clearers of the holdings , 1 2 and 
later comers who joined the community and obtained land, 
perhaps long after the village was established, so these 
distinctions mirasdar and upri may merely indicate the 
old hereditary holders as distinct from later settlers ; or, 
again, that miras may merely refer to the special 
(hereditary) holdings of the village officers. But there are 
several reasons for rejecting these interpretations, in spite 
of the plausibility which attaches to the former. In the 
first place miras could not mean the special (hereditary) 
holding of the pa tel, etc., for that was distinctly called 
his watan. Moreover, wherever laud is found (in other 
parts) called mirasi, warisl, wirasat, etc., it is always land 
held on a quasi-landlord or superior tenure } ‘Inheritance’ is, 
in fact, a euphemism for ‘conquest.,’ or at least for privilege 
b) r grant of the Baja or his officers. Moreover, if the 
miras lands of the Dalchan villages were only the more 
ancient holdings of original settlers, how came they to he 
divided into shares, and invariably called after Aryan 
names, those of the limited number of houses belonging: 
to old Aryan, or semi-Aryan families ? The Dravidian 
settlers show no signs (as far as can he traced) of having 
held village lands in shares, nor even that they (before 
becoming ‘Hindus’) had the ‘joint-family’ institution . 3 
The ancient houses, Colonel Sykes informs us, were con- 
fined to ninety-six names, showing that (as might he 
expected) the overlordship was that of a limited body of 
adventurers of a superior type. This limitation accounts 

1 Son p. 244, ante. 

2 Laud held by the distinctly tenant class when privileged (for any reason) is 
said to be ‘ hereditary,’ hut the term used is maurusi — another and distinct 
derivative from the same root. 

3 Nor do w r e find such a distinction in other raiyatwari villages of Dravidian 
origin. Mirasi rights do occur in Madras, it is true, hut not in the same wav as 
in the Dakhan. For an account of the Madras tenures see my “ Indiau Village 
Community” (Longmans, 1896), p. 362. 



for the local character of the overlordship (it was not found 
outside the Bombay Dakhan and probably Beriir) ; it also 
accounts for the fact that evidently the minis existed, as 
I have already said, as a mere layer or varnish of over- 
lordship which did not destroy the older constitution of 
the village. It is evident also that the minis represents 
an overlord right over villages already in existence. Had 
the early Yadava or other northerns come to a complete 
wilderness and themselves established the first villages, in 
the co-sharing form, there would have been no Patel (with 
the icatan holding). This is a distinctive feature. All the 
circumstances of the case point to the belief that the early 
Aryan clans took the rule of the country they conquered, 
over an earlier (Dravidian) population, already tilling the 
soil and settled in small tribal groups, each under its own 
headman. It is quite impossible to believe that the Patel 
was a late addition, after an earlier co-sharing constitution 
had decayed. 

Colonel Svkes in 1827 was still able to find some of the 
thaljara or lists of mirasl shares. The villages were found 
to be divided into larger shares — for the main branches of 
the family, called thal or sthal, 1 and the ultimate share 
thike (M.). Whatever may have been the effect of the 
Moslem conquest in reducing the older (quasi-Aryan) 
ruling families, the Moslems did not generally assume the 
minis right in the villages; Colonel Sykes found only one 
instance of a thal or major-share which had come to bear 
a Muhammadan name. 

The lands remained in a few cases, even in Colonel Sykes’ 
time, possessed by alleged descendants of the families ; 
but most frequently they were either vacant (as regards 
privileged holders), i.e. were held by common cultivators, 
or had been annexed by the Patels’ families themselves 

1 Tal means ‘ level,’ and it is possible that as some of the ruling families 
would be concerned in holding the forts (gadh) on the hills, while others were 
occupied with the lands in the level villages, cultivated under the protection of 
the first, they were called talkari as opposed to gadhkari. The Reports, however, 
all write ‘ tlial.’ 



(whence a certain confusion between miras and watan), 
and it soon became the custom to grant or sell the miras 
title in vacant holdings, because the dignity attaching 
to the title still gave the holders a certain position in 
the village body, as gaonkari . 1 

It is now time to explain how it was that the Moslem, 
and afterwards the Maratha, revenue systems affected the 
miras title. The policy, at any rate of the Dakhan 
(Moslem) kingdoms, was to preserve the older village 
institutions, and they found in the miras-holders an element 
of stability and attachment to the land which led them 
to make revenue settlements with such superior holders 
if they existed . 2 We possess no detailed information 
about tbe earliest method of Moslem revenue management. 
"We know that of old the Aryan and semi-Aryan princes 
took their revenue or overlord fees (as the case might be) 
by a share in the grain of each holding : this was in fact 
a pure raiyatwarx system ; and it had this advantage, 
that it necessitated no internal interference with the 
holdings ; each gave its customary share, full or diminished 
according to the actual out-turn of the harvest. Even 
the later, more complicated methods of ‘kaltar’ or 
estimating a certain yield from the fields, and demanding 
that, did not interfere much with holdings or internal 
management. No holder was called on to make up any 
deficiency from his neighbour’s field. There is reason 
to believe that the first change was roughly to assess the 
holdings in cash at so many taka (= dam) or small 
copper coins. Such a form, at any rate, was long re- 
membered in some districts. The later Moslem reforms 

1 Mr. Gooddine remarks: “The priority of place in an assembly at a festival, or 
in a procession, and the right of sitting in the Municipal Council (this high- 
sounding phrase means nothing more than the village panenyat), are inestimable 
marks of distinction to a people among whom there is so little real property. . . . 
I have been told that in some parts of the Sattara district a minisdar would 
consider himself insulted were even a private merry-making to take place without 
his being at least asked to take pnn-supari at it” (p. 8, § 14). 

2 I have even seen it suggested that Malik ’Ambar credit'd the miras title: this 
he certainly did not as regards the general institution, hut he may have revived it, 
and even granted it anew where the old family had disappeared. 



consisted in measuring the land, introducing a system of 
assessment by area (blghotl or bighuonl), and substituting 
a silcer tanka coin for payment. 1 It is also, however, held 
that the Moslem (cash) assessment derived its name from 
tankhwa — a fixed sum or standard total payment. I do 
not pretend to determine which is correct. 2 In the Northern 
Dakhan Districts the minister Malik ’Aihbar ( circa 1610 a.d ) 
made a measurement of lands and a settlement of the 
revenue, so that the village demand was a total of the 
measured assessable lands (excluding all inam or freehold) 
in the several (separate) holdings. In the .Mughal districts, 
after Shah Jahau’s authority was established (1636), a 
settlement was made on similar principles under Murshid 
Quit Khan. 

As long as the revenue could be collected according to the 
individual assessment of holdings, no disturbance of tenures 
would occur; but as the kingdoms fell into difficulties, the 
tendency was to look to the total revenue of each village 
and to make the Patel responsible, giving him increased 
liberty to tax the people in any way, so long as the total 
sum was paid in. It was to recompense the labour and risk 
involved in such a position, and to meet the various extra 
expenses and village charges, that the Patel was allowed to 
levy haks and the mushahara already spoken of. 3 The 
Marathas developed this into a regular farming system, 
under which a district contractor undertook annually (or 
for some short period) a considerable area, subletting the 
several villages to the Patels or other managers. This 

1 Grant Duff, “ History Mahrattas,” i, 106. 

2 Grant Duff states, on the authority of the native historian KhafI Khan 
(Muhammad Hasliim Khan) that the silver tanka was introduced bv the Mughals 
in 1637, and about twenty years earlier in the Nizam-shahl territories (“ History 
of the Mahrattas,” i, 81). He notes also that many Kulkarms could still state 
the village revenue in the older copper currency. 

3 Mr. Gooddine states that the Moslems recognized and even defined these 
haks. It seems likely that the levy of them by the Patel and KulkarnI was 
suggested by the analogy of the similar but old customary haks already taken 
by the village artizans and servants. The Patel’s responsibility, which was an 
arbitrary and new imposition, would at once deprive him of anv benefit from the 
exemption of his watan lands from revenue -payment, and necessitated liis having 
some way of recouping his losses. 

j.k.a.s. 1897. 




upset all respect for holdings ; since a total sum had to be 
raised, and everyone was made to pay, not according to his 
landed right, but according to his ability. These changes 
affected the miras lands in two ways. The title, originally 
held in virtue of family inheritance, now became the subject 
of sale or grant; and when so sold, it might be a part of 
the bargain that it should or should not be, in part or wholly, 
liable to pay the haks. 

It will be remembered that considerable social dignity 
attached to a miras holding ; hence it was a desirable 
possession. The Moslem Governors supported the institution 
because they were able to hold the mirasdar absolutely liable 
for his revenue ; he could not ‘ relinquish ’ his land like 
a casual cultivator. The Patels, being now free to manage 
as they best could, found in the miras title, sometimes 
a secure possession for their own families, sometimes a 
means of attracting permanent settlers to vacant holdings 
(it was always an object to have every available blgha under 
the plough) ; and, not infrequently, a means of raising 
money when there was a threatened deficit in the revenue 

When the Patel thus sold or granted the miras title, it 
was very natural that the older (and real) mirasdars should 
be able successfully to resist paying the village haks, and 
the purchasers should bargain that they were to be exempt, 
or partly exempt from them also. 1 Hence it came to pass 
that (before the modern abolition of haks, motarpha, etc.) 
miras lands were found under three conditions: (1) wholly 
exempt from such charges ; (2) partly exempt ; (3) not 
exempt at all. 

By this time, it will be recollected, the claim of the ruler 
to be virtual owner of all land had come into full force, 

' As Mr. Gooddine remarks ($ 14), “the native account of miras is [i.e. as 
existing at the time] that it has generally been obtained from the Patel in 
troublesome times, when from some predatory visitation or pecuniary difficulty lie 
has been compelled to seek assistance from the villagers, granting them in return 
immunities from the Patel’s share of the haks on their land ” (This, in 
fact, came to bo the chief advantage derivable from miras besides the social 



not as a matter of formal decree or declaration, but as 
a matter of practice, so that really there was but little tenure 
distinction between mints and ordinary land except this 
fact of exemption. 1 The same features continued under 
Maratlm rule. Undoubtedly the Marathas had some respect 
for the minis title, and allowed it to survive. On the oue 
hand, their own chiefs liked to get village titles for them- 
selves, and often held such land in their own names. 2 They 
therefore could not ignore the privilege ; they are said 
even to have paid a price for minis land when wanted 
for a Sjate or public purpose. On the other hand, they were 
too keen financiers to forego the advantage that could be 
got out of miras-holders who still felt that some dignity 
and immunity attached to their tenure ; sometimes they 
made them pay at a higher rate of revenue than other land- 
holders ; and even where this could not be done they 
invented a special tax called mirus-pattl, levied once in 
three years. 

Thus, then, we have good ground for establishing four 
stages as regards the minis title to land : — 

1. Originally it represented a superior or overlordship 
right enjo} r ed (in shares) by Aryan (or semi- Aryan) chief 
families, and probably was exercised by taking a share of 
the produce raised by the original cultivators of such lands, 
without interfering with their hereditary possession. While 
such a stage lasted, the Patel would probably not be allowed 
much influence, and would only manage such lands as were 
not nairas, or would act in subordination to the mirasdars. 
These may originally have not paid any revenue to the State 

1 Hence (Report, § 18) the mirasdars used to express their position hy saving' 
“ the land is the Sirkar’s (Government), but the miras is mine.” 

- See the excellent remarks of Sir J. Malcolm (“ Central India,” vol. i, p. 67) 
on the way in which the Maratha chiefs of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries (at that time returning to a life of military duty and governing function 
from the peasant or village life) preferred village titles, watans or village headship 
privileges, to the more ostensibly regal and aristocratic tenures taken by the 
Rajput chieftains or Mughal nobility. For an example of a village headship 
seized by a Maratha chief, and the miras lands taken into his own hands, and 
mostly not exempted from imposts where they still remained in other hands, see 
the village table further on. 



or Raja ; but when any change by conquest took place, this 
freedom would certainly not be maintained — the ‘ jathadar ’ 
(this was another designation) had to pay a fixed revenue 
for bis village lands. 

2. The families partly disappear and partly are reduced to 
the actual cultivation or management of the minis lands. 
Many such lands, being vacant, become held by persons who 
have purchased (or otherwise obtained) the privilege. The 
Patels by this time have imposed on them a special respon- 
sibility, and accordingly assume, or are allowed to sell or 
grant, the minis title, and make it more or less subject to 
payment of their own fees, etc., as well as the State revenue. 

3. The villages become subject to a regular and 
oppressive farming system ; all distinctions of tenure 
become very much obliterated; but minis lands are si ill 
to some extent valued, and are still able to claim exemption 
from some, at any rate, of the imposts. The rulers also 
accord a certain consideration to the holders. 

4. Under British rule the Patel and Kulkarnl get fixed 
remuneration, and are allowed a fixed cess to meet village 
expenses ; all their special and oppressive haks and exactions 
are abolished 1 ; hence the last vestige of practical distinction 
between minis holdings and others disappears. In the 
ordinary raiyatwarl village of the Dak h an as it is to-day, 
if the distinction be observed at all, it is a mere matter of 
names and memories, having no practical meaning, at least 
as regards tenure. 

The interesting feature of the history is that, had the old 
Aryan holders of minis been sufficiently numerous and per- 
sistent, they would have developed, as elsewhere, into joint- 
holding village landlords, and have abolished the Patel and 
changed the whole constitution. This they failed to do, but 
the divisions and names of the old family holdings having 

' It would bo interesting to know to what extent custom still enables Patels 
and Kulkaruis to levy certain dues in kind— as pairs of shoes, shawls or turbans, 
and special offerings, etc. Doubtless some are still given, out of respect for old 
custom and to socuro favour or good will. The village artisans' and menials’ 
customary haks aro, of course, uot interfered with. 



survived, a changed revenue system resuscitated the title — 
often in other hands, with a new and different importance. 
Then, too, had the Maratha rule been less vigilant, the Patel, 
being made responsible for the whole revenue, would surely 
have developed into sole landlord of the village, and so have 
produced (in the persons of his descendants) a co-sharing 
landlord body in another way. Put Maratha rulers were 
too strict to allow of this. Hence, when the Patel’s haks 
and levies were abolished (in modern times), and the revenue 
was levied on a careful valuation and measurement of each 
holding, the raiyatwarl constitution (so seriously threatened 
bv the preceding farming arrangements) was fully restored, 
and in a stable and perfected form. 

We now pass on to another class of lands, those granted 
to be free of revenue by the State. These also were, as we 
shall see, seriously affected by this plan of ignoring specific 
rights and holdings which a farming system usually pro- 

I nam Lands. 

Lands that were specifically exempted from paying the 
Royal Share or the land revenue, were called maniyam or 
inarn (Ar. in‘am). When the old method of a proportion 
of the grain from each holding was in force, this exemption 
was a matter of definite importance. And when the 
Moslem systems fixed a cash revenue as the result of an 
assessment of each holding, the exemption continued to 
be specific. But when in later times the tanka came to be 
merely a lump sum demanded from the village as a 
whole, the iniiin exemption became a matter concerning 
the rest of the village more than anyone else ; if particular 
persons were allowed to hold land without paying, the 
rest would have to give so much more to make up the 
total demand. This was always the case under the 
Marathas. Under British rule, the revenue once more 
became assessed, not by bargain for a total sum, but 



holding by holding, at an acreage rate according to survey 
and valuation, and lands, specifically iniim, became once 
more distinguished. 

The Patel’s watan land was originally held free, or at 
least free up to a certain percentage ; so was the Kulkarni’s; 
in later times it very commonly became assessed, or was 
made to pay, at any rate, a jodi or quit-rent, which was 
often pretty heavy. There were also some special inam 
holdings of the Patel’s. One was called the pasodi or 
‘shawl grant,’ referring to the Piltel as being the person 
who received the honorary shawl or turban (as the case 
might be) at weddings. Another plot was held for the 
Piitel’s wife, as her coll (i.e. the ‘bodice’ grant). I have 
already mentioned that the Mahar had certain free grants, 
called hadoll, hadkl, and domnl. 

The religious and charitable inam were always among 
the most stable as well as the most important. Even in 
the times when inam privileges were confused or lost 
(in the manner stated) it is probable that the total revenue 
demand was made up with some consideration for the 
continued exemption of such lands. Lands for the temple 
were called devasthan (abode of the god). Others for 
various charitable and religious maintenances, and ap- 
parently for other (public) purposes, were called dharmadai. 

But the mention of the destruction of inam privileges 
(especially as regards the Patel’s watan) by the system 
of revenue farming, reminds me that some peculiar tenures 
have arisen in this way. The Patel being personally liable, 
he would sometimes be driven, as I have above mentioned, 
to sell a share of his own watan to raise money. But 
also he would (on behalf of the whole village) borrow 
money, or obtain it, by an out-and-out sale, from some 
individual, who would then take possession of part of the 
village lands, on the understanding that, in future, he 
was not to pay anything in the way of a contribution to 
the village revenue, which must be made up as best 
it might on the remaining lands. So various lands were 
called ‘ giioh nisbat inam lauds,’ held free ‘ on account of 


2 1 5 

the whole village.’ The State had really nothing to do 
with it, as the Treasury would make no deduction from 
the total dues on this account . 1 

I may conclude this section by giving a short table 
which shows the different heads under which lands were 
actually held — minis, upri or gatkul, inilm, and so forth. 

In three selected villages, the figures of Rabat! will 
at once strike the reader. 


(Area in blghas, fractions omitted.) 

9 — _ — - — — 

Kind of land (a.d. 1852). 




Rahati. 2 


Patel’s special holdiug (watan, etc.) ... 





Miras laud (1) wholly exempt from 
1 Paying haks and 





1 ,, ,, (2) Partly exempt 




^ ,, ,, (3) Not exempt 

Gatkul and ordinary laud 







4,7 V ■i 


Held on inam of various kinds 





Reserved grazing (kuran) 





Waste (gairan ) 





S'eri or State and other land excluded 
from calculation as effective village 




1 In the Gujarat districts we find many lands held in this way (from the whole 
village) under the designation of pasaetuh. This is a Gujarati term which means 
free laud for payment of village servants or for religious and charitable grant : 
it requires a lurther addition to explain what particular purpose is intended. 
Thus we have vechaniya (land sold out-and-out), giraniya (land mortgaged), etc., 
etc. These terms do not occur in the Dakhan Report ; but the idea is the same. 
Someone would advance money and take a pasaetuh (or pasaita) grant from the 
village on the understanding that until the land was redeemed (in case of a mort- 
gage) the holder should not pay any rent or revenue on it ; the villagers must 
make up their revenue total, on the other lands, as best they could. 

2 In Rabat! the Maratha chief who has become Patel has not cared to reserve 
any watan for himself by that name, since he has taken more than half the 
village as paying haks to him. Observe the small area he allows to be held 
as miras, which is wholly or partly free from his haks. The inam area is 
moderate ; I find it made up of necessary holdings for the Kulkami, the Patel 
(perhaps allowed to the working deputy), the Mahar, etc., and for religious and 
charitable objects. Even where the land was nominally miras (5027 B.) the 
chief had made it nearly all pay haks to him. I suspect, too, there is something 
peculiar about the very large area of gairan or uneulturable ; this was probably 
written down so that it might not be assessed to revenue, but was really held for 
the chief’s advantage. 




Detail of the 580 bighas shown as held in Inam, or free of revenue, in village 
Kumbhari in the table No. 1. 

(A) Official ... 

(B) Service 

(C) .Religious 


Held by the district official or ‘ zamindar ’ 

Moslem QazI or law officer 




Mahar (as hadki and hadoli) 

Temple (devasthan) 

dharmadai for a gosawi . . . 

,, for a mosque ... 

sambhawit grihasth (some religious grant 
regarding which I have no detail) 














The QazI is a judicial officer among Moslems, required 
to validate marriages and divorces, to put his seal on deeds 
of sale, etc. He gets fees besides his inam land. 

The dharmadai seems to have been a head under which 
a number of purposes could have been included, such as 
paying for oil to light the cavadl, etc. 

Divisions of the Village Lands; Measurement, etc. 

A few words may be said about some village customs 
preserved in certain local . terms connected with the land- 
measurement and customary division of the village area 

They show, among other things, that in the days of 
Moslem, as well as Maratba rule, in spite of the official 
measurement by bighas (so that every holding was said 
to consist of so many of these) the people remembered an 
earlier customary method of dividing the area for various 
purposes of calculation. The word bigha is no doubt not 
a Persian or Arabic word ; but I have never heard any 
reasonable suggestion as to its real meaning or origin : it 
was certainly first given a definite length and breadth and 
was utilized as an area measure, by the Moslem rulers. 



But in spite of the ‘divine gaz,’ it continued to vary in 
different places. 

The natural land-measures are — (1) those, still traceable 
in Dravidian countries, where a plot was reckoned according 
to the number of ‘baskets’ (or other measures) of seed 
required to sow it. We shall presently notice a survival 
of this in some few villages in the Dakhan. (2) The other 
(and commoner) was to count by ‘ploughs,’ i.e. by areas 
that could be cultivated with one pair of bullocks, or four 
pairs, and so on ; and the ‘ plough ’ was naturally sub- 
divided, where necessary, into ‘ bullocks,’ and sometimes 
still further. 

The Dakhan villages in general were reckoned as con- 
sisting of so many cahiir, or what I may call ‘greater 
ploughs’ (i.e. areas worked by four pairs of bullocks). 
Recognized fractions (ruka) of this were pain or ‘ fourths.’ 
So that a village consisted of so many cahiir or so many 
pain. (An average village might contain 20 c. or 80 p.) 1 
So little had the idea of a fixed area-measure taken hold, 
that in some cases the custom was to reckon the blglm 
as much larger in inferior soil than it was in rich soil. 
This afforded a clumsy method of equalizing the incidence 
of an all-round rate, since a rate ‘ per blghii ’ would really 
mean half or one-third for the actual blgha in one kind 
of soil, and the full rate only on the best soil. 

There were also some interesting traces of old plots (or 
holdings) which are at once distinguished by Dravidian 
names. The survival of these names is quite occasional 
and local ; but the fact that such areas were in memory 
enabled the Marathas, or possibly the later Moslems, when 
they were inclined to depart from a strictly raiyatwarl 
collection, and get in lump sums for the whole village, or 
for some recognized block of lands within it, to make use 
of such old remembered aggregates of fields: and if (as was 
likely) they were, at the time, possessed by a number of 

1 Applying the blgha measurement, it was understood that 30 went to the pain, 
and therefore 120 to the cahiir. 



holders, these would he compelled to arrange among them- 
selves how the total should be contributed or made up. 
Thus we find relics of a mundbandl, i.e. an arrangement 
for assessing in the lump the areas called munch The mund 
was, quite possibly, one of the old divisions of the village 
land, and perhaps one of the primitive allotments for the 
chief, or the gods, or the original settlers. Of course this 
is only a suggested possibility, but the word is certainly 
Dravidian, and is traceable also in Berar . 1 Mr. Gooddine 
reports that iu ‘ many villages ’ was found a method of 
assessment called kilsbandi — an. assessment by areas called 
kits. The writers in the Gazetteer, on the other hand, speak 
of this as rare and quite local, and conclude that it. is an old 
(Dravidian) division of land. The peculiarity seems to have 
been that each kas was a holding made up of bits of different 
kinds of land — a bit of garden land (biigait), of dry crop 
land (jirait), and of waste (gairan), and, in order to equalize 
the rates in their incidence on these different qualities, the 
blgha of the superior laud was small and that of the inferior 
large . 2 

Sometimes a lump sum was assessed on the ‘ plough,’ as 
indicated by the term autband! (aiit = agricultural imple- 
ments in general, and the plough par excellence). There are 
also methods known as thokabandl and thikebandi. Thoka 
implied a lump contract for any fixed area, and probably 
is to be referred to the days when the old overlords had 
established shares and lots, which were made to pay revenue 

1 See also Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xiii, p. 550. There are several words 
connected with mund, e.g. miidi, miida, still used iu the Karnatii country. Muda 
or mura means a certain quantity of grain. Mr. Uooddiue conjectures lias to be 
connected with an Arabic word (|as, but there is no reason for this ; the word qas 
never occurs in any revenue terms whatever. We have the term Mia? and 
mukhasa (niokasa), but these are from khas (and the participial form), meaning 
‘private,’ ‘special,’ ‘reserved,’ etc. In the rare eases where the kas land- 
measure survives, the name is certainly not derived from any Persi- Arabic word. 

2 This, and the fact that several persons might be together holding one of the 
old kas lots, led to the absurd idea that the kasbandi represented a co-sharing 
system of holding like the pattidari of Northern India ! The idea of equalizing 
holdings by artificial measures, such as making the bigha small for good land and 
large for inferior, is found in Northern India, not in pattidari, but in other 
forms of village ; hut it is a perfectly natural device for equalization, and is not 
connected necessarily with any system of joint-holding. 



by subsequent rulers. Thikebandl is also a fixed assessment 
for the smaller share or thika. Perhaps it has no reference 
to minis land, but only to an assessment field by field in 
general, as opposed to a method of varying soil rates, or to 
assessment in the lump. 

We may conclude, then, that though at an early date 
a superior tenure of village lands, in shares, existed in the 
Dakhan, it represented no primeval ‘communal’ tenure: it 
was an overlordship over still more ancient (Dravidian) 
villages of separate family holdings, presided over by a 
hereditary village chief : the artizan staff was probably an 
equally ancient feature. A number of circumstances com- 
bined to cause the old ‘superior ’ holdings to survive, though 
in a very modified form. These circumstances, in time, 
ceasing to exist, the superior holdings were only remembered 
in name ; aud the uniform ‘ survey-tenure ’ for all village 
lands has become naturally established. Of course, it still 
happens that sometimes the recorded survey-tenant is 
‘superior occupant,’ and that he has an actual tenant 
under him. But the Dakhan tenures have never given 
rise to those vexed * tenant-right ’ questions which have 
invariably accompanied the regular landlord- village tenures 
of the North. 


Art. XI. — Notes on Ala hk dr a Literature. By Colonel 
G. A. Jacob, Indian Staff Corps. 


Tub Alahkdrasdstra may be said to bear somewhat the same 
relation to the Plays and Poems that the Vedanta system 
does to the TJpanishads, aud the student of that general 
literature is not fully equipped without it. The most 
popular and probably the most generally useful work of this 
class is the Kdvyaprakdsa , l and the main object of this paper 
is to assist the unlearned by indicating as far as possible 
the sources from which its illustrations were drawn. As, 
however, much of its material was derived from older 
treatises of the same kind, it will be desirable in the first 
instance to notice them very briefly in chronological order, 
especially as no such epitome exists at present ; aud in doing 
so I shall not only draw from my own resources, but also 
endeavour to bring: together valuable items of information 
scattered about in Reports, Prefaces, Periodicals, and such- 
like literature not always easy of access. The first section 
of the paper will, therefore, be devoted to Notes on the 
date and authorship of the Kdvyaprakdsa, and on the 
treatises which preceded it ; and before that work itself is 
dealt with I hope to give the hitherto unpublished text of 
Udbhata’s short treatise, to which reference is made below. 

The authorship of the Kdvyaprakdsa has generally been 
attributed to Mammata, but we have now conclusive evidence 
that a small portion of it was contributed by another writer. 
The perusal of a manuscript of the Kdvyaprakdsa nidarsana 

1 The references in this paper are to the Calcutta edition of 1866. 



led Professor Peterson, 1 in the first instance, to notice the 
fact of joint authorship; but his first impression was that 
the karikas were by Mammata, and the vrtti, or comment, 
which accompanies them, by another. Subsequent research, 
however, made it clear that Mammata composed the whole 
work as far as the definition of the ornament styled Parikara, 
and that it was then completed by an author whose name 
was at first supposed to be Alaka, but is now clearly 
established as Allata. For this last piece of information 
we are indebted to Dr. Stein, the Principal of the Oriental 
College at Lahore, who, after discussing the question in the 
Introduction to his fine Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. in the 
Maharaja of Kashmir’s Jammu Collection, concludes as 
follows: — “In order to complete the case for Allata as the 
real name of the continuator of the Kdvyaprakasa , it suffices 
for me to point out that, according to the statements of 
Pandits Govind Kaul and Sahajabhatta, this form of the 
name is the only one known to the tradition of the Kash- 
mirian Pandits, to whom the double authorship of the 
Kdvyaprakasa is otherwise perfectly familiar.” As to 
Mammata’s date, Dr. Biihler, writing in 1877 after his 
famous tour in Kashmir, was disposed to place him after 
Jayaratha, the author of the AlakkdravimarUni, whom he 
assigned to the end of the twelfth century. 2 A closer 
examination of this work, however, showed that view to be 
impossible, since it refers to Mammata three times by name 
and seven times as the ‘ Kavyaprakasakrt,’ whilst quotations 
from his treatise abound. Writing in 1884, Dr. Peterson 
came to the conclusion that Mammata must be put in the 
beginning of the twelfth century ; and, in an article contri- 
buted to the Indian Antiquary in December of the following 
year, Dr. Biihler assented to this. As for Jayaratha, I think 
wo must place him even later than the end of the twelfth 
century; for, in the Vimartini (p. 64 of Bombay edition), 

1 See Extra Numbers of Journal of Bombay Branch R.A.S. for 18S3 and 
1884, and Indian Antiquary for January, 1884. 

2 Kashmir Report, p. 68. 



he quotes from the Prthvirdjarijaya, a work “ describing the 
victories of the famous Chahumana king Prthvlraja of 
Ajmlr and DilhI, who fell in 1193 a.d.” ( Kashmir Report, 

p. 62). 

The A lahkara dinar kini is a commentary on the Alahkara- 
sarvasva of Ruyyaka, a writer whose date is extremely 
puzzling. lie is supposed to be the Ruyyaka referred to in 
chap, xxv of the Srikanthacarita as the teacher of its author 
Mahkha (or Mahkhaka), and to have lived in the first half 
of the twelfth century ; and yet, when illustrating the figure 
samasokti (‘ modal metaphor’), he quotes the Rajatarahgini 
(iv, 441), a work which was not completed until about 1151 
a.d . 1 Again, Ruyyaka’s work contains five verses of the 
Srikanthacarita 2 (viz., ii, 49 on page 21 ; vi, 70 on page 87 ; 
and v, 23, vi, 16, x, 10 on page 90) — in other words, the guru 
apparently quotes the sishya, a very unlikely proceeding. 
IIow is it to be explained P In the early part of the 
A/ahkarasarmsva, the author quotes four stanzas, in praise 
of Siva, from a poem of his own named Srikanthastam, and 
probably the whole had reference to some of the doings of 
that god. Would it be beyond the bounds of possibility to 
suppose that the pupil borrowed from it the five verses in 
question for his own poem ? Unacknowledged borrowing is 
by no means unknown in Sanskrit literature. 

Another possible solution is that only the sutras of the 
Alaiikarasarvasva are Ruyyaka’s, and that the vrtti was 
written by the pupil Hankha, who in that case quoted 
from his own poem. The only foundation, however, for 
this is a HS. of the Alaiikarasarvasva described in Burnell’s 
Tanjore Catalogue and attributed to Mankhuka (sic), who 
in his opening verse ascribes the sutras to his guru — 
“ Gurvalankarasutranam vrttya tatparyam ucyate. ” A 
vyakhyana to this, by an anonymous writer, also assigns 
the text to Mankhuka. There is still another difficulty in 
regard to the relative position of Ruyyaka and Mammata. 

1 S. P. Pandit’s Gaudavaho, p. cxciii. 

2 For a short description of this, see Kashmir Report, p. 50. 



Neither refers to the other bj r name, and yet they have 
thirty-three verses in common, which I can trace to no 
other source. If it were absolutely certain that Ruyyaka 
is the same as Ituchaka, the author of a commentary on 
the Kavyaprakasa, we should, of course, have to give the 
priority to Mammata, and also credit him with the author- 
ship of the thirtj r -three stanzas if still untraceable to 
other sources ; but the supposed identity seems mainly 
to depend on the correctness of the colophon to the 
Safirdayalila. 1 

The old writers on Alahkara quoted in the Kavyaprakasa, 
and whose works are, with a few exceptions, still extant, 
are the following : — 

1. Dandin. Sixth century a.d. His Kavyddarsa is 

probably the oldest existing work on Poetics, and is 
universally quoted. The rules and examples are supposed 
to be his own, with the single exception of ii, 362 (found 
also in part in ii, 226), which is taken from the 
Mrcchakatika ; yet even this stanza is ascribed to him by 
Induraja when citing it in his commentary on Udbhata. 
The following verse of Piljasekhara’s (according to 
Sarhgadharapaddhati ) makes Dandin the author of three 
famous works : — 

“ Trayo ’gnayas trayo Vedas trayo devils trayo gunah 
Trayo Dandiprabandhas ca trishu lokeshu vis rut ah.” 

One of the three is, of course, the KavyadaHa, and another 
the DaSakumaracarita, hut the third has been the subject 
of speculation ; it is certainly not the Mallik Amanita , 
however, which is by some attributed to him. Dr. 
Pischel, in his valuable Introduction to Rudrabhatta’s 
Sriigaratilaka , 2 lias propounded the ingenious theory that 
the third work is no other than the Mrcchakatika itself, 
and he has certainly made out a strong case in its favour. 

1 See Dr. Pischel’s edition (188G). 

2 This and the tSahrdayalitd form one volume. 



2. Bhamaha. No complete work of this writer now 
remains, and we are ignorant of his exact date. We 
know, however, that he is older than Udbhata, who wrote 
a commentary styled Bhdmaharivarana on some treatise of 
his. His writings are constantly quoted, and I have met 
with the following extracts from them in later authors 
down to Mammata : — 

(a) In Anandavardhana’s Dhvanydloka (p. 208 of Bombay 

edition) : 

“ Saishii sarvatra vakroktir anayartho vibhavyate 
Yatuo ’syaiii kavina karyah ko ’lankaro ’naya vina.” 

( b ) In Ahhinavagupta’s Dhvanydlokalocana (Bombay edition) : 

Page 10. “ Sabdas chandobhidhanarthah.” 

Page 38 — 

“ Neyaiii virauti bhrngall madena mukharii muhuh 
Ayam akrshyamanasya kandarpadhanusho dhvanih.” 

This is quoted anonymously, but is ascribed to Bhamaha 
in Sub/iashitavali, 1644. 

Page 40. “ Grheshvadhvasu va nannam bhunjmahe 


Page 90. “Anyariipam yat tat sahoktyupamahetu- 
nirdesat trividham.” 

Page 182 — 

“ Svadukavyarasonmisraiii vakyartham upabhunjate 
Prathamalidhamadhavah pibanti katubheshajam.” 

(c) In Induraja’s commentary on Udbhata, under vidarsana : 

“Ayam mandadjmtir bhiisvan astaih pratiyiyasati 
Udayah. patanayeti srlmato bodhayan naran.” 

Again, under the ornament b/mvika : 

“ Citrodattadbhutarthatvaiii kathayam svabhinltata 
Sabdanakulata ceti tasya hetun pracakshate.” 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 




Also, when explaining kdvyalinga : 

“ Yrttadevadicaritam sasi cotpadya vastu ca 
Kalasastrasrayam ceti caturdha bhidyate punah.” 

( d ) In his commentary on Rudrata’s Kavyalahkara, viii, 81, 

Namisadhu quotes Bhiiraaha’s definition of the 
figure arthantaranyasa, viz. : 

“ Arthadvayasya nyasah so ’rthantaranyasah.” 

( e ) In Bhojaraja’s Sarasvatlkanthdbharana (p. 226), under 

utprekshopama, occurs the following verse, which the 
Sitb/ids/iifavali ascribes to Bhamaha : 

“ Kimsukavyapadesena tarum aruhya sarvatah 
Dagdhadagdham aranyaulm pasyativa vibhavasuh.” 

(/) The three stanzas quoted by Mammata at the beginning 
of his sixth chapter are attributed to Bhamaha by the 
commentator Sarasvatltlrtha. Pandit Mahesacandra 
wrongly ascribes them to the Dhvanikara. 

3. TJdbhnta. We owe to Dr. Biihler 1 the recovery of one 
of the works of this Kashmirian writer, whom he assigns to 
the time of King Jayaplda (779-813 A.n.), namely, his 
Alahkdrasarasnngraha, with the Commentary of Pratihara 
Induraja. It consists of about 175 stanzas, divided into 
six chapters, devoted to the explanation of the following 41 
alahkaras : — 

Chap. i. Punaruktavadabhilsa, Chekanuprasa, Anuprasa 
(subdivided into Parushil, Upanagarikii, and 
Gramya Yrtti), Latanuprasa, Rupaka, Dlpaka 
(adi, madhya, and anta), Upama, Prutivas- 

Chap. ii. Akshepa, Arthantaranyasa, Vyatireka, Yibhavana, 
Samasokti, Atisayokti. 

1 Sec his Kashmir Report published as Extra Number of Journal of Bombay 
Branch of R.A.S. in 1877. 



Chap. iii. Yathasankhya, Utpreksha, Svabhavokti. 

Chap. iv. Preyasvat, Rasavat, Urjasvi, Paryiiyokta, Samahita, 
Udiltta, Slishta. 

Chap . v. Apahnuti, Yiseshokti, Yirodha, Tulvayogita, 
Aprastutaprasarhsa, Vyajastuti, Yidarsanii, 
Sankara (with four subdivisions), Upameyopama, 
Sahokti, Parivrtti (with three subdivisions). 

Chap. vi. Sasandeha, Ananvaya, Saihsrshti, Bhiivika, Kiivya- 
lihga, Kavyadrshtanta. 

From the title of this treatise it has been supposed to be 
an abridgment of the author’s larger work Bhamaharirarana 
referred to above, from which Induraja quotes the following 
verse when explaining rupaka : — 

“ Ekadesasya vigame ya gunantarasamstutih, 
Yiseshaprathanayasau viseshoktir mata yatha.” 

The verse is quoted too by Abhinavagupta in his Locana 
(p. 38), though anonymously ; but on page 40 of the same 
work he criticizes a statement of the “ Yivaranakrt,” by 
which he most probably alludes to the author of the 
Bhdmahavivarana , which he mentions on page 159. 

When explaining Udbhata’s upama in chapter i of the 
Alankarasarasangraha, Induraja tells us that the examples 
in that treatise were taken by the author from a poem of his 
own entitled Kumarasambhava. 

4. Sri-Sankuka. This writer is referred to on page 42 
of the Kavyaprakasa, and the verse “ Durvarah smaramar- 
ganah,” on page 319, is ascribed to him in the Subhashit avail 
and Sarnyadharapaddhati. If he is the poet mentioned in 
Rajatara'nginl, iv, 705 (Bombay edition), as the author of the 
poem Bhuvanabhyudaya, he must have lived during the reign 
of King Ajitapida, whose time is fixed by S. P. Pandit at 
about 816 a.d . 1 It would be extremely interesting if this 

1 Preface to Gaudavaho, p. lxxsvii, and Peterson’s SubJidshituvalJ, p. 127- 



poem were forthcoming. In 1877 one of Dr. Bidder's 
pandits obtained a clue to the existence of a copy, but did 
not succeed in persuading “ the ignorant owner ” to produce 
it ! It is not included in Dr. Stein’s recent catalogue of 
MSS. in the royal Library at Jammu, and it is possible that 
no other copies exist. 

5. Vamana. This writer’s work, the Kavyalahkarasutras , 
with a Vrtti by himself, is well known. An edition was 
brought out several years ago by Dr. Capeller, who assigned 
it to the twelfth century; but this view has been shown by 
Dr. Biihler to be untenable, inasmuch as it is quoted by 
Abhinavagupta, who wrote in the early part of the eleventh 
century. He says 1 : — “This quotation makes it impossible 
to place Vamana later than the middle of the tenth century. 
But I am inclined to give credence to the tradition of the 
Kashmirian Pandits that he was the Vamana whom Jayaplda 
employed as one of his ministers.” This would, of course, 
make him contemporary with Udbhata. Dr. Pischel has 
pointed out that we have, at any rate, fairly strong proof of 
his being anterior to Anandavardhana (ninth century) ; for 
that writer’s Dhvanydloka contains a verse (“ Anuragavati 
sandhva,” etc.) which the commentator Abhinavagupta tells 
us was composed by the author himself with reference to the 
conflicting views of Bhamaha and Vamana. The stanza in 
question and the gloss on it are found on page 37 of the 
Bombay edition. 2 In a verse at the end of his fourth 
udhikarana Vamana states that his illustrations were partly 
his own and in part drawn from other sources. If that 
given under sittra 4, 3, 4 (“ Lavanyasindhuparaiva hi keyam 
atra,” etc.) belonged to the former class, then we should 
have undoubted proof of his priority to Anandavardhana, 
who has taken it to illustrate his kdrikd, iii, 35 ; and if we 
might include in the same class the stanza “ Gaganaiii 
gaganakaram,” etc., which stands under sutra 4, 3, 14, then 
wc could place him even before Udbhata, for the second line 

1 Kashmir Report, p. 65. 

2 Nirnayusngara Press, 1891. 



of that stanza is quoted by Kurailrila in his Tantravartika, 
1, 4, 5 (page 298 of Benares edition). This great philo- 
sopher lived before Sankaracarya, whose death is believed 
to have taken place in 820 a.d. (Indian Antiquary for June, 
1882) ; and mv learned friend Mr. K. B. Pathak would put 
him in the first half of the eight h century. The point is 
ably discussed in his valuable lecture, “ Bhartrihari and 
Kumarila,” delivered before the Bombay Branch of the 
HAS. in June, 1892. 

6. Anandavardhana. This writer is assigned by Dr. Bidder 
to the middle of the ninth century, on the strength of 
JRdJafarangini, v, 34, which makes him one of the ornaments 
at the court of Avantivarma (855-884 a.d.). Dr. Pischel, 
however, has pointed out two passages in which the com- 
mentator Abhinavagupta (1000 a.d.) seems to speak of him 
as one of his teachers, but I do not think that this is at all 
certain. lie is the author of several works, but that which 
immediately concerns us is the Dhranydloka (called also 
Kdryatoka and Sahn/ayd/oka), a good edition of which, with 
the commentary, was prepared by Panclit Durgaprasiid, and 
published in 1891. It consists of a rrtti on certain karikas 
which treat solely of dhvani, or ‘ suggested meaning.’ The 
commentator carefully distinguishes between the karikakara 
and vrttikara (see pp. 59, 60, 122, 123), which shows that 
the former is a different and older writer. Mammata, too, 
who quotes Anandavardhana frequently, distinguishes him 
from the writer of the karikas, whom he styles ‘ dhvanikara.’ 
For instances of this see pp. 108 and 109 of Mahesacandra’s 
edition. On p. 202, however, Mammata ascribes to the 
dhvanikara a verse which, in our edition of Dhranydloka, is 
incorporated in the rrtti. So, too, is the verse “ sa vaktum 
akhilan saktah,” etc., which Jayaratha attributes to the 
dhvanikrt on p. 119 of his Alankaravimarsini. Kshemendra, 
on the other hand, in the Aucityavicaracarca (p. 134 of 
Kavyamald for 1886) makes Anandavardhana responsible for 
karika iii, 24 ; and, if I understand Abhinavagupta aright, 
he does the same thing with regard to iii, 54. Excluding 
Amaru, Kalidasa, Bharavi, Magha, Yyasa, Yalmiki, and 



Sriharsha, the following authors and works are quoted by 
Anandavardhana, in many cases anonymously: — 

Arjunacarita (by himself), 
148, 176. 

Udbhata, 96, 108. 
KadambarT, 87. 
Gathasaptasatl, 16, 112, 113, 
119, 158, 212. 

Tapasavatsaraja (a drama in 
six Acts ?), 151. 
Dharmaklrti, 216, 217. 
Pancatantra (i, 45), 49. 
Panini (so Subhash.), 35. 
Bhatta Buna, 100. 

Bharata, 147, 150, 163, 181. 
Bharvu (so Sarnga.), or ) gg 
Bhascu (so Subhash.) j 
Bhallata, 53, 218. 

Bhamaha, 39, 207. 
Madhumathanavijaya, 152. 
Manoratha (so Com.), 9. 
Mahanataka, 61, 90, 153. 

Ramabhyudaya (by Yaso- 
varma), 133, 148. 

Vamana, 205. 

Yishamabanallla (in Prakrta, 
by himself), 62, 111, 152, 

Venisamhara, 80, 81, 150, 

Sakavrddhi (so Subhash.), 99. 

Srngarasataka, 234. 

Sarvasena (author of Ilari- 
vijaya), If 8. 

Satavahana, 145. 

Suryasataka, 92, 99. 

Setu (=Setubandha), 87. 

Harivijaya (Prakrta), 127, 

Harshacarita, 99, 100, 101, 

Hitopadesa, 166. 

The verse quoted twice from Bhallata is ascribed to 
Induraja in the Sarngadharapaddhati (1052), and to Yaso- 
varma in Subhashitacali (947). It occurs, however, in 
Alahlaravimarsini (p. 108) in immediate connection with 
two others of Bhallata’s, and there is no reason to doubt that 
it is his. On the other hand, the stanza “Ami ye drsyante,” 
etc., which stands as number 68 in the edition of Bhal- 
latasataka ( Kavymnald , 1887), is distinctly claimed by 
Anandavardhana (p 218) as his own (‘ mamaiva ’) com- 
position ! On pages 96, 101, 110, 226, and 246 are six 
other verses which he appropriates in the same way. That 
on page 110 (“ Lavanyakanti,” etc.) is cited anonymously 
by Dhanika 1 (Hall’s Da&arupa , p. 168), and by Induraja 

1 This is a valuable aid to the determination of his age. 



near the end of his commentary on Udbhata. In the 
Subhdxhitdvali this stanza is wrongly attributed to 

Another treatise of Anandavardliana’s is mentioned by 
the commentator. Near the close of the third chapter, 
the former says : “ yat tvanirdesyatvam sarvalakshanavishaye 
Bauddhannm prasiddhaiii tat tanmataparlkshayam gran- 
th an tare nirupayishyamah.” On which the commentator 
remarks : “ Granthiintara iti Viniscayatikdydm Dharmo- 

ttanidydm ya vivrtir amuna granthakrta krtii tatraiva tad 
vyakhyatara.” The work in question, therefore, seems to 
be a gloss on one named Dhannottama, itself a comment 
on one styled Viniscaya (?). Our author also wrote a 
Devtkataka, from which Mammata has quoted four stanzas. 
It was published in 1S93 (in the Kavyamala) with a Ilka 
by Kayyata, written, as he tells us, in Kali 4078 = 978 a.d. 
(see editor’s footnote). On pages 34, 130, 137, 147, and 
104 of Dhvanydloka, Anandavardhana has given what he 
terms ‘ parikaras/okah,’ or ‘ ancillary verses,’ an expression 
which I have not met with elsewhere. It is thus defined 
by Abhinavagupta : “ Parikarartham karikarthasyadhikava- 
paiii kartum slokah parikaraslokah.” The verse “Akrandah 
stanitair,” etc., which is ascribed to Anandavardhana in 
Sub/iashitava/i 1776, is found on p. 92 of the Dhvanydloka. 
The publication of this treatise has dispelled the idea of 
a “ lost geographical work ” by Bitna, which was entertained 
by two of my learned friends in consequence of a bad 
reading in a MS. The passage in question is correctly 
given on page 100, and refers to a description of the 
country of Sthanvlsvara in Bana’s Harshacarita (p. 108 of 
Bombay edition 1 ), from which a quotation is given. 

7. Rudrala. This author, who bears the name of Sata- 
nanda also, is now well known to us by his excellent work 
entitled Kdcydlahkara, published in Bombay, with Nami- 
sadhu’s commentary, in 1886. It was described by Dr. 
Biihler in his Kashmir Report (p. 67) as follows: — “The 

1 Nirnayasagara Press, 1892. 



Kavyalankara is a work which not only treats of the 
alahkaras, but contains, like Dandin’s Kdvyadarsa, a com- 
plete view of tbe Indian speculations on poetical composi- 
tions. It gives many details which are left out in other 
books. It is divided into sixteen adhyayas , and written in 
the Arya metre. The quotations illustrating the rules are 
numerous, but in no case bas the source been given.” There 
can be little doubt that Rudrata, like Dandin and Udbhata, 
composed his own rules and illustrations. 

Professor Peterson has given a very appreciative 
account of tbe Kavyalankara in an extra number of 
the Journal of the Bombay Branch of B.A.S. for 1883. 
Dr. Buhler had assigned its author to the latter half of the 
eleventh century, but Dr. Peterson showed good grounds 
for placing him rather in the middle of the tenth. Three 
years later, in his edition of the Srngaratilaka referred to 
above, Dr. Pischel argued that it was impossible to give him 
a later date than the middle of the ninth century, and this 
certainly seems the most probable. He, with some other 
scholars, considers the Rudrabhatta of the Srngaratilaka 
to be identical with Rudrata, an identity which was not 
admitted by Pandit Durgaprasad, who brought out an 
edition of that work in 1887. 

The alahkaras, etc., explained by Rudrata are given 
below. It will be seen that some of them are not found 
at all in the Kdcyaprakasa, whilst others appear there under 
different names. To the former class belong the ornaments 
tadcan, pihita, purva, bhava, and mat a. Of the latter, atimatra 
may possibly represent Mammata’s atisayokti, though both 
appear separately in Sarasvatikanihahharana. The ornament 
avasara, which occurs under the same title in Vdgbhatd- 
lahkara, iv, 124, corresponds with the uddtta of Mamma ta, 
who has reproduced Rudrata’s illustration. The ornament 
tali (found, too, in Vagbhata and Bhoja) is identical with 
the svabhavokti of the Kavyaprakiisa ; and both names are 
given by Dandin in ii, 8. Lesa is equivalent to ryajastuti, 
as is directly stated by Dandin (ii, 208) and Bhoja (iv, 50). 
Lastly, hetu is synonymous with Mammata’s kavyalihga. 



Atiraatra (dosha), xi, 17. 

Atisaya (12 varieties; see 
arthalankara), ix, 1-55. 

Adbhutarasa, xv, 9, 10. 

Adhika, ix, 26-29. 

Adhikaslesha, x, 7, 8. 

Anuprasa (5 varieties ; Prau- 
dha = Ojas), ii, 18-32. 

Anyokti, viii, 74, 75. 

Anyonya, vii, 91, 92. 

Apahetu (dosha), xi, 3, 4. 

Apahnuti, viii, 57, 58. 

Apratlta (dosha), xi, 5. 

Aprasiddhi (dosha), x, 34, 35. 

Ariha (comprises dravya, 
guna, kriyd, jati), vii, 1-8. 

Arthadosha (nine kinds), xi, 

Arthantaranyasa, viii, 79-84. 

Arthalankara (vdstaca, aupa- 
mya, atisaya, and slesha ), 
vii, 9. 

Avayavaslesha, x, 18, 19. 

Avasara ( = TJdatta), vii, 103- 

Aviseshaslesha, x, 3, 4. 

Asaiigati, ix, 48, 49. 

Asambaddha (dosha), xi, 8. 

Asambhava (dosha), xi, 32, 

Asambhavaslesha, x, 16, 17. 

Ahetu, ix, 54, 55. 

Akshepa, viii, 89-91. 

Akhyayikalakshana, xvi, 24— 

Uttara, vii, 93-95 ; viii, 72, 

Utpreksha, viii, 32-37 ; ix, 

Upama, viii, 4-31. 
Ubhayanyasa, viii, 85, 86. 

Ekavall, vii, 109-111. 

Aupamya (21 varieties), viii, 

1 - 110 . 

Kathiilakshana, xvi, 20—23. 
Karunarasa, xv, 3, 4. 
Karanamala, vii, 84, 85. 

Grilmya (dosha), xi, 9-1 1. 

Citra, v, 1-33. 

Jati (alahkara), vii, 30-33. 

Tattvaslesha, x, 20, 21. 
Tadguna, ix, 22-25. 

Tadvau, xi, 15, 16. . 

Dlpaka, vii, 64-71. 
Drshtanta, viii, 94-96. 

Nay aka (described!, xii, 7-12. 
Nayika (described), xii, 16-40. 
Niragama (dosha), xi, 6. 

Parikara, vii, 72-76. 
Parivrtti, vii, 77, 78. 
Parisankhya, vii, 79-81. 
Paryaya — paryayokta, vii, 

Uktislesha, x, 14, 15. 



Pihita, ix, 50, 51. 

Piirva, viii, 97, 98 ; ix, 3, 4. 
Pratipa, viii, 76-78. 
Pratyanlka, viii, 92, 93. 

Budhayan (dosha), xi, 7. 
Bibhatsarasa, xv, 5, 6. 

Bhayiinakarasa, xv, 7, 8. 
Bhava (alankara), vii, 38-41. 
Bhashabhedith (Prakrta, San- 
skrta, MagadhI, PaisacI, 
SaurasenI, Apabhramsa), 

ii, 11, 12. 

Bhrantiman, viii, 87, 88. 

Mata (alankara), viii, 69-71. 
Mahakavyalakshana, xvi, 

Mllita, vii, 106-108. 

Yathasahkhya, vii, 34-37. 
Yamaka, iii, 1-59. 

Hit i (1 ,samdmvati=V&nch\\\\, 
Latlva, Gaudiya ; 2, asa- 
masa — Yaidarbhi), ii, 4-6. 
Rupaka, viii, 38-56. 
Kaudrarasa, xv, 13, 14. 

Laghukavya (defined), xvi, 
33, 34. 

Lesa (alankara), vii, 100, 

Vakrokti (kaku and sleslia), 
ii, 13-17. 

Vakyadosbah, vi, 40-47. 

Yakyalakshana, ii, 7-10. 
Yiistava (23 varieties), vii, 
10 - 111 . 

Vipralambhasrhgara (four- 
fold), xiv, 1-34. 
Vibhavana, ix, 16-21. 

Yirasa (dosha), xi, 12-14. 
Virodha, ix, 30-44. 
Virodhaslesha, x, 5, 6. 
Virodhabhasa, x, 22, 23. 
Yisesba, ix, 5-10. 

Vishama, vii, 47-55 ; ix, 

Ylrarasa, xv, 1, 2. 

Vrtti (samasavatl, asarnasa), 
ii, 3. 

Yaishamya (dosha), xi, 29-31. 
Vyatireka, vii, 86-90. 
Yyaghata, ix, 52, 53. 
Yyajaslesha, x, 11-13. 

Sabdadosbiih, vi, 1-39. 

Sabd ii 1 an kii ra h (Yak rok t i , 

Anupriisa, Yamaka, Sleslia, 
Citra), ii, 13. 

Santarasa, xv, 15, 16. 
Srngararasa, xii, 5, 6. 
Srngarabbasa, xiv, 36. 

Sleslia, iv, 1-35 ; x, 1-23. 

Saihsaya, viii, 59-66. 
Sankara, x, 25-29. 
Samasokti, viii, 67, 68. 
Samuccaya, vii, 19-29 ; viii, 
103, 104. 

Sambbogasnigara, xiii, 1-17. 
Sabokti, vii, 13-18 ; viii, 99- 
102 . 



Saniya (= Samunya), viii, Smarana, via, 109, 110. 

Sara, vii, 96, 97. Hasyarasa, xv, 11, 12. 

Sukshma, vii, 98, 99. Hetu (alahkara), vii, 82, 83. 

8. Induraja, or Pratihdrendurdja, is placed by Dr. Pischel 
iu the middle of the tenth century. lie was a pupil of 
the alankara-writer Mukula ; and, if he is identical 
with Abhinavagupta’s teacher, his father’s name was 
Srlbhutiraja. 1 The only complete work of his now 
extant is the commentary, just referred to, on Udbhata’s 
Alaiikdrasdrasangraha ; but numerous stanzas are assigned 
to him by later writers. In his commentary he quotes 
Dandin’s Karyadarsa, Bhamaha, Udbhata’s Bitamaha- 
vivarana, Yamana, the Dhvauikara, Dhvauydloka, liudrata’s 
Kavy alahkara, Patanjali (as Curnlkara), Pancatantra, 
Amaru, and the J [ahdnafaka. The following verses, too, are 
found there, and I can trace them to no other source. 

(a) On page 118 of Biihler’s MS. : 

“ Murarinirgata nuuam mu-akaparipanthinl 
Tavapi miirdhni gaiigeva cakradhara patishyati.” 
Buyyaka quotes this anonymously in his A/aiikdratsarrasva 
(p. 203). 

(b) On page 149 : 

“ Kopiid ekatalaghatanipatanmattadantinah 
Harer harinayuddheshu kiyan vyakshepavistarah.” 
This stanza is quoted by ISamisadhu on Kdvydlahkdra, vi, 9. 

(c) On page 162 : 

“ Yivakshyam avivakshyam ca vastvalahkiiragocare 
Yacyarii dhvanau vivakshyam tu sabdasaktirasaspade. 

Bhedashatke caturdha yad vacyam uktarn vivakshitam 
Svatahsambhavi va tat syad athava praudhinirmitam. 

Dasa bheda dhvaner ete vimsatih padavakyatah 
PradhanavadgunTbhute vyangye prayena te tatha.” 

1 Kashmir Report, p. 80. 



9. Bhatta Ndyaka. If this is the man referred to in 
Rdjatarahgini, v, 159 (Bombay edition), as suggested by 
Dr. Peterson, in his Introduction to the Subhashitavali, 
he must have flourished during the reign of Avantivarma’s 
son, that is, about 884 a.d. We know, at any rate, that 
he was older than Abhinavagupta, who alludes to him on 
p. 33 of his Dhvanyalokalocana, and quotes him on pp. 15, 
19, 21, 27, 29, 63, and 67 of the same. It will be seen 
below that Ruyyaka, too, names hitn as an authority on 
p. 9 of the Alakkarasarvasva ; and the commentator appears 
to quote from him when explaining that passage. He is 
included in our list of old writers because Mammata refers 
to him in his fourth chapter (p. 43) ; but whether he was 
further indebted to him or not, it is impossible to say. 
Mammata mentions also Bhatta Lollata, who is otherwise 
unknown to us. 

10. Abhinavagupta. We have here, to quote Dr. Biihler, 
“ the great Saiva philosopher who wrote in the last quarter 
of the tenth and in the first half of the eleventh century. 
Like many other holy men of the East, he did not disdain 
secular poetry, and gained as great a reputation in the 
alamkdrasdstra as in the saivadarsana. His work on poetics, 
the Lochana, is a very profound and difficult commentary 
on Anandavardhana’s Dhvanydloka .” Only three chapters 
of it have been found, and they were edited with the 
Dhvanydloka by Pandit Durgaprasad in 1891. The com- 
mentary is more difficult than the text which it professes 
to elucidate, and is practically an independent display of 
learning on the part of the philosopher. He names as his 
teachers Utpala, Tauta, and Induraja. The first-mentioned, 
whom he calls paraimguru and quotes from on p. 30, was 
the author of the pratyabhijndmtra , and is quoted, too, by 
Kshemendra in each of his three treatises— Kavikanthdbharana, 
Suvrttatilaka, and Ancity avicuracarcd. The stanza, “ Ahau 
va hare va,” etc. (cited also on p. 59 of Kavyaprakasa) , which 
is ascribed to Utpala by Kshemendra, stands as one of the 
verses of Bhartrhari’s Vairagya§ataka. The teacher Tauta 
is quoted on p. 29, and is referred to again on p. 178 as the 



author of a work named Kavyakautuka, on which Abhinava- 
gupta himself wrote a commentary. Induriija, however, is 
the teacher most frequently quoted, and citations from him 
are found on pages 25, 43, 116, 160, 207, and 223. That on 
p. 43 has been wrongly attributed to Bhallata, and appears 
as verse 102 of his Pataka. The only genuine quotation 
from the Pataka that I have found in the Loeann is the 
verse “ Ktat tasva mukhat,” etc., which is cited on p. 292 of 
the Kdvyaprakiisa also. The editor of Bhallata was therefore 
hardly correct in saying “ Srlmad-Abhinavaguptacaryenasya 
satakasya bahavah slokii Locanakhyayam Dhvanyalokavya- 
khyayam udahrtah santi.” 1 The high esteem in which 
Induraja was held by his learned pupil is evidenced by the 
epithet ‘ vidvatkavisahrdayacakravartin,’ which is applied to 
him on p, 160 ! Four times in this commentary, namely, 
on pages 123, 174, 185, and 215, Abhinavagupta controverts 
some view that had been put forth by an earlier writer 
belonging to his own family, and he concludes his criticism 
in each case with the remark, “ ity alain nijapurvajasagotraih 
sakam utadena ,” or words of like import. In the third 
instance he calls this person the caudrikakara, and refers to 
him again under that name on p. 178. In addition to 
Amaru, Kalidasa, Jaimini, Dandin, Srlharshadeva, Bhar- 
trhari, Rajasekhara, Yyasa, Yaraana, and N a ray an a 
( Ycnlsanihara), the following are quoted in the Locana : — 

Arjunacarita, 176. 

Udbhata, 10, 26, 36, 38, 39, 
40, 41, 42, 107, 207. 

Kadambarlkathasara (men- 
tioned, and ascribed to 
Bhatta Jayantaka, though 
his son Abhinanda is the 
reputed author), 142. 

Kavyakautuka (mentioned), 

Kumarila’s Tantravartika, 53, 

Kumarila’s Slokavartika, 47, 

Candaka (so Subhash.), 75. 
Tatrabhavan (?), 171. 
Tatrabhavan ( = Vakyapa- 
dlya), 187. 

Tapasavatsaraj ana taka, 150, 
165, 173. 

1 Kavyamala, part iv, 1887, p. 140. 



Dhanika (?), 12. 

Nyiiyasutra, 177. 

Bhatta Jayaataka, 142. 

Bbatta Nay aka, 15, 19, 21, 
27,’ 29, 63, 67. 

Bkallatasataka, 42. 

Bbaguri (mentioned), 175. 

Bliamaha, 10, 38, 40, 91, 
182, 209. 

Bbamakavivarana, 38, 159. 

Manoratka (contemporary of 
Anandavardhana), 9. 

‘Mamaiva’ (without naming 
any work), 36, 40, 43, 75, 
■84, 94, 117, 179. 

Matangadivakara (so Su- 
bhash.), 44. 

Muni (=Bharata), 26, 29, 
66, 75, 138, 143, 146, 149, 
150, 172, 174, 177, 178, 
182. [In the first and 
fourth instances the quo- 
tation is anonymous.] 

Yasovarman (author of Rama- 
bhyudaya), 148. 

Ramabhyudaya, 132, 148. 

Rudrata’s Kavyalankara, 45. 

Vatsarajacarita ( = Tapasa- 
vatsaraja?), 162, 

Yakyapadiya, 47 (three quo- 
tations), 187. 

Vivaranakrt (^Udbhata?), 

Yishamabanallla (Ananda- 
vardhana’s Prakrta poem), 
152, 222. 

Ylradeva (so Suvrttatilaka), 

Shatprajnagatha (defined), 

Setu ( = Setubandha), 43. 



Harivijaya (Prakrta), 148. 

Ilrdayadarpana, 27, 28, 63. 

11. Namisadhu. A Svetambara Jain, a contemporary of 
Bilhana. In 1068 a.d. he wrote a very concise and simple 
commentary on Rudrata’s Kavyalankara, in which, as he 
himself tells us, he followed on the lines of an older rrtti. 
This is the only composition of his now extant, and MSS. 
of even this are rare. We are indebted for its recovery to 
l)rs. Buhler and Peterson ; and to Pandit Durgaprasad for 
an edition of it. In addition to Amaru, Kalidasa, Bharavi, 
Magha, Bhavabkiiti, and Srlharsha, I have found the 
following quoted by Nami : — 

Argata (so Subhash.), 141. 
Arjunacarita, 168. 
Induraja, 63. 

Udbhata, 69, 82, 150. 

Jayadeva (a writer on Chan- 
el as), 6, 7. 

Tilakamanjarl (by Dhana- 
pala), 167. 



Dandin, 5 (bis), 169. 
Putangadanataka, 11. 
Patalavijaya (by Panini), 
12 . 

Pingala, 7. 

Banakatlm ( = Kadambarl), 

Brbatkatha (in PaisacI), 14. 
Bharata, 150, 156, 164. 

Bhartrliari, 12, 91, 149. 
Bhamaha, 116. 
Mrcchakatika, 98. 
Medhavin, 2, 145. 

Yaraana, 11, 100, 116. 
Viradeva, 4. 

Yenlsamhara, 90. 
Sukasaptati (?), 98. 

Hari (a Priikrta writer), 17. 

When explaining vii, 83, Nami gives as a further illus- 
tration of the ornament lietu the verse, apparently of bis 
own composition, to which Mammata takes exception in his 
vrtti on karanamald (p. 328), viz. : 

“ Ayur ghrtam nadl punyarn bhayam caurah sukliam 

Yairaiii dyutam gurur jnanam sreyo Brahmanapii- 

The line commencing “ Iletumata saba,” etc., at the top 
of page 328, which Mahesacandra ascribes to Udbhata, is 
Rudrata’s definition of hetu (vii, 82) ; and the verse which 
follows on the same page, “ Aviralakamalavikasah,” etc., is 
his illustration (vii, 83), to which Nami added the above 
stanza. In the first two words of it — “ ayur ghrtam ” — may 
we not see the source of the stock illustration of one of the 
varieties of lakshana ? 

12. Bhojaraja. There is some uncertainty as to the exact 
date of this writer, the author of the well-known Sarasvati- 
kanthabharana. Telang (in his Preface to Mudraraks/iasa, 
p. xix) assigns him to the tenth or eleventh century ; 
Bhandarkar (in the Preface to Malatimadhava, p. x) to the 
middle of the eleventh century ; whilst Aufrecht ( Indian 
Antiquary, xi, 236) thinks that “ we cannot place the work 
earlier than the end of the eleventh century.” This last date 
is undoubtedly the most probable, since Bhoja quotes (i, 152) 
a verse from the Caurasuratapancdsikd of Bilhana,whom Biihler 
(in his Preface to Vikramankacarita, p. xxiii) assigns to the 



third and fourth quarters of the eleventh century. Bhoja is 
mentioned in the second verse of the Ganaratnamahodadht, 
and the vrtti explains that he was the author of Sarasvati- 
kanthdbharana ; but Yardhamana did not write till 1140 a.d., 
and does not therefore help us. The only edition of 
Bhojaraja’s work that I know of is that brought out by 
Anandoram Borooah in 1883. It consists of five chapters 
which discuss the following topics: (1) Doshagunavivecana, 
(2) Sabdalankara, (3) Arthalahkara, (4) Bbhayalankara, and 
(5) Rasaviveeaua. These contain 662 karikas and 1509 
illustrations. Of the former, 41 are taken from Dandin, 
6 from the Dhvanikara, and 2 from Bharata ; but in 
every case without acknowledgment ; and Dandin proved 
a veritable kalpataru for the illustrations also, no less than 
164 of which are from his Kcivyadarsal I subjoin an 
alphabetical list of the a/ankaras, etc., explained by Bhoja, 
and also one showing the authors and works quoted as far 
as they can be ascertained. They are somewhat full, but, 
as the work has never been indexed, should prove useful. 

Atimiitra 14 ; 49 (guna). 
Atisayokti, 257. 

Adhikarokti, 69. 
Adhikopama, 9, 15 ; 44 and 
51 (guna). 

Anartkaka, 2; 33 (guna). 
Analankara, 12 ; 47 (guna). 
Anirvyudha, 12 ; 47 (guna). 
Anukrti (6 varieties), 65. 
Anupriisa, 95. 

Anumiina (alank.), 182. 
Anyartha, 2 ; 33 (guna). 
Anyonya (alahk.), 161. 
Apakrama, 14 ; 49 (guna). 
Apada, 8. 

Apahnuti, 217. 

Apartha, 13 ; 47 (guna). 
Apush tartha, 2 ; 33 (guna). 

Apratlta, 3 ; 34 (guna). 
Aprayukta, 1 ; 32 (guna). 
Aprayojaka, 4; 35 and 47 

Aprasanna, 11 ; 46 (guna). 
Aprasiddhopama, 16; 51 


Aprastutaprasamsa, 227. 
Abhava (alank.), 190. 
Abhinaya, 186. 
Amangalartka, 5. 
Amarshatva, 287. 

Aritimat, 10. 

Arthavyakti, 20, 27. 
Arthantaranyasa, 241. 
Arthapatti (alank.), 188. 
Avahittha, 285. 

Asarira, 10 ; 45 (guna). 

NOTES ON ALAN KARA literature. 


Asru, 282. 

Aslila, 16; 36, 52 (guna). 
Asadrsopama, 15; 51 (guna). 
Asabhyasmrtihetu, 5 ; 36 


Asabhyartha, 5 ; 46, 52 


Asabhyarthantara, 5 
Asamartha, 2 ; 33 (guna). 
Asamasta, 12 ; 46 (guna). 
Asadhu, 1 ; 32 (guna). 
Asuya, 287. 

Alietu (alank.), 153. 

Akshepa, 237, 239. 

Agatna, 184. 

Aptavachana, 184. 

ArabhatT, 64, 378. 

Alasya, 291. 

Alekhva, 187. 

Avantya, 363. 

Jrshya, 287. 

Ukti (guna), 24,31 ; (of 6 
kinds ; vidhyukti, etc.), 69. 
Ugrata, 288, 

TJtkantha, 283. 

Uttara (alank.), 156. 
Utprekska, 225, 377. 

Utsaha, 279. 

Udattatii, 21, 28. 

Udaratva, 21, 27. 

Unmada, 290. 

Upama, 193. 

Uparaana (alaiik.), 185. 

Rjukti, 129. 

J.K.A.6. 1897. 

Ekartha, 14 (dosha) ; 48 

Ekavali, 249. 

Ojas, 21, 28. 

Aurjitya, 21, 28. 

Kathora, 1 1 ; 45 (guna). 
Kampa, 282. 

Ivashta, 2 ; 32 (guna). 

Kanti, 20, 27. 

Karanamala, 154. 

Kavya, 137. 

KaisikT, 64, 378. 

Krarna (alank.), 253. 
Kramabhrasbta, 7. 

Erodha, 279, 287. 

Elishta, 3 ; 34 (guna). 

Ehinna, 14 ; 49 (guna). 

Gatartha, 48 (guna). 

Gati, 24, 31 ; 59 (alank.). 
Gada, 289. 

Gadgada, 281. 

Garva, 284. 

Gambklrya, 23, 29. 
Gumphana, 73. 

Gudha (kriyagupti,etc.), 134. 
Guclhartha, 3 (dosha) ; 34 

Gomutrika, 124. 

Gaudlya, 363. 

Graniya, 5, 11 ; 46 (guna). 
Glaui, 289. 

Ghrnavadartha, 6; 37 (guna). 




Citrokti, 132. 

Cinta, 284. 

Jadya, 291. 

Jati (16 varieties), 57-59 ; 

Jugupsa, 280. 

Tulyayogita, 229. 

Trasa, 288. 

Dlpaka, 250. 

Desya, 4 (dosha) ; 35 (guna). 
Dainya, 288. 

Doshagunah, 32. 

Nayakagunah, 349. 
Nayikagunab, 351. 
Nidarsana, 164. 

Nidra, 291. 

Niyamokti, 69. 

Niralankara, 16 ; 51 (guna). 
Nirveda, 290. 

Nishedhokti, 69. 

Neyartha, 3, 11; 34, 46 

Nyunopama, 9. 

Pathiti (six-fold), 78, 80. 
Pataka, 348. 

Parikara, 245, 249. 

Parivrtti, 163. 
Parisankhyolcti, 69. 

Parusha, 15 ; 50 (guna). 
Paryaya (alank.), 255. 
Pancall, 363. 

Punaruktimat, 8. 

Pratibirnba, 188. 
Prativastukti, 209, 213. 
Pratyaksha, 181. 

Prabodha, 291. 

Pralaya, 283. 

Prasnottarokti, 131, 135. 
Prasiida, 19, 25. 

Prahelikii, 132. 

Prrti (in opp. to rati), 292. 
Preyas, 22, 28. 

Praudhi, 25, 31. 

Bhagnachandas,9 ; 44 (guna). 
Bhagnayati, 10 ; 44 (guna). 
Bhaniti (of 6 kinds), 72. 
Bhaya, 280. 

Bharatl, 64, 378. 

Bhava (alank.), 179. 

Bhaivah, 265, 292. 

Bkavika (alank.), 260. 
Bhavikatva, 24, 30. 
Bhinnalihga, 9 ; 42 (guna). 
Bhinnavachana, 9 ; 43 


Blieda (=vyatireka), 166. 
Bhranti, 171. 

Mati, 284. 

Mada, 286. 

Mahayamaka, 91. 

MagadbT, 363. 

Madhurya, 20, 26. 

Milita, 176,220. 

Mudra (6 varieties), 67 ; 

(form of uparuana) 187. 
Mudhata, 286. 

Yamaka, 82. 

Yukti (padayukti, etc.), 70. 

Rati, 274, 292. 

Rasah, 292, 302, 366, 367. 



Rlti, 24, 31 ; (6 kinds ; 

Yaidarbhi, etc.), 62. 
Riipaka, 200. 

Romanca, 281. 

Latanuprasa, 109, 112. 
Latiyii, 363. 

Lesa ( = vyiijastuti), 230. 

Yakrokti, 130. 
Yakyagarbhita, 8; 42 (guna). 
Yikalpokti, 69. 

Yita, 348. 

Yitarka, 175, 283. 

Yiduskaka, 348. 

Yidhyukti, 69. 

Yibhavauii (three-fold), 145. 
Yirasa, 15, 32 ; 50 (guna). 
Yiruddha, 4, 16-18 (10 

varieties) ; 35 (guna) ; 

52-54 (9 varieties of 


Yirodha (alank ), 158. 
Yivarnata, 282. 

Yivikta (sabokti), 232. 
Yiseshokti, 242. 

Yishiida, 288. 

Yisandhi, 7 ; 39 (guna). 
Yistara, 23, 29. 

Yismaya, 281. 

Yrtti (kaisikl, etc., six-fold), 
64 ; (twelve-fold), 99, 101 ; 
(four-fold), 378. 

Yaidarbhi, 363. 

Vaiyatyokti, 130. 

Yaishamya, 10 ; 45 (guna). 
Yyatireka, 166. 

Yyartha, 13. 

Yyaklrna, 8 ; 40 (guna). 
Yyajaatuti, 230. 

Yrida, 285. 

Sanka, 289. 

Sabdaslesha (six-fold), 92. 
Sayya (alank.), 75. 

Saithilya, 10; 45 (guna). 
Soka, 279. 

Srama, 290. 

Sravya, 138. 

Slesha, 19, 25, 92 ; 258. 

Samsaya, 215. 

Saihsrsliti, 262. 

SakhI, 349. 

Sanklrna, 8; 40 (guna). 
Sankshepa, 23, 30. 
Sandigdha, 4 ; 35, 48 (guna). 
Samata, 20, 26. 

Samadhi (guna), 22, 29 ; 

(alank.) 219. 

Saraasokti, 221. 

Samahita (alank.), 169. 
Samuccaya, 233. 

Sambhava, 159. 

Sambhrama, 290. 
Sammitatva, 23, 30. 
Sasamsaya, 14. 

Sahokti, 233. 

Satvatl, 64, 378. 

Saraya, 209. 

Sara, 156. 

Sukumarata, 20, 26. 

Supta, 291. 

Susabdata, 22, 28. 

Snksbma, 155. 

Saukshmya, 22, 29. 



Stambha, 281. 

Smarana (alank.), 178. 
Smrti (bhava), 283. 
Sveda, 282. 

Harsha, 286. 

Hallisaka (a circular dance), 

Hasa, 279. 

Hlnopama, 15 ; 43, 51 (guna). 
Hrdya, 181. 

Hetu (alank. ; four-fold), 147. 

In the following list of authors and works quoted, all 
of them anonymously, the pages are omitted in the case 
of those from which numerous citations are made : — 

Amaru, 13 times. 

TJttararamacarita, 22 times. 

Udattaraghava (so Dbanika, 
iv, 26), 380 (mrgarupam). 

Karpuramanjari,108 (param), 
138 (bhaddam), 348 (dam- 
semi and phullukkaram). 

Kadambarl, 61 (Hara iva), 
159 (disam). 

Kadambarlkathasara, 316 
(Candrapidam, viii, 80). 

Kiratarjunlya, 38 times. 

Kumiiradasa (so Aucityavi- 
cara.), 60 (ayi). 

Kumarasambhava, 53 times. 

Gathasaptaaatl, 113 times. 

Candlsataka, by Biina; 105 
(vidrane, verse 66), 106 
nlte, verse 40), 353 (prilk, 
verse 49). 

Candaka (so Subhash.), 301 

Canakyasataka (verse 55), 
110 (saile). 

Caurasuratapancasika (12 
Bohlen), 52 (adyapi). 

Chinnama, or Chitrama, 170 

Dandin, 205 times. 

Dasakumaracarita, 114 (Brah- 

Dlpaka (so Subhash.), 137 

Dronaparva (8408), 51 (tatah). 

Dbanika, 16 times. 

Dharakadaraba (Subhash.), 
104 (bale). 

Dhvanikara, 366 (last karikii), 
367 (three kiirikas), 369 
(first two karikas). 

Dhvanyaloka, 79 (j^ena), 92 
(tasyah), 153 (anuragavati), 
219 (kassa), 220 (praptas'- 
rlh), 229 (seshah), 3-'i7 
(kuvia), 361 (same as 220). 

Namisadhu, 15 (ayam), 199 
(candriiyate), 205 (yasyah), 
230 (yas ca). 

Nagananda, 324. 

NOTES ON ALAN KARA literature. 


Nldradaridra (so Subbash.), 
301 (jane). 

Kisanaravana (so Sarnga.), 
285 (akshudrii), 308 (utti- 

Nitisataka (verse 77), 222 

Pancatantra (iii, 103), 30 

Pancastavl (kavyamala, 1887), 
106 (cancat), 362 (laksbmi). 

Prabhilkara (so Aucityavi- 
cara.),42 (dinmatanga), 71 
and 349 (the same). 

Biina (Subhash, and Sarnga.), 
106 (sarvii and udyat), 360 
(sarva, as on 106). Bhoja 
mentions Bana in ii, 20. 

Balararaayana, 5 times. 

Brihadaranyaka, 9, 184. 

Brahmabindu, 195. 

Bhatta Kapardin (Subhash.), 
250 (amba). 

Bhattikavya, 6 times. 

Bharata, 264 (2 last karikas). 

Bhallatasataka, 221 (kiiii 

Bhamaha (so Subhash.), 226 

Bhasa (Subhash.), 173 (ka- 

Bhojaraja (Sarnga.), 45 and 
132 (kiyan). 

Manjlra (Subhash.), 212 

Mahanataka, 7 times. 

Mahavlracarita, 16 times. 

^Iiigha, 44 times. 

Malatlmadhava, 35 times. 

Mulavarudra (so Aucitya.), 
49 and 368 (abhinava). 

Munja, or Yakpati (for their 
identity, see Hall’s Dasa- 
rupa, p. 2), 22 (saujanya). 
This is on Aufrecht’s 

Mudrarakshasa, 165 (upari, 
etc. ; but in Prakrta there), 
292 (pratyagronmesha). 

Mrcchakatiki, 347 (viii, 21, 
“ Paliccale,”etc., but there, 
“ Jadicchuse,” etc.). 

Meghaduta, 14 times. 

Mentha (so Subhash.), 157 

Baghuvamsa, 48 times. 

Ratnavall, 9 times. 

Bajasekhara (so Sarnga.), 215 

Rudrata’s Kavyalankara, 19 

Lakshmldhara (Aufrecht), 
145 (kampante). 

Yamana, 22 times. 

359, and 365 (kiiii dvari). 

Yikramorvasi, 16 times. 

Yijavapala (Subhash.), 110 

Yijjika (Subhash.), 32 (unna- 
mayya), 297 (ditto, and 



Viddhasalabhan j ikit, 67 (i, 8, 
sriyah), 149 (i, 3, gona- 
saya),367 (i, 19, atrantare). 

Yidyiipati (Siirnga. and Pref. 
to Subhash.), 78 ^subhrus 

Venisaiiibara, 11 times. 

Sakuntala, 37 times. 

Siidraka (Subhash.), 81 (tyago 

Srlharsha (Subhash.), 227 (ya- 

Setubandha, 31 times. 

Hayagrivavadha (Suvrttati- 
laka), 60 (asld daityah). 

I have referred above to the uncertainty existing in my 
own mind, perhaps wrongly, in regard to Ruyyaka’s date. 
The fact that (on pp. 3, 102, and 183) he quotes three 
verses which appear also in the Kdvyaprakdsa as karikas, 
does not of itself prove his indebtedness to that work ; for 
we know that some of Mammata’ s karikas are not his own, 
and this may possibly be true of others which we cannot 
now trace to an earlier source. Judging from the context, 
I should decidedly infer that the karika quoted by 
Ruyyaka on page 3 was taken from one of the “ancient 
writers on poetics” to whom he had just referred, rather 
than from an adhunika like Mammata ; and, as regards 
that on page 183, we know that the first line was taken 
almost verbatim from Udbhata’s definition of Bhdvika, which 
stands thus : — 

“ Pratyaksha iva yatrartha drsyante bhutabhavinali 
Atyadbhulab syat tad vacam anakulyena bhavikam.” 

Ruyyaka and Mammata substitute ‘kriyante’ for ‘drsyante,’ 
and take merety the words ‘Tad bhavikam’ for their second 
line, a uniformity which of course looks suspicious ! It 
ought to be added that Jayaratba declares here, and in some 
other places, that Ruyyaka quoted the Kdvyaprakdsa ; but 
I do not know that we are bound to regard his inferences 
as infallible ! But though, on such slender grounds, it 
would be rash to include Ruyyaka amongst the older writers 
to whom Mammata w r as indebted, it may yet be useful to 
note, as in their case, the authors whom he quotes; und, 



when dealing with the quotations in the Ka vyapraldia, 
I shall indicate those which these two writers have in 
common, but which cannot be traced elsewhere. 

Abhinavagupta, 127. 

Alunkaratnanjarl (named), 15. 

Induraja’s Commentary 
(quoted), 203. 

Is'varapratyabhijna (quoted), 

TJdbhata (named), 3, 7 ; 

(quoted), 23, 59, 71 (bis), 
82, 86, 92, 126, 152, 183 

Kuttanlrqata (quoted), 69. 

Gathusaptasatl (quoted), 60, 

Dandin (quoted), 35, 120, 

Dharmakirti (quoted), 67. 

Dhvanikara (named), 9. 

Dhvanyaloka (quoted) , 40, 85, 
96,106,119, 127,173,182, 

Navasahasaiikacarita (quoted), 
182, 201, 202. 

Nliisataka (quoted), 162. 

Nyavasutra (5, 2, 14), 22. 

Pancastavl (quoted), 197. 

Panini (so Subhiisb.), 87, 92. 

Prahasta (named), 105. 

Bandhu (60 Subhash.), 43. 

Balaramavana (quoted), 74, 
105, 110, 127. 

Bilhanaearita (quoted), 84. 

Brhatsamhita (lxxiv, 1), 142. 

Bbatta Nayaka (named), 9. 

Bhattikavya (quoted), 141. 

Bhallata (quoted), 105, 108, 
122, 'l51. 

Bhamaha(named),3; (quoted), 

Mayura (so Subbiish.), 176, 

Mahanataka (quoted), 82. 

Yasovarman (so Subhash.), 

Rajatarangini (quoted), 93. 

Rajasekhara (so Subhash.), 

Rudrata(named),5; (quoted), 
69,80,81,82, 136, 143, 149, 

Yakroktijivitakara (named), 

8 . 

Yamana(named), 7; (quoted), 
32, 82, 92, 128, 132, 169. 


(quoted), 60, 64, 77, 118, 

Yiddhasalabhanjika (quoted), 
68, 138. 

Yiskamabanallla (quoted), 23. 

Yetalapancavimsati (Indische 
Spr.), 83. 

Vyaktivivekakara (named), 


Sakravrddhi (so Subhiish.), 97. 

Sankaragana (so Subhash.), 

^ 66 . 

Silabhattarika (quoted), 200. 



Srikanthacarita (quoted), 21, 

Hariscandracarita (named), 

87, 90. 

102 . 

Srikanthastava (by Ruj r yaka), 

Harshacarita (quoted), 47, 
117, 118, 139, 157; 

(named), 182. 


Sahitymlmamsa (by Ruyyaka), 


Harshacaritavartika (by 
Ruyyaka), 61. 

Haravijaya (quoted), 199. 

The commentator Jayaratha lived subsequently to Mam- 
mata, so we have nothing to do with him ; but it may 
just be noted that, on pages 35, 83, 138, and 173, he quotes 
an alankarabhashyakdra, and on page 71 an alahkaravartika 
(by Ruyyaka), neither of which is known to us. Then, 
on pages 97, 171, 172, 184, and 200, he refers to an 
equally unknown alankarasarakrt. On page 36 he mentions 
Ruvyaka’s Alahkardnusarini, and quotes from it on page 58 ; 
and refers on page 115 to a work by Ruvyaka’s father, 
Riijanaka Tilaka, named Udb/iatavicara, and probably to the 
same again on page 205, where he calls it Udbhataviveka. 
Rajasekhara’s work, the Balabharatanataka 1 (or Pracanda- 
pandava) is very little known ; but Jayaratha (on p. 46) 
quotes from it, anonymously, the verse “Ayam ahimaruchih,” 
etc. (i, 21) ; and he is the only writer on alankara, so far 
as I know, who has condescended to cite that voluminous 
author Kshemendra (pupil of Abhinavagupta), from whose 
Samayamdtrka (iv, 81) he has taken the verse “ Dhanena 
jaj r ate prajna,” etc., which stands at the bottom of page 135 
of the Vimarsini. 

Yagbhata (in Prakrta, Bahada), son of Soma, the author 
of Vdgbhatdlahkdra, who is said to have flourished during 
the reign of Jayasimha (1093 to 1154 a.d.), is in no way 
connected with Mammata, and should, therefore, have no 
place here ; but as I have lately succeeded in tracing to 
their source some of the illustrations in the fourth chapter 
of that work, I will indicate them before closing this section. 
The Nirnayasagara Press has just completed an edition of 

1 Published in part at Nirnayasagara Press in 1887. 



the Nemi nirvana , a poem in fifteen cantos by an author 
named Vagbhata, who may, perhaps, be identical with the 
son of Soma ; at any rate, lie has quoted from it as follows : — 

“ Amaranagara,” etc. (iv, 28) ... = Neminircana, vii, 16. 

“ Nemir visalanayanah,” etc. (iv, 32) „ „ vi, 51. 

“ Kantarabh Gmail,” etc. (iv, 34) ... „ „ vi, 46. 

“ Jahur vasante,” etc. (iv, 39) ... ,, „ vi, 47. 

“ Nijajivitesa,” etc. (iv, 63) „ x, 25. 

“ Adharam mukhena,” etc. (iv, 69) „ „ x, 35. 

The commentator Siiiihadevagani, who gives no clue to 

the source of these six verses, expressly assigns Vagbhata’ s 
iv, 12 (Kakakukanka, etc.), to the Neminirvana ; but, if he 
is right, then the edition of that poem just published is 
incomplete, for neither the verse nor the setting assigned 
to it by him is to be found there. Here are his words : — 
“ Kakaku ity esha sloka ekavyafijano Neminirvanama- 
hakavye Rajimatlparityagadhikare samudravarnanarupo 
jneyah.” Perhaps the editor of Neminirvana can enlighten 
us in regard to this. 


I 1 




Art. XII . — Account of the Hindu Fire-Temple at Balm, in 
the 'Trans-Caucasus Produce of Russia. By Colonel 
C. E. Stewart, O.B., C.M.G., C.I.E., Indian Staff Corps 
(ret.), II. M. Consul-General at Odessa. 

In 1866, I first visited Baku on the Caspian Sea on 
a journey from India to Nijni Novgorod Fair. Travelling 
with me at the time was a Hindu trader from Scinde, who 
was going to Russia to sell jewellery. lie had previously 
heard of the Hindu Fire-Temple near Baku, and was most 
anxious to visit it. 

At that time there were only two petroleum refineries at 
Baku : one of these was at Surukhaneh, some few miles from 
Baku. At this refinery -was situated what was known as 
“The Temple of the Everlasting Fire,” which was one of the 
sights of Baku. The petroleum refinery had been placed 
here for the purpose of utilizing the natural petroleum gas 
which rose from fissures in the soil. For ages a so-called 
everlasting fire had been kept burning and watched by 
Hindu priests from India. 

The spot where the gas rose from the ground had been 
enclosed by a wall, and a small temple built in the midst. 
Around the wall were cells for the priests who attended 
the fire, and also for Hindu visitors who came here after 
visiting the Temple of Jawala Mukhi in the Kangra 
District of the Punjab. The Kangra Temple of the Flame - 
Faced Goddess is well-known in India, and Dr. Cust will 
write an account of it to accompany my paper. The 

enclosure at Baku was similar in many respects to 
a Punjabi Dharamsala. 

In 1866 one Hindu priest alone watched the fire, although 


previously three Hindu priests had always watched it ; but 
not long before my visit tbe senior priest or Abbot of the 
Hharamsala, if I may so call him, had been murdered by 
Tartars for the sake of the money he had collected from 
Hindu devotees and other visitors to the temple, for though, 
of course, not an object of veneration, it was the source of 
a superstitious sort of curiosity to the neighbouring 

After the murder of the Abbot one of the surviving 
priests fled, but the third remained to tend the fire, which 
was merely a pipe in the ground connecting with the 
naturally rising gas, and this pipe was contained in one of 
the cells built round the wall. 

In the centre of the enclosure a much more modern 
building stood ; this did not contain the fire, but was 
dedicated to the God Siva, as was shown by Siva’s iron 
trident, which was fastened on the roof. A photo-zincograph 
of this and a portion of the Hharamsala is shown. 

The Hindu priest who remained was very delighted to 
find I spoke Punjabi, which was his native language. He 
had come from some place north of Delhi, and had been 
a priest for some time at the Jowalla Mukhi Temple, near 
Kangra. He said he there heard from other priests of 
this greater Jawala Ji, as he called it, and had come on 
a pilgrimage to visit it, and remained for many years. 
He was, however, anxious to leave, and wished to accompany 
the Hindu trader from Scinde, who was travelling on board 
the steamer with me. He attempted to leave by our 
steamer, but was not permitted by the Russian authorities 
because his passport was not in order. 

I returned to Baku in 1881, and again visited this temple. 
I found the fire out and no priest. The engineer in charge 
of the neighbouring petroleum refinery accompanied me over 
the temple, of which he held the key. He relit the fire, 
and when leaving carefully extinguished it, as he said he 
wanted all the natural petroleum gas for heating the 
furnaces of his own works. He also informed me that 
since my previous visit a new priest hud arrived from 


India and taken charge for a time of the temple, but after 
some time had left. On this occasion I found on the floor 
close to the fire a small copper tablet with a figure of the 
elephant-headed god Gunpatti deeply engraved on it. I 
have visited this temple many times since, as I have resided 
in Baku for some mouths, and on one occasion I took a 
photographer with me and had some of the inscriptions 
photographed. There were stone-cut inscriptions over the 
doors of most of the cells of the Dharamsala and one over 
the entrance to the Siva temple. 

Most of the inscriptions were in the N&gari character, 
and I was able from a very slight knowledge of Nagari 
to read the invocation “ Ai Sri Ganesha” on one of them. 
There was also an inscription in Persian character. I 
got copies of all them except the one over the Siva temple, 
which was too high up. 

Two of the best of my photos were lost, including the 
one I was able partially to read. Of the others I here 
give photo-zincographs. I am unable personally to read 
them, and I publish them in the hope that some more 
capable person may read them. The date on the inscription 
in Persian character, 1158, is of course legible, and no doubt 
refers to the building of the much more modern Siva 
temple. The inscription, from what I have been told by 
others by whom it has been partially read, seems to be in 
Hindi of a modern form, but I think the Dharamsala is 
of considerably older date than this inscription. 

There can be no doubt that this temple is not and never 
can have been a Zoroastrian temple. I have after seeing 
it visited a real Zoroastrian temple in Southern Persia ; 
that particular Zoroastrian temple, although no longer in 
use, had only been abandoned a few years previously, 
and was in perfect repair. It was situated on a high mound, 
and was of a totally different form from this temple. 

In the country between the Gurgan river and the Attrek 
river, near the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea, and 
also in the northern part of Khorasan, near the Attrek river, 
I saw great mounds near each village which tradition 


amongst the people states were the sites of fire-temples, 
and I have seen one near Mahomedabad in Daraguez with 
some remains of a fire-temple of the same pattern as the 
one I had seen in Southern Persia, but these Zoroastrian 
temples are always placed on high mounds, and not on 
a plain as the Baku temple is. 

Baron Thielman in his work speaks of the Baku temple 
as if it were a Zoroastrian temple, but I feel certain he 
is mistaken. He saw the same priest apparently there as 
I met in 1866, but he was only able to speak to him 
through an interpreter, while I spoke to the man in his 
native language, and saw a good deal of him. 

At Kliaff, in Khorasan, near the Afghan border, I met 
two Hindu Fakirs from India, who announced themselves 
to me as on a pilgrimage to this Baku Jawala Ji ; also, some 
of the Hindu traders settled at KhafF (where I resided for 
six months), when I left that place for England in 1882, 
begged to be allowed to accompany me as far as Baku 
for the purpose of visiting this temple. Although the Hindus 
I have met in Persia know about this temple, I never 
heard any Zoroastrian in Persia, although I met many, 
express any wish to visit it, or have any knowledge of its 

I was informed by a Hindu Fakir, whom I met near the 
Afghan Frontier of Persia, that he proposed to visit not 
only the Jawala Ji at Baku, but still another Hindu fire- 
temple which he had heard of in Bokhara territory. 

We know, besides the well-known example of the Fire- 
Temple at Kangra, that the Hindus certainly in ancient 
times worshipped fire. At page 27 of Tod’s “ Annals of 
Rajasthan,” it is mentioned that three of the sons of 
Icshwaca, of the Solar Race, abandoned worldly affairs and 
took to religion, and that one of these sons, Canin by name, 
was said to have been the first who made an agnihotra or 
pyreum, and worshipped fire. 

I am anxious that some one, who is more of an orientalist 
than myself, should take up the matter of the inscriptions 
of this temple; and although I think none of the inscriptions 


are very ancient, still they appear to be considerably older 
than the one giving the date 1158, which I suppose to be 
Hegira. This appears only to refer to the Siva temple, 
which is probably more modern than the rest. 

The general form of this Baku Fire-Temple reminded 
me very much of the temple amongst the ruins known as 
Bil Rajah Kafir Kot, on the Indus, which I visited. 

Note by the Honorary Secretary, R. N. Cust. 

It is by my special request, that my friend Colonel Charles 
Stewart, of the Indian Army, has written this paper to 
illustrate the Photographs of Inscriptions, which were taken 
at his expense, at Baku. His visit preceded mine, and he 
saw the Priest still in possession of the building, and he 
was a Native of India. When I visited Baku, and drove 
up to the Petroleum Fields, I found that the Priest had 
sold his interests to the Petroleum Company, and was gone : 
I thought of the last oracle of Delphi. 

The cost of engraving these Photographs by the Platino- 
type process has been supplied by Colonel Stewart and 
myself, in order that the Society should not be put to 
expense. No attempt has been made to translate the 
Inscriptions, or to express opinion as to the circumstances, 
under which this survival of the Ancient Fire-worship of 
Central Asia has maintained itself. Our object has been 
to record the Inscriptions and notify the facts : it may lead 
others to write more fully on the subject. Unless some 
steps are taken to interest the Russian Government in 
these Inscriptions, the building will probably be pulled 
down, the materials used for Petroleum stores, and the 
Inscriptions disappear. One incidental advantage of pub- 
lishing this paper will be, that the attention of Russian 
scholars will be called to the subject. 


Dr. T. H. Thornton, M.R.A.S., has called my attention 
to the following fact : 

“ In the Lahore Museum there is a Sculpture from a 
Buddhist Monastery in theYusufzai country. The Sculpture 
represents a number of young men pouring water from jars 
upon a Fire-worship Altar, while some ancient devotees 
are standing round looking very disconsolate. According 
to General Cunningham, in a printed note on this Sculpture, 
it is intended to symbolize the destruction of Fire-worship 
in the Yusufzai country', by the introduction of the com- 
paratively new Religion of Buddha.” Dr. Thornton had 
a Photograph of this Sculpture, but he presented it to the 
University of Leyden. A copy of General Cunningham’s 
printed Note will no doubt be found in his Archaeological 
Survey Reports. 

In October, 1846, more than fifty years ago, in the course 
of my winter tour in camp round my District of Hoshyarpur 
of the Jbalandhar Doab in the Panjab, I crossed over into 
the District of Kangra for the purpose of visiting the 
far-famed and unique Fire-Temple of Jwala Mukhi. My 
Journal of that year supplies me with the following facts: 

I crossed the River Beas, and rested during the heat of the 
day in a village, and arrived at the sacred spot at dusk. 
It was on the occasion of the Annual Festival, and great 
crowds were assembled : bells were ringing, and cymbals 
clanging on all sides. The town is beautifully' situated at 
the foot of a lofty' range of hills, and on an eminence 
was conspicuous the Temple, which had rendered the place 

In the middle of the night I visited the Sacred Fire: 
the whole town seemed to be a succession of steps leading 
to the gates of the Temple. I took off my shoes at the 
entry, and, passing through the crowds who were seated 
with burning lamps before them, I entered through the brazen 
gates into the sanctum sanctorum, and was conducted by' the 
Priests to the very spot, where the Naphtha-flames were 
bursting from the ground. There was no possibility' ot 
deception there, as an ordinary' Natural Phenomenon had 







been transformed by the ignorant population into a Deily. 
The devout worshippers pressed forward to burn ghee, and 
wax-tapers, in the beautiful flames : flowers were thrown 
in, and offerings of money laid on the Temple-floor. It 
must have been hot work for the attendant Priests to stand 
for hours near those powerful flames, which had no escape 
by orifices in the roof, for over our heads was a canopy of 
gold presented bv the late Maharaja Ranjit Singh; the 
building of the Temple was solid and substantial. I re- 
turned to my tent much gratified. The next day I received 
numerous visits from all classes, as iu those days the 
presence of the white Ruler was a new phenomenon. I 
went again to visit the sacred flame : in the morning goats 
had been sacrificed by devotees : I was vexed, that I had 
not been informed, as I should have liked to have witnessed 
this survival of the Ritual of Early Mankind. 

I climbed the heights behind, and looked down at the 
motley group below me : the devotee pilgrims had come a 
long distance, and were showering cowries upon the golden 
canopy, on which troops of monkeys were quietly basking. 
Crowds passed from spot to spot : the whole hive was in 
motion, and I watched them with interest. • A pilgrim 
from Lower Bengal, a Calcutta Babu, had travelled many 
thousand miles to see this Temple, and worship : he was 
a man of education, and coming forward to salute me with 
a respectful bow, addressed me in English, and we entered 
into conversation. He asked me whether I had ever 
witnessed a more sure and sufficient manifestation of the 
great Power which created and ruled the world, the 
‘ Parameshvara/ or, as he described it, ‘ the God Almighty,’ 
than those living flames, coming up night and day from 
the centre of the earth ? I disappointed him by telling 
him, that I did not think more of it than of the fountains 
of water, which sprang up from their secret depths, and 
the flames, which came into existence from the rubbing of 
sticks of wood together ; in fact, that it was a beautiful and 
rare phenomenon of Nature, but nothing more, and quite 
unworthy of worship by educated men, who spoke English. 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 21 


We had only conquered the Native Government of this 
beautiful Province, and annexed it, in the Spring of this 
very year, 1846, and as a reward for my services in the field 
at the age of twenty-five, I had been placed in charge of 
this district, newly conquered, under the supervision of my 
great master, John Lawrence: our art of Government was 
to live amidst the people, without guards ; and so gentle 
and peaceful was the population of these remote regions, 
that I was permitted to enter their homes, and their 
sacred places of worship. Religious toleration is the great 
Jewel of Empire : in our annexation-proclamations we had 
told them, that every man was at liberty to serve the Great 
Creator in the way, which seemed best to him : they believed 
it, and at the end of half a century we feel that the policy 
was a wise one. 

January, 1897. 


Art. XIII . — Two Notes on Indian Numismatics. By E. J. 

Rapson, M.A., M.R.A.S. 

On a Coin-Legend of the Graeco-Indian King 

The regular Greek inscription on the coins of IIermaeus 
is BAZIAEQZ ZQTHPOZ | EPMAIOY; but, on some of 
his bronze coins, and on the whole bronze series issued 
by him conjointly with Kujula Kadphises, 1 there appears 
an inscription which differs from this in two respects — 
(1) the substitution of ZTHPOZ for ZQTHPOZ, and (2) 
the addition of the syllable ZY. 

The former of these two peculiarities has, by most 
scholars, been regarded as merely an engraver’s mistake ; 
but, in opposition to this view, it has been pointed out by 
M. Senart, 2 that, whenever this Greek inscription on the 
obverse is accompanied bj r an Indian translation in KharosthI 
characters on the reverse — that is to say, on certain bronze 
coins struck by Hermaeus alone, as distinguished from those 
struck by him conjointly with Kujula Kadphises — mahatasa 
is always found in the place of tratarasa, the regular equi- 
valent of ZQTHPOZ. ZTHPOZ can, therefore, scarcely 
be a mistake for ZQTHPOZ; and M. Senart is inclined 
to see in this strange form a new title indicative of some 
diminution in the power of Hermaeus. 

With regard to the second point, ZY has always been 
a well-known numismatic puzzle. It has generally been 
explained as some title, or as an abbreviation of some title, 

1 Gardner, B.M. Cat., p. 65, Hermaeus, Nos. 45-50 ; and p. 120, Hermaeus 
and Kadphises I. 

- Journal Asiatique, 1889 (vol. xiii, 8th series), p. 370. 



Scythic or Greek ; 1 but here, too, the theory has been 
advanced 2 that it is due to the mistake of an engraver, 
who repeated the final letters of the words ZQTHPOZ and 
EPMAIOY, which, in consequence of the arrangement of 
the inscription on the coins, are actually brought into 

Some confusion might, no doubt, have been avoided, 
in this instance, had the numismatists adopted in their 
catalogues some method of indicating this arrangement. 
Several writers, who have dealt with this question, have 
evidently been under the impression that his ZY occurs 
on the coins as a prefix to the name EPMAIOY; and, it 
must be confessed, that, apart from illustrations, the 
descriptions given in the catalogues, where the whole in- 
scription is printed continuously as BAZIAEQZ ZQTHPOZ 
2Y EPMAIOY, by no means discourage this delusion. 
Now, as a matter of fact, the name EPMAIOY stands alone 
beneath the bust of the king, and the remainder of the 
legend, which is separated from the name, is written over 
the bust. This distinction between the two portions of 
the legend might easily he indicated by some method 
of printing, or by the use of some dividing sign; and if 
this had been done in the coin-catalogues — if, for instance, 
the inscription had been printed as BAZIAEQZZTH POZZY 
| EPMAIOY — some very natural misconception would have 
been prevented. 3 

All previous attempts to explain this enigmatical coin- 
legend are open to one or more of the following criticisms : 
(1) they are founded upon the dangerous assumption 
that all the specimens of this particular class of coins hear 
the same engraver’s mistake or mistakes ; (2) they depend 
upon conjectures, which it would he difficult to support by 

1 Lassen, Ind. AH., ii, p. 363, note 1, ns = &tka, or id., p. 389, as = Yueh-chi ; 
Cunningham, Num. Chron. 1892, p. 46, tw = 2,i/yy<vTts ; Seuart, Journ. As. 
(l.c.), as = 2vpov. 

2 Oldenbcrg, Zcit.f. Num. 1881, p. 298, note 1. 

3 It would scarcely then have been possible to invent the King Sy-Hermaous, 
who appears in some of the earlier numismatic works as the successor of 



the evidence of other coins of the time; and (3) they leave 
out of sight what should be a main guiding principle in 
dealing with these bilingual coins, viz., that, with very few 
exceptions, the Greek and KharosthI inscriptions exactly 

In attempting, therefore, to offer a solution of this 
problem, which shall not be open to these criticisms, it 
may be assumed, in the first place, that just as EPMAIOY 
= Ilcramagasa and BAZIAEOZ = maharajasa, so the re- 
maining portion of the Greek legend ZTH POZZY = the 
remaining portion of the KharosthI legend mahatasa. 

Now ZTH POZZY is certainly not a Greek word. It 
must, therefore, probably be some Indian word transcribed 
into Greek characters. If so, -ZY is simply the termina- 
tion of the genitive case = the Sanskrit st/a or the Prakrit 
-ssa. Fortunately, it is possible to quote a parallel from 
the coins themselves. On the small bronze coins which 
bear the name Kujula Kadaphes, 1 the genitive Khusanasa 
of the KharosthI inscription is regularly represented by 
the Greek XOPANCY. 2 There can be little doubt, then, 
that ZTH POZZY is a genitive form, and this transliteration 
of the genitive termination by the Greek -ZY may, perhaps, 
not be without some philological importance as showing 
that, in the transition from the Sanskrit -67 /a to the Prakrit 
-ssa, the sound of the semi- vowel g had not entirely dis- 

It is necessary, therefore, to search for some Prakrit form, 
which will admit at the same time of being transliterated 
by ZTH POZZY and rendered by mahatasa. Now there 
can be little doubt that this word has been suggested by 
the ZQTHPOZ which, in the earlier coins of Hermaeus, 
occupied the same position ; and it is quite possible that 
a false analogy may have influenced the transliteration ; 

1 Gardner, B.M. Cat., p. 123. 

2 In this case, again, it has been proposed, in direct opposition to the 
unanimous testimony of the coins, to regard XOPANCY as an engraver’s 
mistake for XOPANOY- This tendency to tamper with documents cannot be 
too strongly deprecated. 



but, apart from this possibility, there are no great difficulties 
in the way of supposing the existence of a Prakrit form 
*stemssa= the Pali therassa, and, like it, derived from the 
Sanskrit sthavirasya. The only point in this derivation 
which seems to present any difficulty is the representatiou 
of the Sanskrit sth by the Prakrit st. Instances of a similar 
loss of aspiration in Prakrit are, however, not hard to find ; 1 
and, moreover, the observation just made must be borne in 
inind, viz., that the reading ST- , instead of S0- , may, 
after all, be due to the false analogy with SQTHPOS. 

With regard to the correspondence in meaning between 
this hypothetical *sterassa and mahatasa, some curious and 
interesting points present themselves. A general meaning 
of the Sanskrit sthatnra ( = “ angesehen, gravis,” Bohtlingk 
and Rotli) might, indeed, be roughly expressed by mahatasa ; 
but there can be little doubt that sthavira and thera had, 
at this period and in this part of India, acquired a specially 
Buddhist meaning. The Buddhistic tendencies of the earlier 
Graeco-Indian king Menander are well known. Is it 
possible that the epithet STHPOSSY marks Hermaeus 
also as a follower of the law of Buddha ? 

The God Siva on Kusana Coins. 

By a strange chance, the inscription OhhO, which 
accompanies the figure of Siva on the coins of Kaniska 
and his successors, has been read in every imaginable way 
but the right one. Formerly the reading OKPO was 
universally accepted, and explained, in its application to 
Siva, as equivalent to the Sanskrit ugra “ the terrible,” 
or vakra “ the cruel.” Since Dr. Stein’s discovery, 2 3 that 

1 Johannson, Dcr dial elite dcr sogen. Shahbazgarhi-redahtion des 14 edict* 

Asoka' s (Actes du 8 ml ' Congees Inter, des Orientalistes : section ii, l er l’asc., 
p. 129), quotes the form sr(e)stamati as representing the Sk. s rest ha-. 

3 Babylonian and Oriental Record, vol. i, p. 166, “ Zoroastriau Deities on 
Indo-Scytkian Coins.” 



the modified form of the Greek P, viz. b, which is in- 
variably used in this case, regularly represents the sibilant 
s, the word has been read okso, and regarded as a tran- 
scription of the Sanskrit uksti “the bull.” 1 Midway 
between these two readings comes one suggested by 
Dr. Hoernle, 2 viz. OHPO, and supposed by him to represent 
the Sanskrit lira “ the hero.” 

This last reading did not attract the attention which 
it deserved, for, though undoubtedly, as being previous to 
the date of Dr. Stein’s discovery, it is incorrect with 
regard to the third letter, yet it has the merit of insisting 
on a fact which has been strangely overlooked by numis- 
matists, viz. that the second letter is H and not K- This 
fact is patent from an examination of the coins. For its 
demonstration, one need go no farther than the names of 
the kings Kaniska and Huviska, as they appear on the 
obverse of the same coins, which bear this OkbO on the 
reverse — K/xNkbKI^A’mjesA-i, and 00 k t> K I = Ooeski. It 
is, indeed, scarcely too much to say that the two characters 
are never confused on coins, except in the case of the late 
barbarous issues, which must belong to a period when the 
Greek letters were no longer understood. They are 
frequently enough confused in the drawings which illus- 
trate the older numismatic works, 3 for the draughtsman 
has here, as in so many other cases, been unconsciously 
influenced by his own ideas ; but this only affords another 
instance, if one were needed, of the futility for scientific 
purposes of eve-copies of inscriptions. 

The correct reading of OkPO is, therefore, undoubtedly 
Oeso or Hoeso ; and this latter form suggests a Prakrit 
*liaveso or */iareso, which would represent the Sanskrit 
Bhavesa “ the Lord of Being,” a well-known title of Siva. 

The representation of the three sibilants of Sanskrit is 
never completely carried out in the Prakritic dialects, and 

1 Drouin, Revue Numismatique, 1888, p. 207; followed by Cunningham, Nu/m. 
Chron. 1892, p. 62. 

2 Quoted by Drouin (l.c.). 

* E.g. Ariana Antiqua, plate xii, 4, etc. 



any such nice distinction would be especially difficult in 
the case of Prakrit words expressed in the Kusano-Greek 
alphabet. It is, therefore, not so hard to believe that the 
t>, which more commonly represents the lingual ■q s, may, 
in this case, be used for the palatal n s. In another 
instance, s is represented by the Greek Z, i.e. Visakha — 
Bl^£sf“0 ; and it is important to notice that on one coin 1 
Ol-r^O^oezo is actually written instead of the more familiar 

On a unique coin formerly belonging to General 
Cunningham, and now in the British Museum, Siva is 
represented, together with his consort Uma, whose name 
appears as ON MO. This coin was published by General 
Cunningham in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1892, plate 
xiii, 1 ; but, in his description on p. 119, he wrongly refers 
to the female deity as “ the goddess Nanaia . . . holding 
her peculiar symbol; . . to left, NANO.” These particulars 
would apply to the next coin represented on the plate; but 
on the coin in question, not only is the inscription OMMO 
quite distinct, but the symbol which the female deity holds 
in her hand — it may perhaps be a flower — is quite different 
from the well-known symbol of Nanaia; and we may, there- 
fore, unhesitatingly add Uma to the list of Indian deities 
represented on Kusana coins. 

1 This coin is published by Gardner. Ii.yf. Cat., “ Bazodeo,” No. 3 (p. 159), 
but without any notice of its remarkable inscription. 


Art. XIY . — Some Notes on the Diic&ns of the Arabic Tribes . 1 
By I. Goldzihkr, Hon.M.R.A.S. 

The Diirdn of the Hudeilites must be regarded as our 
single remaining inheritance of a great mass of literature 
which formed an important part of the results obtained 
by the Arab philologians in their first endeavours to 
collect the old poetry of the Arabs. 

Indeed, the history of Arabic literature, which — if it be 
ever once realised — must suffice for the oldest period with 
recording many lost productions of learning and diligeuce, 
has exactly this office to fulfil when it begins to give an 
account of the labours of philological workers in the field 
of ancient poetry. 

Besides preserving and revising those more remarkable 
poems which of old won fame and renown throughout all 
Arabdom as the most exalted products of their classic 
composers (fuhhl), quite regardless of the special tribes 
which produced them, the old scholars did not fail to devote 
themselves to collecting the diwans of particular tribes. Their 
task was to gather together all the traditions of each tribe 
relating to earlier times, and to set them down in writing. 
In so doing, they turned their attention to the compositions 
of the tribe-poets which had been preserved in the memory 
of the tribe, and which were mostly associated with its 
historical recollections. To obtain such information, the 
philologians themselves were not always obliged to wander 
about in the desert from tent to tent. Frequently, they 
caused to be brought into town some dweller of the 
waste who was especially fitted to impart the desired 

1 For the English translation of the following article, written originally in 
German, the author is obliged to the kindness of his friend, Dr. F. D. Chester, 
Rogers Fellow of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 



knowledge by his large acquaintance and the wealth of 
his remembrances, and interviewed him at their ease in 
their own apartments of study. Ishak al-Mausili, who was 
constantly engaged in the search for ancient traditions, 
neglected to breakfast one day with a certain man of high 
rank, by whom he had been invited, because at the time 
he had. a Bedawi in his parlour, whose dictations he was 
eagerly taking down. 1 In that chapter of the Fihrist which 
deals with the Humanists, frequently occurs the name of 
some A‘rabi who made himself useful to scholars in the 
city (p. 44 ffg.). 

Thus the studies pursued by the scholars of the second 
century a.h. with the pure-blooded representatives' of 
Arabdom, were, apart from specifically linguistic researches, 
to a large extent directed to collecting the poetic memoirs 
of the various tribes. From them resulted the I'ribe- 

Diwans, and to such labours as above described they owed 
their birth. And it is not at all surprising to learn 2 
that these collections, in the hands of able men like 
Khalnf al-ahmar, were exposed to the risk of forgery and 
apocryphal interpolation. The impulse and stimulus which 
the cultivation of such studies already received under 
the Umavyads 3 among official circles — a fact illustrated 
by anecdotes preserved in the literature 4 — make it in 

1 Ag., v, 120, 5 ffg. — In ‘Abhaside times the Bedawi-poet, Nahid ibn 
Thauma, used to make his appearance in Basra, at ■which time the pliilologians 
would take advantage of his presence in the city (Ag., xii, 33). Likewise, from 
the contact with the desert-Arabs afforded by the Jfajj, the pliilologians 
endeavoured to draw profit for their learning (Ag., xviii, 190). It is interesting 
to learn at a later period how Al-Azhart (282-370), having fallen captive to the 
Carmathians, turned to account the intercourse he was then permitted to enjoy 
with Bedawin of diverse tribes, during his involuntary sojourn among them, for 
his Tahdib al-Iuga. lie tells at some length about it in his introduction to that 
work (( ataluguc of the Iihedivial Library at Cairo, iv, 1C9). In the year 230, 
when Boga swept many Banff Numeir- Bedawin captive into Bagdad, the 
pliilologians hurried to the capital in order to make the most of the wild fellows 
for purposes of learning (Al-K&li, Nawddir, MS. of the Bihl. Natiouale in Paris, 
Suppl. arabe, 1935, iol. G0 a = A ’.hizunat al-adab, iv, 239). 

2 Muzhir, ii, 203. 

3 Jacob, Dan Leben der vorislamischm Beduinen , 2. Cf. the passages quoted 
in Hf uhammedanintbe Studien, ii, 203. 

4 We refer to anecdotes relating to pliilologians such ns Ag., v, 166 
( = Al- Hariri, Durvat al-ijawwbs, ed. Thorbecke, 177), vi, 128, xx, 179. Note- 
worthy in this connection is the following narrative from the introduction of 



a high degree likely to suppose that the preparation of 
such repertoires, if we inay so call them, was even then 
in progress. At any rate, it is related of Hainmad al- 
Rawiva, in a passage already brought to our notice by 

Abu Ahmad Hasan al-'Askari (d. 382 ) to his ? ^ ~ ! a . « - ; . b* 

- “ ZJ 

. (MS. Landberg) : — 

Xs* 0 *-’ y' '' 

[cliwl U 1 Jl* _•'] ^-*y. c- 1 ' 

^ iA JUi 

sUl Jl 'Aj j <La j-lAALs ( ;yd! *'>7) , «1 • ' _*A»1 

->• <- a ' >” > p ~ c- > >• .7 > 

£3i Ul. ^ Ji J jJUJ \& U Jls Sa~a l a! ^ ^-3 

1 « . . -*S - »c <t ! L,. 1 ) Jtis ■ — -' j Aa Ir* *- * " — < aj 

-> / .7 > • C- •• • • U? ^ ~ 

'31 >-1 3 <3-3 <0 ^ J\S ‘ L 31 *3 S3 J6 S 

O >_? U/* 7 • 7 ^ ^ v 

uAv* cT* *Ul ^5^*^*' (* ^ AA-s^* ^ 

* A! Ai]j J IS <tl La ijUi ' Ui' , \*sJLs j*~~* i >— — a J ^UIas:^ 

>jliiL! JUS i .}*j* ^jy ^ 
J ,A^r 13 JUi 

*liLsd <_'*•! ifaxJ 
> ^ 

rfl 1" 

i . K* J^ - J *^1 - " 
' — •• 

—t— u— — ; (* y *i c.'^r^~’ 

. 1, 

_bj 0 ^i 

J^-l JUi 3 jU U 

Jli ‘ A-ljtj .j (u, 

c- ^ 7 - \7 

3 ,.3 «l,3 JUi 3r 3 3 0 3, , 

*1 £ ‘JU 'a>* .,’cUl) 

t_T>~ > ’ '.• ^ ^ C7 

<t-jl ►= wlc v'l bjJA^ *LU1 •.’! 

"• IA J >• - J j- ^ ■ J LS 


Cf. ^., iv, 146, 14 ff. 

‘ j!/' J '*a m «'•»«» 



Wellhausen, 1 that he made ready for an interview with the 
caliph Al-Walid ibn Yazid, in the belief that the caliph 
would question him concerning the poems of one or another 
tribe to which he stood in kindred relation, by cramming 
the “ Book of the Kureish ” and the “ Book of the Thakif” 

• y 

( l „ iJLjj (ji .; ji o Lujziui). Very old also must have 

been the c—AA, to which I have called attention 

on a previous occasion. 2 Yet, if the passage in which 
such a book is mentioned, can really be referred to 
a written collection of the memoirs and poems of the tribe 
of Tamim, the ascription of the verse containing that 
mention to the poet Bishr ibn Abi Khazim rests on 
a very weak basis. It is improbable — nay, impossible — that 
such a collection existed as early as the time of that poet. 

In the following generation these labours move actively 
forward. The scholars of the ‘Abbaside epoch, on the basis 
of the preliminary attempts of the previous period, make 
their humanistic studies to share in the general outburst 
of the sciences and energetically continue the collection of 

Under the name of Khalid ibn Kulthum, 3 who apparently 
belongs back in Umayyad times, a JoLidl i_AA is 

mentioned, with the observation that it embraced a number 
of Arab tribes (JjIA iAc L Ac kJy&C.))* From the lips of 
an Arab of the tribe of Asad, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Malik 
al-Fak‘asi (lived down to the time of Harun al-Rashid), 
the memoirs of the tribe of Asad 5 were compiled, resulting 

in a Ju A yU < AA. Possibly Abu ‘Ubeida 

(d. circa 207-10 a.h.) followed in the same path with his 

1 Wellhausen, Rente arabischen Hcidentliums, 201. 

2 Z.D.M.G., xxxii (1878), 355, Mah. Stud., ii, 205. (Cf. also Abil Zeid, 
Nuw&dir, ed. Beirut, 32, 12, where the verse is cited anonymously.) 

3 As to the uncertainty which prevails respecting the age when this scholar 
lived, see my Introduction to the Diwun of al-Hufci'a, 48 note. 

4 Fihrist, 66, 10. 

5 Ibid., 49, 16 f. Fliigel, Gramm. Schuler, 55. 



monographs on the Gatafdn, Aits, and Khazraj, as also the 
Bank Alazin And elsewhere a “ Book of the Tamlmite 
Tribe of Mazin” is anonymously cited. 1 2 3 4 On the authority 
of Al-Harakutni (d. 385) we learn of “ an old book in 
which the author had collected notices of the tribe of 
Dabba and its poets.”* Abu-1- K^sim al-Amidi (d. 370), 
in his book on homonymous poets (Kitab al-mu’talif 
wal-mukhtalif), having occasion to determine whether a 
certain verse belonged to Abu-l-Gul al-Tuhawi or to a poet 
of the tribe of Nahshal bearing the same name, rests his 
decision on the fact that he had discovered accounts of 
Al-Tuhawi in the “ Book of the Tribe of Tuhayt/a,” while 
he had never seen a poet of this name mentioned in the 
“ Book of the Tribe of Nahshal.” 4 The same Al-Amidi 
refers also to a “ Book of Banu-l-Kein b. al-Jasr .” 5 At 
what time these collections were first edited we cannot, 
from the notices to which we are indebted for the know- 
ledge of their actual existence, conclude with any certainty. 
We are equally left in ignorance as to the names of their 
authors. A collection of the Dabba and Nahshal poets is 
given by the Fihrist (159, 7, 8) as the work of Al-Sukkari ; 
but it is not probable that a book from this philologian 
would be alluded to a century later as a Kitab ‘ atik . 
Apparently an older, less elaborate work is to be understood, 
whose further revision and completion were undertaken 
by Al-Sukkari, as in the case of the Iludeilite com- 
positions and the individual diwans which that careful 
scholar published. However that may be, we perceive 

1 Fihrist, 54, 7. 13. 15. 

- Yakut, Geogr. Diet., iv, 360, 4. 

3 Apud Usd al-guba, ii, 339, 3: 

1 j t ^ . Jj , 1 ^ ■ . 

" > J J • o • v • •• • 

4 Khiz&nat al-adab, iii, 108: life d Jjil! 

i— 0 a! j d . 

5 Ibid., iii, 426 : lAi. 



that the philologians of the fourth century a.h., when- 
ever any matter relating to a poet was unclear to them, 
could turn to the respective Tribe - Monograph. Abh 
Hatim al-Sijistani (d. circa 250-2) had done the same, 
in order to determine the correct reading in a crooked 
verse 1 : that is to say, he collated the verse with the collec- 
tion of that Kabila to which the author of the verse in 
question belonged. 

To this end stood ready about this time for scholars’ 
reference the complete works of a man who, as it seems, 
marks the highest point in the redaction of these Kabila- 
repertoires, to wit, Abu l Amr al-Sheibdni (d. circa 205-10). 
He is reported to have put together over eighty tribe- 
diwans. All further propagation of this mass of literature 
was based upon his communication of the same 2 

He may be said to have 
incorporated all the acquisitions of his predecessors. Only 
three hundred years ago single portions of this work 
lay within reach of the learned *Abd al-Kddir ibn 'Omar 
al-Bagdddi (eleventh century a.h.), at the disposal of 
whom stood a whole library of bibliographic curiosa, now 
partly lost, as material for his Khizanat al-adab, a book 
throughout rich in all kinds of learning. 3 He is able, 

1 Abu Zeid, Naw&dir, 118, 16 : -Jl « *. t - >^ Ui 

2 Fihrist, 68, 7. 

3 To give only an example or two : ‘Abd al-Kadir al-Bagdadi had before him 
an autograph copy of the commentary of Abu ‘ TJbcida Ma‘mar ibn al-Muthanna, 
on the Diwan of Bishr ibn Abi Khazim (according to Al-Bagdadi, in Kufic 
script: cf. ii, 262). — The citations from the Diwan of the Hudeilites he was able 
to collate with a well-attested copy dating from the year 200 a.h. (ii, 31 7, bottom) : 

l^Ac s ^s.r\ Sxj iA o AsAs -2 /A.' A> 

^Lc A \ 

He makes use of the same codex, iii, 151, where he 

names as its executor l ,1 «■ -*d 0 ',LaJ1 «j1). — 

The single existing copy of Abu Ilatim al-Sijistani’s KitSb al-Mu'amnwrin, now 



for instance, to cite a verse of Ufnun al-Taglibi from the 
“ Tai/lib Poets ” of Abu ‘Amr. 1 In speaking of another 
poet he states that he has used the same author’s collection 
of the poems of the tribe Btinu J [iihdrib b. Khnsnfa i 'bn Keis 
ibn * Ai/un , in a manuscript of that work dated 291 a.h. 
This manuscript had been prepared on the basis of an 
earlier one, executed bv Abu-l-Hasan al-Tusi (also noted 2 as 
a Jo-JLll and approved by his teacher Ibn Al-A‘rabi 

(d. 231-3)— 

^ a, 

LLa±. ..jj < <LLwJ .U-ll A *:\ Uj,.'. 

O* C/* • > - • J O • - JJ J* Jj J 

O i 'j <3 3 * * O ^ 

- ^ ^ ^ i 1 t | _ C A>- ^ 

AA a*_. »lall (sic) ^^1 <Ls=r-’ ^ UAI3 Jl5 

1 jUJ ,. rf i l 

Even Al-Sukkari (d. 271) busied himself not only with 
re-editing the diwans of the classical poets, but also with 

in the University Library of Cambridge (Q 2S5), was used by ‘Abd al-Kadir al- 
Bagdadi. The title-page bears an autograph notice from him. For literary- 
historical purposes, an orderly list of the books and treatises cited in the Khizana 
would form a most desirable supplement to Guidi’s index to the same. Many 
a rare or entirely lost work can now be known only from such citations. 

1 Khisanat al-adab , iT, 456, 5: 4] ho„\ 

-4 J J- C-> 

,\xJL\ J . Cf. iii, 614, 24. 

> 'W' * ** 

* Fihrist, 71, 10. For Al-Tusi see Kremer, Tiber die Gedichte des Lab’jd 
(Sitzungsber. d. 'VTiener Akademie d. "Wiss., phil. hist. Cl. 1S81), 4. 

3 Khiz. ad., iii, 165. 



publishing a whole lot of tribe-diwans. 1 Of the latter 
(in Sukkari’s recension) nothing more than a large part of 
the Hudeilite diicdns now remains, •which owes much to 
the pains bestowed upon it by that philologian. But about 
this time, in place of full diwans of the tribes, series of 
selections from this now vast literature begin to give satis- 
faction. Such a chrestomathy of Kabail-diwans, in addition 
to his Hamasa, which he arranged according to subject- 
matter, was put into shape by Abu Tamm&m (d. 231) in 
his compilation entitled JiLiJl j\*A) But this 

chrestomathy, often used by the author of the Khizanat 
al-adab for the purpose of collating verses cited by him, 
has also not come down to us. 

With the disappearance of the immediate interest in the 
tribal life of the desert, regard for Kabail-diwans more and 
more vanished in the background. Most of what the tribes 
preserved from their poets and transmitted to the eager 
philologians now excited but a limited interest, and this 
for the most part only in the narrow circle of the members 
of the respective tribes. Not all that a tribe preserved 
from its bards stood on a level of poetic vigour and 
perfection adequate to a wider, less personally interested, 
universal demand. The redactors of poetical compilations, 
therefore, came to pick out those classic pieces which won 
recognition in wider circles, or to select wdiatever, by reason 
of its celebrity or because of the historical points of interest 
attaching to its origin, appeared worthy, over and above 
the particular fellowship of the tribe, to become the common 
property of Arab society at large and to be valued in the 
widest circles as masterpieces of poetry. It is possible that 
even a large part of the Mufadclaliyyat is only a selection 
containing the better pieces of various tribe-diwans. 
According to a literary-historical notice, Abu ‘Amr al- 
Sheibani really became acquainted with the tribe-diwans 

1 Twenty-five of these are enumerated in the Fi/irist, 159, 6-10. Further, 

78, 24: <JL5li 


di wans of the aeabic tribes. 


which he afterwards published, from the instruction he 
received from Al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi . 1 Such anthologies, 
in which the best specimens from among the poetical 
treasures of the tribes were brought together, as well as 
the ever more firmly crystallizing diwans of the Fuhiil, must 
be placed first among the causes whereby the tribe-diwans 
fell into neglect — later on into actual oblivion. One single 
collection has been spared this fate through the special 
care shown it bv the transmitters of poetical tradition , 2 it 
may be became the poetic excellences of its contents entitled 
it to an exceptionally high place above the general com- 
positions of tribe-poets — I mean the “ Dhcdn of the Tribe 
of Hudeii .” This work shows us, among other things, that 
these tribal traditions covered not only the events of the 
Jahiliyya period, but extended quite down into the Umayyad 
epoch, that is to say, well on to the time when activity in 
making collections of this sort was already under way. 
"With the decay of this literature at once fell into obliviou 
poets’ names which once loudly resounded in the midst of 
their respective tribes. Compositions likewise disappeared 
which were once objects of admiration in the camps of 
Beduin, who haughtily boasted of the deeds of their fellow- 
kinsmen. Fragments of such poems are still plentifully 
preserved in the Natcddir- works, now standing without 
their original context. And many a unique, otherwise 
unknown, poet’s name appearing in the work of Abu Zeid 
al-Ansari, printed in Beirut some two years ago, with the 
verses thereto attached, was drawn from the Ash'ar al- 

Of those tribe-diwans whose collection formed the labours 
of the most important philologians during the second and 
third centuries a.k., and of which a number, though in only 

1 Abu-l-Barakat al-Anbari (d. 577), Xu: hat al-alibba’ fi tabaka t al-udaba' 
(Cairo, 1294), 121 alt. ^ 

1 Ag., xxi, 144, 11 fig. 

j.e.a.s. 1897. 




rare and unique copies, were still to be found as literary 
rarities three hundred years ago, nothing further is known. 
For the completion of our acquaintance with the inner life 
of the various Arab tribes, they would be to us of in- 
estimable value. But like so many other precious portions 
of the old Arabic literature, they seem to have irretrievably 
vanished. Only an unexpected turn of fortune, such as 
favours literary finds in our day, can bring them once more 
to light from the dark depths of some Oriental library. 


Art. XV . — A Seljuhite Inscription at Damascus. By 
Henry Cassels Kay, M.Il.A.S. 

The Royal Asiatic Society is indebted to the courtesy of 
the Royal Institute of British Architects for a copy of the 
article published in its Journul (vol. iv, 3rd ser., Nos. 2 
and 3) — a paper read at a meeting of the Society in 
November last, by Mr. R. Phene Spiers, F.S.A., on the 
great mosque of Damascus. The paper offers us an 
historical account of the building, a description of the 
surviving vestiges of the old temple, and of the Christian 
Church of St. John the Baptist, including the well-known 
Greek inscription over the Southern Gateway, particulars 
on the conversion of the building into a mosque by the 
Omayyad Khallfah al-TValid, of the changes the mosque 
has undergone during the past period of well-nigh twelve 
centuries, and last, though not least, it gives us a careful 
and minute description of the building as it existed 
previous to the fire of 1893. The numerous plans and 
drawings with which the paper is illustrated, whilst 
attracting notice by their beauty, are of no small 
assistance to the reader in studying the text. 

The fire that occurred nearly four years ago is, as is well 
known, by no means the only one from which the building 
has suffered. In a.h. 803 (a.d. 1400-1), when Damascus 
was devasted by Timur-Lang, the mosque was desecrated and 
set on fire, and nothing, we are told, soon remained of it 
but bare walls from which roofs, gates, and marble decora- 
tions had disappeared. 1 Nearly three centuries and a half 
before that time, in Sha‘ban, a.h. 461 (a.d. 1069), the 

1 These fire the words of Ibn Iyas, not, as may be seen, entirely free from 



mosque had undergone an equally disastrous fire, of which 
a record is preserved in Ibn al-Atlnr’s Chronicles (vol. x, 
p. 40). It was the result, he says, of a faction fight 
between the North Africans and Easterns ; in other words, 
between the adherents of the Egyptian Fatimites and the 
Asiatic Sunnis. The mob, he says, sympathized with the 
Egyptians, a fact, by the way, not without a certain 
interest. A house was, in the course of the disturbances, 
set on fire. The flames rapidly spread to the adjoining 
mosque, and, in spite of strenuous exertions to save the 
building, it was reduced to a state of almost complete ruin. 

The fire is likewise mentioned in al-Bondari’s abridgment 
of ‘Imad ad-din al-Isfahani’s History of the Seljuks, a work 
to which I shall presently have occasion to make further 
reference. But beyond bare mention of the fact, the author 
gives us practically no information. He devotes, it is true, 
ten printed lines to the subject, and gives us an eloquent 
description of a raging fire, with the great wealth of 
words displayed throughout his work, figurative language, 
paragrams, assonances, and a quotation from the Kur'an. 
lie does tell us, however, that the evil eye was said to 
have cast its malignant influences on the beauties of the 
building, and that suspicion rested on certain officials of 
the Egyptian Government. 

On the occasion of a visit I paid to Damascus in 1875, 
I copied a Cufic inscription engraved on a slab affixed to 
one of the piers that supported the dome. The copy was 
made under certain difficulties. I chose the hour at which 
the mosque would be most free from the presence of native 
visitors, but a small group gradually gathered around me. 
They behaved with perfect good-humour, but they made 
remarks to one another and kept plying me with questions 
to which I felt obliged to return an answer. I believe, 
nevertheless, that in all its essentials the following may be 
regarded as a faithful copy : — 



|*IjJ I'JiLi. o (i) ,jLp^I 

d wuj &l— > m. \ <uj^h) to y * * y ** ^ Jtj I 

ilo i__£L« ouM ^j_>\ ^ <— Jy«M ^}y* ^Sy^-* A I jJicM 

^ L ^ Ao>- ^ ^ 1 je?* (. ^ ) ^ — v Ai^sr* ^y 

i ^ — 1. 4 ,.' ^‘.* . 1 A«.Vj <t « . « A 4- .^: * A ! ^ wV ' — Ij 

JU^S 1ys» (<) y^\ *LJI 

c -a!U- ^r* J~i-i- M ^j) A*S-\ J*a. j y\ ^.Jj^i \ A~to aJ.aH o"®U 
. . j ^ ^ywh^.r>- A *.. * \ * * ..i . > ^ - A-^ — 1 i J b — *— ’ ^ a! b< 

A_jUju^ ^ 

In the name of God the Merciful, the Gracious. Verily God 
t can well satisfied with the Faithful when they swine fidelity to thee 
under the tree. And he knew what was in their hearts . l 2 

The construction of this Maksurah 2 and the decoration of the 
wall-faces with marble, were ordered under the Khali fate of the 
‘Abbaside dynasty, in the days of the Imam al-Muktadi bi arnr 
lllah Abu’l Kasim ‘Abd Allah Prince of the Faithful, aud under 
the rulership of the Great Sultan, the Most Great Shahinshah, 
Lord of the Kings of Nations, Sovereign of Arabs and of non- 
Arabs, AbuT-Fath Malikshah son of Muhammad son of Da'ud, 
the right hand of the Prince of the Faithful, and in the days of 
his brother the most Illustrious King, the Crown of the State and 
Lamp of the Faith, the Dispenser of joyfulness unto his people, 
Abu Sa‘id Tutush son of the King of Islam, Defender of the 
Prince of the Faithful, — by the most noble Wazlr, Lord and 
Object of recourse, Glory of exalted Stations, Counsellor of the 
State, Supporting-pillar of the two great Princes, 3 Abu Nasr 
Ahmad son of al-Fadl, and paid for out of his righteously acquired 
property, seeking the reward of God Most High. In the months 
of the year 475. 

1 Kur., xlviii, 18. 

2 The enclosed space which comprises the mihrab, or praver-niche of a mosque. 

3 The designation of al-Hadratayn refers, I take it, either to Malikshah and 
Tutush, or to the Khalifah and Malikshah. 



Whether the tablet has survived the fire of 1893 I do 
not know, but I have reason to hope that information will 
soon be received on the subject. It occupied a most con- 
spicuous position, and it is difficult to believe that other 
copies have not been made. M. Waddington copied many 
Arabic inscriptions in Syria, and in particular at Damascus. 
A large number, amounting, it would appear, to several 
hundreds, were in the possession of the late Henri Sauvaire. 
See his Description de Da/nas, vol. i, p. 37, note 1 ; p. 57, 
n. 95 ; p. 169, n. 218 ; etc. 

Professor Max van Berchem has printed in the Journal 
de la Societe Asiatique (vol. xvii, i, p. 421, and xix, i, p. 395) 
part of an inscription in the Damascus mosque. He speaks 
of several as existing on the four piers, that which he 
publishes being one of the number. But he tells us he 
could reach it only with the help of a ladder. I have 
no recollection of having seen these. The one I copied 
immediately faced a spectator standing on the floor of the 
mosque, the lower edge of the slab, to the best of my 
recollection, being not more than four, or at the outside five, 
feet from the ground. 

The resemblance between the two inscriptions is very 
striking. Not only the date, a.h. 475 (a.d. 1082-3), but 
most also of the phraseology is identical. My reading, 
I may add, is in almost complete accord with M. van 
Berchem’s. I have, however, jL~t y where he has read 

I**}!! i . We have both, it appears, felt doubtful of the 

word ibn in |*2L»W ^ \JiAj. 

My original transcript in pencil shows that I could 
perceive only two small vertical strokes. But they clearly 
represented a short word, and it can hardly be other than 
as M. van Berchem has read. 

His inscription after the words j*c\j proceeds 

with .... *j'j) r V.' ^ 5 * 5 , which, as he justly remarks, 
suggest that the name of the celebrated WazTr Nizam 
al-Mulk followed upon that, of Tutush. But here, un- 
fortunately, the copy comes to an end. The name Abu 



Nasr Ahmad, son of al-Fadl, which may be said to impart 
its chief interest to the inscription given above, cannot 
therefore appear. 

Ibn al-Atbir (vol. x, p. 445) mentions al-Mukhtass Abu 
Nasr Ahmad ibn al-Fadl, wazlr of Sultan Sinjar, who, 
he says, attacked, in a.h. 520, the Batinis or Ismailites. 
His troops had orders to slaughter their enemies wherever 
they could be reached, to plunder their goods, and to 
capture their women, commands which were fulfilled to the 
letter. At p. 456, we are told that in the same year the 
Wazlr was assassinated by the Ismailites. In the wars he 
made upon them, says the historian, he bore the distinctive 
marks of goodness as well as of his virtuous purpose, and 
God bestowed upon him the grant of martyrdom. 

The identity we here find, not only in the name Abu 
Nasr Ahmad, but also in that of his father, al-Fadl, allows 
little room for doubt that the personage who died in 
a.h. 520 or 521 is the same as he who restored the 
Damascus mosque in 475. But it is difficult nevertheless 
to adopt that conclusion without hesitation. The titles 
applied to him in the inscription show that at that early 
date he already occupied a very high official position, one 
which he can hardly be expected to have attained in early 
life. The death of Sin jar’s wazlr was brought about by 
violence, and nothing is said to indicate that he was a man 
of advanced age. 

Whilst engaged in a somewhat laborious search for 
information to supplement the meagre statements of Ibn 
al-Athlr, Mr. A. G. Ellis reminded me of the texts published 
by Professor Houtsma on the history of the Seljukites, and 
in particular of his admirable edition of al-Bondari. The 
index of the latter, as Mr. Ellis was good enough to write 
me, repeatedly mentions al-Mukhtass. His full name and 
titles, as contained in the pages of al-Bondari are Mu'in 
ad-din Mukhtass al-Mnlk Abu Nasr Ahmad ibn al Fadl ibn 
Mahmud al-Kashi. This last word is written at f° IP 
whilst elsewhere (p. we find In the case of 



Mukhtass al-Mulk’s son, it will be observed that the word 
is written whence it may be presumed that the 

family came originally from Kitshan. But l)e Guignes, as 
will be seen, gives the reading Kaschi. , 

The earliest mention of Mukhtass al-Mulk occurs under 
the reign of Sultan Muhammad and vizirate of Sa‘d al- 
Mulk, who, according to Ibn al-Atblr (vol. x, p. 304), 
held his office for two years and nine months, until the 
month of Shawwal, a.h. 500, when he was put to death 
by order of the Sultan. Sa‘d al-Mulk was one of the many 
victims of ‘Abd Allah al-Khatlbi, Kadi of Isfahan, who by 
dint of hypocrisy and calumny, of the favour he contrived 
to acquire with the Sultan, and by accusations of Ismailism, 
created an intense and ever-widening: reigm of terror. 1 From 
al-Bondari’s account it would appear that Sa‘d al-Mulk was 
somewhat unfortunate in his subordinates, almost every- 
one of whom is described as wanting either in ability or 
honesty, or both. Several high officials perished along 
with the wazlr, and Mukhtass al-Mulk was sent for (p. V-) 
and appointed to the important office of Toghray, or as it 
may be rendered, State Secretary. 2 This must have been 
about the year 499 (a.d. 1105-6). 

It became a common saying that no one but al-Mukhtass 
was able to escape the malice of al-Khatlbi. But that, 
continues the author (pp. Ja-I**), did not long endure. Al- 
Khatlbi contrived to create suspicion of the Secretary’s 
orthodoxy, and consequently of his loyalty, and impressed 
upon the Sultan — thus suggesting means by which the 
latter’s enemies might be detected — that an Ismailite is 
known only to his fellows. lie found one of the sect 
living in concealment at Isfahan, and gave him the 
names of one hundred of the leading officials of the 
Government, desiring him, with promises of protection and 
personal safety, to denounce them on being questioned, as 

1 Al-Bondari, pp. IMf. See also Iloutsma, Preface, pp. xv, xvi. It will 
lie remembered that the Batinites or Ismailites are the men who were known to 
the Crusaders under the name of slssassins. 

‘ See Houtsma, Preface, pp. viii, ix. 



Ismailites. The man, at al-Khatlbi’s instigation, was sent 
for by the Sultan, and gave up the hundred names, among 
which was that of Mukhtass al-Mulk. Tlie accused were 
arrested, but, fortunately for them, al-Khatlbi’s career now 
came to an end. He was stabbed to death, by whom or 
under what circumstances is not stated, but the news, we 
are told, was received with universal rejoicing among high 
and low. The Sultan’s eyes were speedily opened to the 
deception that had been practised upon him, and thence- 
forward he ceased, it is added, to listen to charges relating 
to religious belief, or to credit accusations against Muslims 
of being allied with the impious professors of Batin ism. 

Certain doubts as to Mukhtass al-Mulk continued, how- 
ever, to prevail in the Sultan’s mind, and led to the former’s 
dismissal from his office of Toghray, the highest, remarks 
the writer, next to the Wazirate, with the exception only 
of that of Mustaufi. He was at the same time deprived 
of the appointment he likewise held as Wazlr to Kuhir 
Khatun, wife of the Sultan. 

Ere long he was reinstated in the service, under the 
Wazir Khatir al-Mulk, and he was raised to the office of 
Mustaufi. Between him and the Wazlr (of whose capacity 
we have a very unfavourable account) there existed mutual 
jealousy aud enmity, which each did his best to conceal, 
but neither able to prevail against the other, until the Wazlr 
turned for aid to Kamal al-Mulk as-Sumayrami. 

The period here spoken of cannot have been long before 
the Sultan’s death, when signs of the decline of his Empire 
and dynasty were becoming more and more perceptible. 
Its ablest men had perished, aud of its old and capable 
servants there remained only Mukhtass al-Mulk the Mustaufi 
and the Katib Abu Isma‘11 al-Isfahani (p. mi). The 
officials of the court combined against the Mustaufi. The 
precise means whereby they accomplished their ends are not 
mentioned, and we are only told the bare facts that he was 
dismissed from his office and imprisoned, and that a fine 
was inflicted upon him of 50,000 dinars. He was next 
made to sign an engagement by which he pledged himself 



never so long as lie lived to seek office. He was then 
released, but not without being plundered of all he possessed 
and reduced to a state of absolute destitution, fortunate, 
remarks the historian, in escaping with his life. The part 
taken by Khatlr al-Mulk and Sumayrami in these events 
is not stated. The former was or had been dismissed by 
the Sultan, but subsequently reappointed as Toghray. 
As-Sumayrami succeeded Mukhtass al-Mulk as Mustaufi. 
As to Abu Isma‘11 al-Isfahaui he was accused of practising 
magic, and of being the probable cause of the Sultan’s 
illness, and was deprived of his office. The same charge 
was brought against the Sultan’s wife, who was treated 
with barbarous cruelty, blinded and finally strangled in the 
prison in which she was confined. Her death and that 
of the Sultan occurred, we are told, on the same day, the 
latter end of a.h. 511. 

For the next ten years the abridgment of ‘Imad ad-din’s 
History is silent as to the career and fortunes of Mukhtass 
al-Mulk, but it tells us that in a.h. 520 he held the office 
of AVazIr in Khorasiln to Sultan Sinjar, and, it is added, 
that he had joined the sect of the Murji'ites. The WazTr of 
Sultan Mahmud, son and successor of Muhammad, was at that 
time Nasir ibn ‘Aly ad-DergezIny, who, a Persian peasant 
by birth, had raised himself to high office, and who made 
himself notorious, even among the men of his day, for his 
rapacity, treachery, and cruelty. He knew, says our author, 
that al-Mukhtass watched his conduct with displeasure and 
apprehension, and, actuated by fear as well as by hatred, 
he had recourse to the usual means of assassination. 1 He 
sought and obtained the aid of the Batinites, whose favour 
he had gained by rendering them a service, which was at 
the same time an act of treachery to his master. An 
assassin was found who contrived to be received in 
Mukhtass al-Mulk’ s service as sais or groom. It happened 
one day that the AVazIr ordered his horses to be brought 
from the stables for his inspection. The Batinite released 

1 r. IPO. in. 



his hold of the horse he was leading, and snatching a dagger 
he had concealed in the horse’s mane, he stabbed his 
master to the heart. This, we are told, occurred in the 
month of Rabi‘ al-Akhir, a.h. 521 (a.d. 1127). 

The story, as related above, is not in complete agreement 
with the version given by Ibn al-Athlr (vol. x, p. 456). 
The latter tells us that al-Mukhtass was assassinated by the 
Ismailites in revenge for the savage warfare he had waged 
against them. And it is true that at page riv, al-Bondari 
confines himself to saying that the Wazlr was killed by 
the Ismailites, making no mention of ad-DergezIny. The 
event, he there moreover states, occurred on the 29th of the 
month of Safar. On the preceding page he gives us a list 
of Sinjar’s Wazlrs, from which it appears that Mukhtass 
al-Mulk received his appointment in a.h. 518. 

Al-Bondari tells us that the Wazlr was eulogized by the 
Kadi Abu Bakr al-Arrajani, and he quotes the commence- 
ment of the poem, ending with the following line : — 

“And (he, al-Mukhtass, hath) fingers to show thee that 
to the (small and) slender pen belongeth superiority over 
the quivering lance.” 

Mukhtass al-Mulk appears to have left a son — Fakhr 
ad-din Abu Tahir, son of Mu‘In ad-din Abu Kasr Ahmad 
ibn al-Fadl ibn Mahmud al-Kdshany (p. rrr). He is 
mentioned as Wazir to Sultan Suleyman, brother of Sultan 
Mahmud, who was raised to the throne on the death of 
Muhammad, son of Mahmud, at the latter end of Dhu'l- 
Ka‘dah, a.h. 554. 

Suleyman, we are told, was a notorious drunkard — “ a 
(wine-)jar” — a drinker who, when overcome with liquor, 
would fall prostrate and spend a week in a state of drunken 
insensibility 1 ; and the Wazir’s habits were the same as his 
master’s. The Sultan showed no sign of amendment, and 
the patience of the high officials was at length exhausted. 
He was seized and imprisoned in his palace in Shawwal, 
a.h. 555 (p. mi), and soon after was sent a prisoner to 

1 Ibn al-Athir (vol. xi, p. 176) says that Suleyman used to commit the double 
sin of drinking wine, and of doing so by day, in the fast month of Ramadan. 



the castle of Hamadhan, where poison put an end to his 
life in Rabl‘ al-Awwal, a.h. 556. 

Faklir ad-din, it is to be surmised, adopted at least more 
moderate habits, since we read that Arslan Shah, the 
successor of Suleyman, appointed him Wazir (p. r"-r*l) and 
that he held the office for several years, until he died. 
Arslan himself is stated to have died in a.h. 571. 

I find no mention in Sadr ad-din al-Husayni’s History 
(Brit. Mus. Stowe, Or. 7) of al-Hukhtass, or of his son 
Faklir ad-din, nor any allusion to Suleyman's habits of 
intemperance, a thing that seems all the more strange 
considering that ‘Imad ad-dlu’s History was well known to 
the writer (see Houtsma’s Preface to al-Bondari, p. xxxvi). 

De Guignes mentions “ Phakhr ad-din Kusc/ii,” Wazir of 
Suleyman Shah (vol. ii, p. 258), but says nothing of his 
being, like his master, addicted to drink. He tells us that 
Suleyman, on his accession to the throne, sought to deprive 
his Wazir and several other high functionaries of their 
offices, and he speaks of Fakhr ad-din as one of the chief 
leaders in the conspiracy that led to Suleyman’s deposition 
and death. The sources from which De Guignes has drawn 
his information are not quite clearly shown. 

Further research may fairly be expected to cast light 
upon what seems for the present a somewhat puzzling 
historical problem. So far as I am aware, the Damascus 
inscription is as yet the only record we possess of a man 
who, in a.h. 475, held high official station under the 
Seljukite Sultans, and whose name is identical with that 
of a historical personage of considerably later date. If we 
arrive at the conclusion that the two were one and the same, 
we are by no means free from difficulty. Besides others 
already alluded to, we have to deal with the fact that the 
son is stated to have died not much less than a hundred 
years after the time when his father must necessarily have 
attained the age of mature manhood, a thing which, if not 
absolutely impossible of acceptance, is, it must be said, in 
a very high degree improbable. 



Professor IToutsma lias been good enough to read the 
proofs of the preceding paper, and lias favoured me with his 
views on the question that arises in connection with the 
name Abu JYasr Ahmad ibn al-Fadl. Professor Houtsma 
considers the identity of the two personages very im- 
probable. As he most justly remarks, it is almost impossible 
that a person, Wazlr or not, having the magnificent titles 
mentioned in the inscription of the year 475, should have 
been created Toghray twenty-five years afterwards, as a first 
step to the next higher offices of Mustaufi and Wazlr. The 
identity of name, Professor Houtsma thinks, although very 
remarkable in this case, cannot outweigh that argument. 

The person mentioned in the inscription, he adds, was 
probably Wazlr of Tutush and honoris causa also of Malik 
Shah, as his designation ^ seems to imply. lie 
cannot have been Wazlr to Malikshah, nor to the Khallfah, 
Malikshah never having had any other Wazlr than Nizam 
al-Mulk, and the Wazlrs of the Khallfah being well known. 
Only the Wazlrs of Tutush are unknown, but mention of 
them must occur in the Chronicles of Damascus. 

Professor Houtsma adds that he thinks there must be 
something amiss in the latter part of the inscription. The 
name Tutush with the word ^ , he points out, would 
necessarily be followed by the name of the Prince’s father, 
which may no doubt have been accompanied by the words 
and j~+\ , although, as he further 

remarks, it is difficult to explain why the name ill XL. should 
be followed by the bare name of his father, “ Muhammad.” 
I felt, indeed, some difficulty with the words Malik al-Islam, 
any doubts being, however, silenced on finding that Professor 
van Berchem found precisely the same. In reading Professor 
Houtsma’s remarks, it has occurred to me that we may 
possibly here be dealing with an error committed by the 
engraver, or by the writer of the MS. copy of the inscription 
for the engraver’s use, whereby the words may 

have been substituted for »— • 



The Indian Village Community. By B. II. Baden- 
Powell, M.A., C.I.E. (Longmans, Green, & Co., 1896.) 

This is the first serious attempt at a comprehensive survey 
of the various forms of the village community throughout 
the whole of India. The work is well arranged, and the 
author’s industry and impartiality are manifest on every 
page. The Introduction contains a review of all those 
physical peculiarities or habits of co-operative cultivation 
which have influenced permanent location on the land, and 
also gives an excellent ethnological summary. The account 
of the village communities among aboriginal tribes is the 
best I have seen, and the description of the tribal settlements 
on the Afghan frontier is curious and striking. 

One single form of tenure, the raiyatwari, prevails 
throughout three-fourths of India. Under this system the 
village is held together by social necessities and the head- 
man’s rule, but individuals hold the land in severalty. This 
village constitution is a primitive one ; it is found among 
the aboriginal Kols and Khonds, as well as among the 
Hindooized Dravidians and the dwellers of Rajputana. 
Traces of it may be found in Oudh and the districts across 
the Ghogra, and the few exceptions to be found within the 
raiyatwari region — the Vellalar colonists in Madras, the 
Nair estates, and the bhagdari villages of Gujarat — are 
capable of historical explanation. 

But from Behar to the Afghan frontier, throughout the 
region longest subject to Mahomedan influences, we find 
a totally different set of tenures, two of which alone concern 



us here. The first represents the territorial settlement of 
a tribe, or occasionally of a few families which have grown 
into a clan. The territory is divided into certain great 
blocks, a block being assigned to each division of the clan ; 
and within the block the arable is divided equally among 
all the clansmen. The land is theoretically subject to re- 
distribution, and this is occasionally done, although I know 
of only one recent instance in the North-West Provinces. 
This method of bhaiachard tenure is peculiar to certain 
tribes, Biluchis, Pathans, and others, who (with the doubtful 
exception of the Rajputs) are not of Indian or Aryan origin 
at all. It prevails chiefly in the Punjab, and in the North- 
West Provinces is confined to Rajputs, Goojurs, and Jats. In 
all these cases the territory, not the village, is the unit, 
and the laud is held for the time at least in complete 

But in the third class of tenures, the pattiddri, with its 
numerous varieties, the village area, the cultivating unit, is 
ordinarily (not always) coterminous with the estate. The 
proprietors are peasants ; part of the land they have divided 
and cultivate themselves, or by their tenants ; the rest of the 
arable (if any) with the waste are the joint property of the 
community. To whatever extent the division of the arable 
may have been carried, two features are invariable. The 
shares are held according to ancestral descent, and the 
common land, whether of the whole village or of the sub- 
division, is the joint property of the respective co-sharers. 
Occasionally the process of division has been carried so far 
that nothing of importance is left to divide, and the village 
loses its characteristic feature. A large number, perhaps 
the majority, of these pattiddri villages do not go back 
for more than two centuries; and so far as their history can 
be traced, they are always the descendants of one or two 
original proprietors, over-lords, grantees, or colonists. 

The pattiddri village is the only true type of a village 
community with collective ownership of the land to be found 
in Northern India ; and it has attracted the special attention 
of administrators and students. During the earty years of 



the century it was a constant battleground between the 
local administrators and the supreme Government : its 
earliest discoverers sacrificed their appointments to their 
convictions, and Sir II. Maine says that “the discovery 
and recognition of its existence have long ranked among 
the greatest achievements of Anglo-Indian administration.” 
But its value for the history of institutions was not 
recognized until a much later period. Some thirty or forty 
years a<ro a series of brilliant writers for the first time 
applied the comparative method to historical investigations. 
It was the age of Darwin, and great generalizations were 
in the air. Among the most striking of these were the 
communal family of MacLellan, and the “ collective owner- 
ship of laird which,” according to Sir II. Maine, “ was 
a universal phenomenon in primitive societies.” And then 
came the reaction ; the method was retained, the results 
denied. MacLellan is followed by Westermarck, and for 
Maine and Maurer and Nasse we have Seebohm and 
F. de Coulanges. 

But a long time elapsed before the reaction reached India. 
Most of the Anglo-Indian writers on the origins of the 
Indian village community were lawyers in the Presidency 
towns, like Mayne and Sir J. Phear, and the author of the 
Tagore lectures for 1874-5 ; who had an imperfect ac- 
quaintance with the facts, and were full of theories derived 
from Sir II. Maine and H. Spencer. Mr. Baden-Powell, 
on the other hand, belongs, I might say necessarily, to the 
reaction. He has firmly grasped two essential facts : first, 
that the raiyatuari and b/iaidchdrd tenures are at least as 
primitive as the pattidari ; and secondly, that although the 
raiyatuari is probably, the bhaiachdra certainly, connected 
with tribal conceptions of property in land, neither of 
them has any connection with collective village ownership. 
But when he discusses the place and origin of the pattidari 
village, he becomes tentative and vague. Like Sir H. 
Maine he deduces collective village ownership from the 
joint family — I will not say Aryan family, because we 
have the Semitic joint family as well, and the author’s 
j.k.a.s. 1897. 




language is often indefinite. Nor is it quite clear whether 
he regards it as a necessary evolution or a primitive form. 
He sajrs he cannot find any trace of it in Manu, and he 
admits that the raiyatwari system probably prevailed under 
the Hindoo kingdoms of the North-West Provinces prior 
to the Mahomedan conquest. Now there is no question that 
the pattidari village was developed from the joint family : 
the division by ancestral shares puts that beyond dispute. 
But the real question is, was this a natural development, or 
was it a development brought about under external pressure ? 
My own belief is, that it was evolved under the pressure 
of the Mahomedan revenue system. I may point out that 
it is only found in the region permanently dominated by the 
Mahomedans ; and that it does not exist under purely 
Hindoo Governments like those of Rajputana. Its existence 
cannot be proved prior to the Mahomedan conquest, 
analogies and survivals being against any such belief. 
I can show, on the other hand, that it rapidly developed 
with the introduction of the Mahomedan revenue system ; 
and I trace its origin to Roman ideas of joint fiscal 
responsibility adopted by the Mahomedan conquerors. The 
Mahomedan system of land revenue was essentially the 
same from the Nile to the Ganges; it was based on the 
Roman census of Syria and Egypt, and it created no less 
a revolution in the treatment of the land than our English 
ideas have done. Here, then, I part company with the 
author altogether. 

Mr. Baden-Powell apologizes for mistakes of detail, but 
these are singularly few, so far at least as the North- AVest 
Provinces are concerned. The ardzidars (p. 340) are never 
to my knowledge ousted proprietors ; they are grantees, 
nominally of the village community, usually of certain 
members of it, who hold a block out of the village waste 
for the purpose of paying the revenue. The author favours 
a suggestion that the Tharus are of Aryan stock (p. 123), 
but this I think is quite untenable. The llaburas, a criminal 
tribe of the Upper Doab, claim to be a branch of the Tharus, 
who bound themselves by a curse never to cultivate when 



they were ousted from their seats ; and they have many 
peculiar words iu common. 

The author remarks with great truth that the joint 
family is the cardinal distinction between Aryan and non- 
Aryan ; and a sketch of the various forms of the family 
throughout India might well be included in his ethnological 
summary, and would increase the interest of any future 
edition of the work. 

J. Kennedy. 

Texts and Studies. Yol. IY, No. 2. Coptic Apocryphal 
Gospels. By Forbes Robinson, M.A. (Cambridge 
University Press, 189G.) 

The Apocrypha published by Mr. Robinson embrace, 
first, The life of the Virgin ; second, The falling asleep of 
Mary ; third, The death of Joseph ; fourth, Three fragments 
which deal with our Lord’s public ministry, the most curious 
being the story of the fishing of the Devil. Revillout and 
Lagarde have already published several of the texts ; but 
Mr. Robinson has recollated the MSS., added much fresh 
material, and accompanied the whole with an excellent 
English translation. The notes display nice grammatical 
scholarship, and contain a wealth of illustration from 
Apocryphal aud Gnostic sources. 

The fragments which relate to the Gospel history are 
peculiar to the Copts, and occupy a very small part of the 
book. Two-thirds of it is taken up with the legeuds of 
the Virgin, and more than half the remainder with the 
death of Joseph. These stories must have been very popular 
with the Copts, to judge by the number of versions ; they 
throw much light on the popular religion, and it is 
instructive to note their variations from the parallel 
literature in Latin, Greek, Syriac, or Arabic. The death of 
Joseph is undoubtedly a story of Egyptian origin ; on this 
point Tischendorf and Mr. Robinson are agreed. The 
question is whether the story of the Virgin also arose on 
Egyptian soil, and if not, at what date and from what 



quarter was it introduced. On these points Mr. Robinson 
has not expressed any decided opinion ; but I think the 
question can be solved, and I venture to give my own 

It must be admitted at the outset that the Egyptian 
variations and embellishments embroidered on the current 
legend are considerable, and our first business is to clear 
them from tbe framework of the story. The variations may 
be attributed to three causes. 

I. Egyptian asceticism. The Virgin lives after the most 
approved ascetic type. The raiment she wore on entering 
the Temple at three years old grows with her growth, and 
remains unchanged to the day of her death ; she does not 
plait her hair, or bathe, or use water for her ablutions. 
She is represented as a mother-abbess surrounded by 
a troop of holy virgins, living in one house with the 
Apostles, much after the fashion of those vast Egyptian 
monasteries where monks and nuns lived under one head 
in close proximity. Hence the chief variation from the 
non-Egyptian versions. In them the Apostles are scattered 
throughout the world, and assemble miraculously the day 
before the Virgin’s death. But the Egyptian imagination 
had no need of such an incident, since it pictured the 
primitive church at Jerusalem after the model of a vast 
monastic establishment. 

II. Egyptian ideas of death and Amenti pervade the 
work and give it most of its peculiar character and local 
colour. These ideas are of very different kinds, according 
to the source from which they are derived. From the old 
Egyptian theology we have the dragon ( apcpi ), the river 
of fire, the merciless avengers with divers (animal) faces, 
the powers of darkness, who grind their teeth, and send 
forth flames from their mouths and slay sinners. All the 
terrors of the under-world remain, but the old protecting 
deities are gone. Osiris and Anubis and the children of 
TIorus have vanished before Hellenic philosophy and 
Christian doctrine. A few ideas of a different order have 
survived. Death is represented in these Apocrvpha as 



a necessity, but not a necessary evil ; it is in reality the 
introduction to everlasting life (‘ dnc/i ( ettci l c inch er heh’). 
The crux misata — the hieroglyph of life — is engraved on 
the Christian stelae, and the Christians buried their dead 
to face the East. In these Apocrypha Christ ascends from 
the Mount of Olives with llis face to the East, and Mary 
turns to the East to die. Here, then, two ideas have 
survived which remind us of the earliest times. 

Other ideas are derived from folklore or from Christianity. 
The difficulty' which Death experiences in persuading the 
soul to quit the body, appears to me more especially 
a pure bit of folklore. It is a popular belief (in India 
at least) that the parity, and consequently the fate, of the 
soul depends greatly on the mode of its exit from the 
body ; hence the objection to hanging. But the idea is 
exemplified in the legend of the Virgin (and still more 
in the death of Joseph, and the quotations given in the 
notes) in unparalleled variety and detail. 

Lastly, Christianity has introduced the angelologv, the 
personifications of death, Amenti, and the devil, the palms, 
the tree of life, aud many other things. Sometimes the 
old and the new are intermixed ; for instance, Death has his 
treasure-house in the south, the region of Set or Typhon. 

III. The story has been materially altered to suit 
a special theological dogma. An anathema is pronounced 
more than once on all who say that the Virgin was taken 
up in her body into heaven without tasting of death. 
Death is not an evil : it is a necessity for all men : Christ 
died : Enoch and Elias have still to die : and without 
separation of soul aud body there is no entrance into the 
spirit world. Equal stress is laid on the concealment 
and preservation of the body in a place unknown to all. 
These ideas are peculiarly Egyptian, and the Copts there- 
fore, ditfei'ing from their neighbours, have agreed to 
interpose a considerable time between the death of Mary 
and the assumption of her body, although north and south 
differed among themselves as to what that interval of time 
should be. 



If we omit the variations due to these three classes of 
ideas, we shall find the main facts of the legend unchanged ; 
and there is nothing in them to imply that the legend first 
arose in Egypt. Indeed, there are one or two a priori 
reasons for an opposite opinion. But before I discuss the 
date of the rise of the legend in Egypt, and its origin, 
I must say a few words of the relative chronology of the 
vai'ious versions. 

We have four accounts of the death of the Virgin. The 
three last also deal with the assumption. 

A. A fragmentary Sahidic account, pp. 24-41, which 
Mr. Robinson has treated as part of the Virgin’s life. If 
it be so, the fact argues a late date, since in Greek and 
Latin the childhood of the Virgin and her death form 
distinct works. It is not certain (but probable) that the 
writer knew of the assumption. 

B. A Bohairic account ascribed to Evodius, pp. 44-67. 

C. A Sahidic account — a fragment, pp. 67-89. 

D. A second Bohairic account ascribed to Theodosius, 
pp. 99-127. This is diffuse and rhetorical, and a spoken 
homily as it professes to be. 

B and 0 are closely allied, and agree in the earlier 
parts verbatim ; B appearing to be a mere amplification 
of C. In the latter part they differ, B following the 
Bohairic and C in the main the Sahidic tradition. C and 
1) appear also to have adopted some non- Egyptian ideas. 
For instance, the body of Mary is buried, according to 
C, under the tree of life in the midst of Paradise. The 
nearest parallel appears to be the grave which the angels 
dig in Paradise for Adam and Abel (vide Apocalyp. Mosis, 
v. 40 : cf. Liber. Joh. de dorm. Mariae, v. 48). 

We have, then, three free and independent workings up 
of the same material, A, C (B), and D. And we may 
classify them by two criteria : first, the comparative 

naturalness and simplicity of the incidents ; second, their 
ecclesiastical character. These criteria will give a pro- 
visional chronology. The Copts, like the Pharaohs, had 
no historical conscience; they sacrificed everything, says 



Amelineau, to edification, and edification meant the 
exaggerated and miraculous. We may assume, theu, that 
with them the latest tale is ordinarily the most wonderful. 
The ecclesiastical tone is also an important note of' time. 
Judged bv these texts, A must be the earliest and B the 
latest of the group. D appears to be intermediate, for 
although it combines incidents found in A (e.g. Mary’s 
premonitory vision) with others found in 1) (our Lord’s 
appearance on the day before her death), yet it is much 
more miraculous and ecclesiastical than A, much less so 
than B. The chronological sequence would then appear 
to be A, D, C, and B. This agrees with the few 
chronological indications I discover in them. 

And now to fix the earliest and the latest date. I take 
B to be the last of the versions, and the only note of time 
in it I can find is contained in the elaborate simile with 
which it opens. The details are Byzantine throughout 
down to the feast given to the prisoners ; there is no trace 
of anything Mahomedan. Mr. llobinson remarks that the 
number of Greek words is unusually large, and there are 
a number of official titles — tribunus, comes, eparch, dux, 
signifer, buccinator. But we know that Arabic became the 
common language of Lower Egypt (where this text was 
written) within a century of Amru’s conquest, and official 
terms would be the first to drop out of popular use and 
recollection. We cannot be far wrong in fixing 700 a.d. 
as the latest date for this text, and it may have been 
a century earlier. With this the superscription of text 
D agrees. That is said to be the text of a sermon delivered 
by Abba Theodosius in the year he died ; and it is believed 
that he died in 507 or 508 a.d. (p. 215). 

On the other hand, we can fix an anterior limit for the 
rise of the legend. Sclmoudi — the greatest of Egyptian 
monks according to Amelineau — was a seer of visions 
beyond all men ; and had the legend of the Virgin been 
known to him, Schnoudi would certainly have used it. 
But Schnoudi only once mentions her, and his vision is 
unconnected with the legend. It is given by Amelineau, 



“ Vie de Schnoudi,” pp. 346-7. Amelineau continues — 
“ C’est la seule fois que, dans la vie de Schnoudi, il soit fait 
mention de la vierge Marie. Cependant il etait alle a Ephese 
en 431 avec le patriarche,” etc. Here, then, we can trace 
an anterior limit. 

But it is possible to date the Sahidic life of Mary (of 
which A forms a part) much more closely. We have two 
clear indications of the date. First, w T hen it was written, 
the Coptic Church had already adopted the 21st Tobi for the 
festival of the Virgin’s death, but there was no agreement 
regarding the date of her birth. The writer puts it on 
the 15th Hatbor (November 11), and enters into an 
obscure argument on the subject. The Coptic Church 
adopted successively the 7th September and the Kalends 
of May for the festa (p. 190). This Sahidic version must 
have therefore been composed when the legend was new. 
Second, there is a remarkable expression on pp. 16-17, 
Frag, ii, B verse 6. It is there said that Christ the king 
was born to defeat the barbarians. The barbarians are 
here considered as the equivalent for pagans. Now the 
usual ethnological term for pagans was Hellenes, both 
in Greek and Coptic. Thus we read that the parents 
of S. Pakhomius were Hellenes (Amelineau, “ Vie de 
S. Pakhome,” p. 2), and another example may be found 
in the quotation on p. 225, note 13. In Greek, examples 
may be found from S. Athanasius to Justinian. When 
this monk of the Thebaid employs the term barbarians 
instead of Hellenes, he must have lost all memory of 
Egyptian paganism, and the only heathen he can have 
known were the Nubians and the allied tribes of the 
desert. But the Nubians were converted to Christianity 
en masse under Justinian, and at least three generations 
from Theodosius must be postulated for such a complete 
disappearance of idolatry from its last stronghold in 
Upper Egypt. We cannot, therefore, date this version 
much before 500 a.d., or later than, say, 530 a.d If 
we further allow sufficient time for the story to become 
popular in Alexandria and to travel to the Thebaid, we 



shall probably be near the mark in ascribing the introduction 
of the story to the last two decades of the fifth century. 

If this conjecture be correct, the story must have had 
a foreign origin, and the indications point to Rome. First, 
the only non-scriptural names are Latin, Macrinus, and 
llirrus. Firms is probably equivalent to Verus, since 
the Egyptians often change the Latin v into a Coptic b. 
Second, the 21st Tobi is equated with 20th January. 
Third, the recollection of a Latin origin may have led 
the author of B to make Evodius the successor of Peter 
in the see of Rome. 

The legends of the Virgin’s childhood and death were 
popular in Rome and the Orient at the end of the fourth 
century — 100 years before they took root in Egypt — and 
if rejected by the Church, they had influenced Christian 
art. Their popularity and perhaps some part of their 
invention (the Protevangelium Jacobi excepted) may have 
been due to the visitation of the holy sites of Palestine 
made fashionable by S. Helena. The “ speluncam subter 
caverna ” of Ps. Mat. xiii, is an exact description of the 
double cave under the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem. 
In the Liber. Joh. de dorm. Mariae, the Virgin prays, 
according to her custom, at the Holy Sepulchre. In another 
version she visits all the holy places (Tischendorf, “ Apocol. 
Apocrvph.,” Proleg., xliii). When the author of “ Transitus 
Mariae B.” makes the “ dextram partis civitatis” (Jeru- 
salem) the East (chap, viii), he is using an orientation which 
was not Roman in the fourth century. The Protevangelium 
Jacobi, on the other hand, according to Tischendorf, dates 
back to the second century, and its main purpose clearly 
was to refute the Jews, Ebionites, and other Syrian 
heretics, who denied the Incarnation. But its stories 
appear to have had little circulation until the Palestinian 
dragomen seized upon them for the benefit of pious 
tourists. However that may be, I think it is evident that 
the story did not arise in Egypt, and the favourite heroine 
of the Egyptians down to the fifth century was certainly 
not the Virgin, hut Mary Magdalene. 

J. Kennedy. 



A Record of the Buddhist Religion, as practised in 
India and the Malay Archipelago (a.d. 671-695). 
By I-Tsing. Translated by J. Takakusu, B.A., 
Ph.D. (Oxford: at the Clarendon Press, 1896.) 

Students of Buddhism have long wished for a translation 
of the great work by I-Ching (I-Tsing) on Buddhism as 
he found it in practice in India and the islands of the 
“ Southern Sea.” In the treatise before us, Dr. Takakusu 
has provided such a translation, and enriched it with 
much pertinent and useful information, lie has evidently 
taken great pains with his work, and devoted to it serious 
and continued study. The book will be hailed with 
gratitude by all who are interested in the practical 
working of Buddhism among its professed adherents in 
the seventh century. 

Dr. Takakusu’s work is prefaced by a letter to him 
from the Right Hon. Professor Max Muller. This is 
followed by a General Introduction from the translator. 
The Introduction gives us a short account of I-Ching’s 
School, the Mulasarvastivada, and of I-Ching’s description 
of the Buddhist schools as they existed at his time. It 
gives next a very interesting account of the life and travels 
of the author, notes on some of the important geographical 
names in the treatise, its date, and tables of several literary 
men and Buddhist teachers of India mentioned in the 
Record. This last is in forty chapters, of which the 
fortieth should be regarded as a sort of appendix. The 
work is furnished with a map, and there are Additional 
Notes and an Index. 

The title of I-Ching’s book is “ Nan-hai-ch‘i-kuei-nei- 
fa-Chuan,” which is here translated “ A Record of the 
Inner Law sent home from the Southern Sea” (Intro- 
duction, p. xviii). The book is written in the terse, 
suggestive style so much affected by Chinese authors. It 
has also difficulties of its own, resulting from a peculiar 
use of certain terms and phrases. He would be a rare 
scholar, native or foreign, who could correctly interpret 



all its hard passages. Our translator has endeavoured to give 
a faithful and intelligible version, and he has succeeded 
fairly well. It was not possible, however, for the work 
to be perfect, and there seem to be numerous passages in 
it in which the meaning of the author has been missed 
or imperfectly rendered. The translator has also impaired 
the usefulness of his book by a distribution into paragraphs 
which seems to be often haphazard, and by the neglect 
to give the actual sounds or characters for foreign words 
and technical terms used by his author. 

I-Ching’s own Introduction begins with a passage which 
is an abstract of the account of the origin of man as 
related in a Chinese translation of a Buddhist book. The 
account is there given with the view of teaching the 
priority and superiority of the Kshatriyas to the other 
castes. This fact seems to have been unknown to our 
translator, and consequently he has failed to catch the 
meaning of the passage. The author begins by referring 
to the time when our system of worlds had been renewed, 
when “ all creatures had been made, but as yet there 
was no gradation of men,” that is, caste did not exist. 
For the words within inverted commas the translation has, 
“ When all things were created, there was as yet no 
distinction between animate and inanimate things .” 1 But 
jen-icu ( \ '$) cannot be made to mean “animate and 
inanimate things.” It means mankind, or it may denote 
“men and [other] creatures.” The author proceeds to 
describe the void expanse of the world as transparent 
without sun and moon, the inhabitants retaining their 
celestial light, as he states ; the earth had a calm exemption 
from human vicissitudes, as there teas no distinction of -sexes. 
The words in italics are for the original yin-yang-tno-pien, 
which our translator renders “ there was no difference 
between positive and negative principles.” This also is 
an utterly impossible rendering. The primeval forefathers 
of man, some time after their descent from the Brahmaloka 

1 The Ori o inal 



to this earth, learned to subsist on an unctuous dewy 
substance which the surface of the earth produced naturally. 
This substance is called by the author ti-fei, earth’s fat , 
but in the translation we have “ the fatness of the earth,” 
a very different thing. 

Turning over to p. 2, we find this sentence : “ Thereupon 
the mountains stood firm, the stars were scattered above, 
and the inanimate beings spread and multiplied.” This 
sentence, as the Chinese text shows, ought to begin a 
new paragraph. It means something like this: “There- 
upon men of eminence appeared occasionally, and man spread 
rapidly.” 1 The author has come down in his review of 
man’s history to the time when great men appeared here and 
there and from time to time, and when men had grown 
and spread so much as to have ninety-six different creeds 
of philosophy and religion. That Dr. Takakusu translates 
han-ling, intelligent creatures , that is, man, by “ inanimate 
beings,” must be by a slip of the pen. 

Passing over many very interesting passages which are 
generally rendered fairly well, we come to chap. xiii. The 
title of this chapter is given by the translator as “Con- 
secrated Grounds,” a phrase which at once arrests our 
attention. The Chinese is Chie-Cking-ti- fa (@ $ &). 

or “ The methods of determining clean sites (or grounds).” 
By “ clean sites ” is meant grounds which the Buddhist 
brethren might lawfullg use, and Chie is the technical 
term used to render the Sanskrit word for appoint, 
determine, establish. Here, however, the term Ching-ti is 
used to translate the Sanskrit Kalpya (in Pali, Kappiya)- 
bhumi, which also means lawful site. It has also the 
derived and technical sense of a monastic kitchen or store- 
room. In other places I-Ching, instead of clean sites, uses 
the phrases clean kitchen and clean kitchen-grounds. Ac- 
cording to the Mahavagga of the Pali Yinaya, the Kappiya- 
bliiimi was a vihara outside the Arama iu which food 

1 The text is ]jfc Jg. |I|£ ^ ft s'! *£ I quote from 

the new Japanese edition of the Chinese Buddhist Books. 



could be kept and cooked, and drugs stored for use without 
violating the precepts. The kitchen (or store) on the sile 
chosen could be a vihara, or a large or small house, or 
a cave. According to I-Ching, there were five (according 
to the Pali Yinaya, four) kinds of “ clean sites.” The 
first is called Ch‘i-hsin-tso (£ll ffc), which our translator 
renders “ the ground consecrated by an individual’s vow 
of building a monastery on the spot.” Put the words 
mean simply “ made from an expression of mind (or 
intention),” and the phrase is explained. At the erection 
of a monastery, if the Brother superintending, as soon as 
the stone foundations are laid, should utter his mind 
thus — “ This vihara or house is to be the clean kitchen 
for the brethren,” that place becomes a clean si/e. The 
second kind is that determined by the action of not less 
than three Bhikshus. The third kind of “ clean site ” is 
called Ju-nin-wo, “ Like an ox lying asleep.” There is 
no fixed position for the doors in the buildings on such 
sites, and the buildings are “ like an ox lying down ” ; 
no formal ceremony is used for such sites, the place making 
the site lawful. The sentence in italics is in Dr. Takakusu’s 
version — “ Such a building, though it has never been 
consecrated by a rite, is considered pure (sacred).” 1 But 
the author’s meaning is that no rite is required, and the 
site, not the building, is considered clean of itself. This 
phrase “ ox lying-down site ” apparently represents the 
Pali gonisadika which Mr. Rhys Davids translates or-staU. 
But I-Ching was evidently taught to use the word in its 
literal sense of “ ox lying-down.” And a site with this 
name is well known in China as a very lucky one, especially 
for a parent’s grave. It is a quiet sheltered nook generally 
on the lower slope of a hill, and a well-sheltered spot is 
perhaps all that is meant by gonisadika and ‘'like an ox 
lying down.” The fourth site is that of an abandoned 
vihara, and the fifth is one set apart by a formal act. 

1 The Chinese is ft 5jTE (read X) if' f£ }£ jlfc iM Hf] $ 



When there is a “ clean ground ” set apart in any of 
these five ways the brethren have the twofold enjoyment 
of “cooking within and storing without, and storing 
within and cooking without.” Here the words within 
and without refer to the limits of the brethren’s establish- 
ment. In the rest of this chapter the important word 
for boundary or limit occurs several times, and Mr. 
Takakusu either leaves it untranslated or renders it wrongly 
by “ spot ” or “ place.” Thus he translates wei-chie-i-chie 
( /fc $n %r), if boundaries as to garments have not 
been determined, by “ without consecrating the place to 
protect the purity of one’s garments.” Then the phrase 
hu-su (|J§ fg) is rendered by “ protecting the sleeping- 
place (against any evils),” but it means “to observe the 
rules as to spending a night.” Again, the words hu-i-chl- 
fa-chie are translated “ in the lawful spots for protecting 
the purity of garments,” instead of “ as to the boundaries 
for the observance of formal acts as to garments.” The 
author adds that there are trees and other objects to 
mark the boundaries, and he does not say as in Mr. 
Takakusu’s translation “ there are differences between the 
places under trees (or in a village), etc.” 

Space is limited, and I must be content to refer to only 
one more matter in this very interesting hook. At pages 
158, 181, and 186, we have mention of a great Buddhist 
poet and philosopher. Mr. Takakusu writes the name of 
this man Jina, and the Chinese characters are Ch'en-na 
(PJi UP))- The origin of this identification is to be found 
in M. Julien’s “ Memoires,” etc., vol. ii, p. 106 and note. 
M. Julien afterwards discovered that he had here made 
a mistake, and wished to have the note on the word 
expunged. But the wrong identification of the word has 
remained. The P. W. took it up and gives Jina as a 
Buddhist philosopher; Beal, Eitel, Bunyio, Chavannes, 
with childlike simplicity, all accepted it, and Kern and 
others followed their example. 

Now the word Jina occurs both in the Records of Yuan- 
chuang and in his Life, and neither there nor in any 



other place is it transcribed by the above characters. What 
was the value of the first of these characters should have 
been well known to Julien from its frequent occurrence 
in Indian proper names. Thus, in the name of the great 
disciple Ajnata-Kaundinya (in Pali, Kondinna) the syllable 
din is commonly transcribed by this character PijJ now read 
Ch'en, but formerly pronounced din. Thus we get Pinna 
as the name of the great author in question. That this 
was the sound given by Yuan-chang, is plain from the 
Life and the Records. In the former the name is translated 
by S/tou ( ) , which like dinna means given. In the Records 
the name is translated by Tung-shou, given by the youth , 
that is, inspired by Manjusri Kumara-bhuta. But this 
interpretation of the name is fanciful and must be abandoned. 

Now we learn that Ch‘en-na is short for Ch‘en-na-ka, 
that is Dinnaka, the Sanskrit Dinniiga. Then Yuan- 
chuang and I-Ching represent Dinna as a great writer 
on the science of causes, Tin-ming, but no book on this 
subject is to be found among those under Pinna’s name 
in the Catalogue of Buddhist Books. If, however, we 
turn to this Catalogue (see Bunyio, Nos. 1223, 1224) 
we find a book entitled “ Yin-ming-cheng-li-men-lun ” 
ascribed to an author called “ Ta-yii-lung-P'usa,” that 
is, Great Pistrict Pragon P‘usa. Now “ Pistrict Pragon ” 
is in Sanskrit Pinnaga, “ Elephant of the quarters,” the 
Bin-na-ka of the Chinese transcription. Mr. Takakusu, 
not having noticed Nanyio’s correction, wrongly gives 
Nagarjuna as the author of the above treatise. Now we 
find this treatise ascribed to Pinna, and it is evidently 
the sixth of the eight books by bim on philosophy 
according to I-Ching’s enumeration. Thus the Pinna 
of our author and other Chinese writers is evidently the 
Pignaga of Wassiljew’s Per Buddhismus and Schiefner’s 
Taranatha and the Pinnaga of Hindu philosophy. He 
was a Brahman by birth, but was converted to Buddhism 
by Nagadatta ; he was a hymn-writer, scholar, and 
dialectician, a disciple of Yasubandhu and an opponent 
of Kapila’s system, a Yogist, and a Maha\ anist in 



Buddhism. lie was evidently a man of great distinction 
and celebrity, and he is generally cited as Diana P‘usa. 

T. W. 

Avesta : The Sacred Books of the Parsis. Edited by 
Karl F. Gkldner. Published under the patronage of 
the Secretary of State for India in Council. (Stuttgart : 
Kohlbamraer, 188-3-1896.) 

The completion of this revised edition of the Avesta texts 
is an event of considerable importance to the Parsis, and 
to Avesta students in general, as they will see when they 
begin to study the Prolegomena. In the first place, the 
editor, himself probably the most competent Avesta scholar 
that has yet arisen, bears testimony to the admirable accuracy 
and completeness of the work of his predecessor Westergaard, 
who, so far as the manuscripts accessible to him were con- 
cerned, had left little or nothing for his successor to amend. 
And, secondly, the Parsi priesthood and others, with wise 
and confiding liberality, intrusted the German Foreign Office 
with many of their most valuable manuscripts for the use 
of the editor. We have, therefore, his assurance not only 
that the first edition was practically the best that could 
have been prepared from the materials available in 1854, 
but also that the best further materials, that were then 
inaccessible, have now been utilized for the revised edition. 
Altogether 134 MSS., which have been used in preparing 
this edition, are described, and about half of them had 
never been previously examined by any European scholar. 

The general arrangement of the various texts and their 
division into chapters and paragraphs remain practically as 
Westergaard settled them, though occasionally a paragraph, 
composed entirely of Avesta phrases quoted by the Pahlavi 
translators, has been omitted in the Vendidad, because it 
forms no part of the Avesta text. All metrical passages 
are also now arranged in metrical lines ; whereas, in t he 
former edition, this arrangement was practically confined 



to the Gathas, the only part of the texts that seems to 
have been recognized as poetical by the Parsis themselves. 
It is, however, in the great increase of variants and their 
systematic arrangement, that the Avesta scholar will find 
bis wants most fully considered; so much so, that a personal 
inspection of the original MSS. will usually be as super- 
fluous as it might be impracticable and perplexing. The 
extent of the critical apparatus in the new edition, as 
compared with the old one, may be roughly estimated at 
seven times as much in the Yasna, thrice as much in the 
Yashts, and twice as much in the Vendidad. And the 
average number of words amended by the present editor 
seems to be about one in eleven, varying from one in six 
to one in thirty-three in different chapters ; but by far the 
greater number of such alterations are merely slight amend- 
ments in orthography. 

The Prolegomena give an exhaustive account of the MSS. 
that have been used, their mutual relationship, and the 
means by which this has been ascertained. There ai - e four 
classes of MSS. which contain the Avesta text of the Yasna ; 
these are the Yasna with Pahlavi, the Yasna with Sanskrit, 
the Yasna Siida, which is purely the Yasna Avesta, and the 
Vendidad Sada, which consists of the intermingled Avesta 
texts of the three books, Yasna, Yisperad, and Vendidad, 
arranged as a liturgy for use in the Vendidad ceremonial. 
The three classes of MSS. which contain the Avesta text 
of the Visperad are the Visperad with Pahlavi, the Yisperad 
Sada, which is purely the Visperad Avesta, and the Vendidad 
Sada as before. The Visperad itself is only a collection 
of supplementary paragraphs to be added to, or inserted 
between, certain chapters of the Yasna when used in the 
Visperad or Vendidad rituals. Finally, the two classes of 
MSS. which contain the Avesta text of the Vendidad are the 
Vendidad with Pahlavi aud the Vendidad Sada. 

Some particulars about the MSS. of chief authority are 
interesting In 1854 Westei'gaard knew of only one Yasna 
with Pahlavi, brought from Bombay to Copenhagen by 
Bask in 1820, and completed at Cambay by Mitro-apau 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 24 



(= Mihrban), an Iranian priest, on November 17, 1323. 
In 1863 Haug saw a similar Yasna with Pahlavi in the 
library of a Dastur, who presented it to the Bodleian in 
1889 ; it was written at the same place as the Copenhagen 
MS., and by the same priest, who completed it on 
January 26, 1323. 

While collating a copy of the same text, reported to 
have been written about 1780, the editor noticed many 
words which not only differed from those in the two old 
MSS. before mentioned, but often seemed preferable ; this 
modern copy, however, contained no colophon, or date, to 
give a clue to its origin. After a time, a second copy, 
with all the same characteristics, was sent to the editor 
from another library ; one of these characteristics was a 
Pahlavi introduction, five pages long, which seemed to 
consist of laudatory epithets and religious exhortations ; but, 
on closer inspection, a few lines in the middle of the intro- 
duction were found to contain some names which practically 
gave the history of the text back to about a.d. 1020. 

This introduction was composed for an Iranian Yasna 
with Pahlavi, copied by a priest Hoshang (known to have 
been living at Sharafabad in 1478) from a copy, written 
about 1290 by a grandfather of the aforesaid Mitro-apan, 
which descended — through an intermediate MS. copied by 
a priest Mali-panah about a.d. 1200 — from a copy made 
(about 1110) by a priest Farnbag, who combined the A vesta 
and Pahlavi from two independent MSS., one of which 
w'as written by a copyist who transcribed another MS. in 
1020. Thus, the MS. of 1478 has descended from those 
about 1020 through three intermediate copies, and the MSS. 
of Mitro-apan have probably descended from Mah-panah’s 
MS. (about 1200) through one intermediate copy. 

The Iloshiing MS. has not been found, but a third copy 
of it exists in Bombay, besides a fourth copy of its Avesta 
text completed in Persia on Maj' 23, 1721. 1 From these 

1 Its colophon reckons the date from the death of Ynzdnkard, which would 
make it equivalent to May 18, 1741; but there are reasons for believing that 
this era was already obsolete when this colophon was written. 



four copies, three of which are certainly independent of 
each other, the exact text of Hoshaug’s MS. can be very 
accurately ascertained; unfortunately, their importance, as 
representing an independent line of transmission of the 
Yasna text, was not fully recognized until after that text 
was in type; the editor has therefore given many ad- 
ditional variants, which they supply, in his Prolegomena, 
pp. xxv-xxix. As a contrast to this numerous family of 
copies, it may be mentioned that the editor has met with 
only one copy of the Copenhagen Yasna with Pahlavi, 
and none of the Bodleian one. 

Of the Yasna with Neryosangh’s Sanskrit version, the 
editor has used two old MSS., hitherto unknown to 
Europeans, and has met with five descendants of one of 
them. The two old MSS. are independent and undated, 
but both may have been written about a.d. 1500. The 
time when Neryosangh flourished has not been reported, 
but there are records of the number of priestly generations 
that have passed away since his time, and in one family 
the average duration of nineteen successive generations 
has been clearly ascertained to have been rather more than 
24 years. 1 From these data it has been calculated that 
Nervosangh may have been born about a.d. 1160; so 
that a.d. 1200 would be an approximate date for bis 
Sanskrit version. It appears, moreover, that his translation 
ends with Yas. xlvii, though a later hand has continued 
it to Yas. liv, and some further additions have been after- 
wards made ; but the Sanskrit version of the Yasna is 
still incomplete. 

There is no doubt that Neryosangb translated from 
a Yasna with Pahlavi, and most probably from another 
copy of Farnbag’s MS. (about 1110), an elder sister of 
Mah-panah’s MS. (about 1200). It is therefore evident, 
that the modern copies of Hoshang’s Yasna with Pahlavi, 

1 It should, perhaps, he noticed that the natural effect of early marriage, in 
reducing the interval between successive generations, is very much counteracted 
hy the practice of aged fathers, who have lost their sons, adopting youthlul 
relatives to replace them. 



when compared with the two old Yasnas with Sanskrit, 
ought to supply a very close approximation to the Avesta 
text of the first three-fourths of the Yasna current in 
A.n. 1100. 

Of the Yendidad with Pahlavi, there are two very old 
MSS. — one at the India Office in London, the other at 
Copenhagen ; both have lost many folios, and others are 
seriously damaged, so that little more than half the original 
text of the former, and one-third of the latter, are legible. 
Both these MSS. were written by Mitro-apan, the same 
priest that wrote the two old Yasnas with Pahlavi. The 
Copenhagen MS. was completed at Cambay on May 17, 
1324, and was copied from the MS. of Mitro-apan’s great- 
great-uncle, whose undated colophon is transcribed, as 
well as that of a still earlier copy which was completed 
on May 10, 1205, in the province of Sagastan, from the 
MS. of the priest Homast, for the purpose of being sent 
to the Parsis at Aucak (Uch), near the Indus, in the care of 
a priest returning thither, after staying six years in Sagastan 
for religious instruction. The London MS. has long lost 
its colophon, but a copy of it has been found in a Bombay 
transcript made in 1787-8 ; from this it appears that 
the London MS. was completed at Naosilri on August 28, 
1323, and that it contained copies of the same two colophons 
of earlier copyists as still exist in the Copenhagen MS. 

Thus we find that existing MSS. record the descent of 
the Yendidad with Pahlavi, step by step, from the twelfth 
century, as fully as they record that of the Yasna with 
Pahlavi from the tenth century. It appears, further, 
from Mitro-apan’s Palilavi and Sanskrit colophons, that 
the two old Yasnas and two old Vendidads, with Pahlavi, 
were written at the expense of a Parsi layman of Cambay, 
Cahil, son of Sangan, recently deceased, as a meritorious 
work on his account. 

The Sada or purely Avesta MSS., arranged for the 
Yasna, Yisperad, or Yendidad ritual, are seldom more 
than two centuries old. But three Yasna Siidas, written 
in 1660, 1551, and about three centuries ago, respectively, 



were examined ; as well as three Vendidad Sadas, written 
in 1681, 1638, and 1618, respectively; and one Yisperad 
Siida, with a colophon written at Ankulesar by the great- 
great-uncle of Mitro-apiin, which has a date corresponding 
to December 28, 1278, but whether this colophon be 
original, or copied, cannot now be ascertained with absolute 

Reg aiding the Khorda A vesta, or minor prayer formulas, 
and the Yashts, it will be sufficient to mention that very 
nearly all the Yasht MSS. have descended from a single 
existing MS., written at Naosari and completed on 

January 21, 1591, x.s. ; and the remainder can be traced 

back to a predecessor of this, not much older. Pahlavi, 
Sanskrit, and Persian versions of many of the prayer 
formulas, and of four of the Yashts, are in existence ; but 

there are no such versions of the other Yashts in the 

MSS. examined. It may also be noticed that the very 
corrupt Vishtasp Yasht and Fragments have been reserved 
for future publication. 

In his remarks (pp. xlvi-lii) upon the method which 
he has followed in reconstructing the text, the editor has 
adopted the very sensible view that his sole duty was to 
restore it, if possible, to the state in which it was left by 
its final Sasanian redaction. To go beyond this, and 
attempt to distinguish between what is Sasanian and 
what is older, would be a hopeless undertaking, as he 
justly observes. Any such attempt would be completely 
controlled by the personal views and prejudices of the 
inquirer ; for the Avesta texts have few, if any, real 
points of contact with external events later than their 
own legends, which practically end with the sons and 
contemporaries of Vishtasp. A few additional names seem 
to have been added to the list of human Fravashis to be 
commemorated, and some corruptions have crept into the 
texts themselves. To remove these corruptions, so far as 
he could discover them, has been the task which the 
editor has not only admirably performed, but he has also 
accumulated abundant materials, with which others may 



try to improve his work, when they consider it necessary 
to do so. With his remarks about the excellence of the 
work done by his publisher and compositor, all Avesta 
scholars will fully agree. 

As Professor Geldner, while editing these Avesta texts, 
has been compelled to read and carefully consider every 
Avord they contain, over and over again, he must be better 
acquainted with their statements and peculiarities than 
any other scholar ; and it is, therefore, to him we should 
apply with the greatest confidence for an opinion as to the 
probability of Darmesteter’s hypothesis that the Gathas were 
composed in the first century a.d. under Gnostic influence. 

In Geldner’s essay on Avesta Literature in the Grundriss 
der irannchen Philologie, vol. ii, p. 39, he has stated his 
opinion, without going into an exhaustive criticism of 
the hypothesis, that the contents of the Gathas differ 
totally from Gnosticism ; though it must be admitted that 
there is a certain resemblance between their Yohu-mano 
and the Xoyo? 0eto? of Philo. But it is evident that the 
Yohu-mano could not have been borrowed from Philo, 
because Strabo certifies the worship of the Persian sacred 
being Omanos (= Yohu-mano), and had himself seen the 
solemn procession of the images of Omanos. So that the 
original abstract idea of Yohu-mano, ‘ good-thought,’ had 
already become personified in the time of Strabo. But 
Strabo travelled in Asia Minor before b.c. 29, whereas 
Philo was born in b.c. 20. So, if there be any connection 
between the Persian Yohu-mano and the Xo'-yo? of Philo, 
it must have been Philo who was the borrower. " 

E. W. West. 

The Original Hebrew of a portion of Ecclesiasticus 
(xxxix, 15, to xlix, 11). Edited by A. E. Cowley, 
M.A., and An. Nkubauer, M.A. (Oxford: at the 
Clarendon Press.) 

If the interest felt by the public in Old Hebrew 
literature were as keen as that which they take in Greek 



antiquities, this publication should, like Mr. Kenyon’s 
“Constitution of Athens,” have been heralded by a leader 
in the Times and followed by reviews in both Quarterlies. 
What notice the Quarterlies will take of it, remains 
to be seen; it is clear that the Dailies do not think 
such a discovery as Dr. Neubauer’s worth communicating 
to their readers with any great dispatch. Nevertheless, 
that discovery is one of the most remarkable and interesting 
that could be made in the whole field of lost literature. 
Since the time of Jerome the Christian Church has had to 
depend on translations for its text of Eeclesiasticus, a book 
which the greater part of Christendom has always regarded 
as canonical, while even Protestant communities allow it 
to be read in public worship. Only in recent times, how- 
ever, with the commencement of the critical study of the 
Biblical documents and the Hebrew language, has the loss 
of the original been keenly felt. The scholar, or scholars, 
who have had the good fortune and the skill to recover 
a portion of it are deserving of the heartiest congratulations. 

Great commendation must also be bestowed on the way 
in which Messrs. Neubauer and Cowley have performed 
their delightful task. They have steered a middle course 
between doing too little and too much. They have re- 
produced the text without emendation, but have published 
with it an accurate translation, and all the materials 
required for a critical study of it. A glossary to the 
newly discovered text has been added by the experienced 
hand of Professor Driver. Dr. Neubauer’s name has before 
this been connected with finds of great consequence for 
the study of the Semitic languages ; if, as I fancy, this 
is the first work which bears Mr. Cowley’s name on the 
title-page, he commences his career as an author very 

The Greek translation of the book is, if the translator 
speaks truly, the work of the author’s grandson ; as he is 
likely to have possessed either his grandfather’s autograph, 
or at any rate an accurate copy of the book, in many 
ways this translation remains the primary authority for it, 



notwithstanding the discovery of part of the original ; and 
the recovered text shows that the translation, though 
occasionally unintelligent, was literally faithful. On the 
other hand, the Hebrew shows unmistakable signs of 
having undergone systematic recension ; the margins of the 
fiist five leaves are crowded with variants, some of which, 
as the editors observe, agree better with the Greek than 
the text. These variants are sometimes concerned with 
trivial matters such as orthography ; but more frequently 
they record important differences of reading, or of language. 
In such cases the antiquity of the Greek version should 
ordinarily make us regard the reading which agrees with 
it as the more trustworthy. 

It is to be regretted that the marginal notes stop where 
they do, as there are some interesting questions which 
they might have helped towards solution. In xlviii, 17, 
the Greek states that “ Hezekiah fortified his city, and 
brought the Gog: into the midst ” ; the recovered text 
with the Syriac has for Gog simply water. If there be 
any truth in the canon difficilior lectio potior, the reading 
Gog must here be the more original. In xlii, 22 b, the 
Greek has a hemistich, “and they are as of a spark to 
behold.” The Hebrew is deficient ; but the difficulty of 
the phrase shows it to be genuine. Another place in 
which the recovered text is tantalizing is xlviii, 12, where 
the Greek has (of Elijah) — “ Happy are they that have seen 
thee and are adorned in love ; for we, too, shall assuredly 
live.” The new text stops at the words “ that have seen 
thee,” leaving the rest of the passage as problematic as it 
was before. 

While the reviser’s task consisted partly in substituting 
easy phrases for hard ones, he would seem to have sub- 
stituted in places Hebrew words for Aramaisms which 
Ben-Sira employed to an extent which is extraordinary, 
and (if I may differ from the editors) unparalleled in the 
Old Testament. A comparison of the recovered text with 
the ancient versions will probably reveal other Aramaisms 
which at present lie concealed. One such case may be 



noticed. ' In xlii, 9, a daughter is said to be (according 
to the Greek) a “hidden sleeplessness” to her father; 
Ouydrrip irarpl inrotcpvcpos aypvKvia ; this in a Rabbinical 
quotation appears as a “ vain treasure,” for which the 
newly discovered Hebrew substitutes “ a deceptive treasure ” 
(tot? Rabb., npt? rOIDDO -MS.). The following 

clause, “ the care of her putteth away his sleep,” would 
seem to be in favour of the Greek rendering ; nor, indeed, 
does the expression “a vain treasure” or “a deceptive 
treasure ” convey a clear sense. An Aramaic word for 
sleeplessness is “HE?, and it seems probable that this is 
what stood in the original text ; the letters p-and i“l iu 
many forms of writing are difficult to distinguish. The 
phrase, however, should have been rendered “ a treasure 
requiring vigilance,” not “ a hidden sleeplessness.” The 
history of the corruptions is then easy to trace, and becomes 
interesting. “HE? is misread “IDE?, the latter being an 
easier word ; next, for “IpE? is substituted its synonym JOE?, 
and, indeed, “ a vain treasure ” is somewhat more intelligible 
than “a deceptive one.” JOE? is next misread JOE?, and 
this corruption is represented bv the rendering of the 
Peshitto. The historical order of texts is in this case 
Greek, Hebrew, Rabbinical, Peshitto. 

Although, then, the authority of the new text, where it 
differs decidedly from the Greek, is not to be considered 
equal to the latter, it is a most valuable aid for the iuter- 
pretation and emendation of the latter. • 

It is only in recent years that scholars have become 
unanimous about the independence of the Peshitto Syriac 
in this book; even iu the commentary of Fritzsche it was 
assumed to be dependent on the Greek ; and in the article 
on Syriac literature in the Encyclopaedia Britanniea, 
I)r. Wright seemed to regard the matter as uncertain. In 
the Speaker’s Commentary forcible evidence of its inde- 
pendence was adduced, and iu every difficult passage the 
witness of this version was heard side by side with that 



of the Greek. The recovered Hebrew leaves no further 
rooin for doubt ; every page offers examples of cases where 
the differences between the Greek and Syriac renderings 
can be explained only by recurrence to the Hebrew. At 
the same time the Syriac version is shown to be untrust- 
worthy, being paraphrastic and greatly given to modifying 
the sense of the passages it professes to translate. The 
recovered Hebrew, while somewhat raising our opinion of 
the value of the Greek, must lower our estimate of the 

The list of quotations of Ben-Sira in Rabbinical literature 
which the editors prefix to this book is considerably richer 
than previous lists, though containing references which 
are rather parallels than quotations. The scribe who copied 
the manuscript notes that one of these quotations was 
wanting in his copy, but the Persian in which he expresses 
himself is not perfectly clear. An eminent scholar has 
observed that some of the characteristic Neo-Hebraisms 
in these quotations are not confirmed by the recovered 
text. A passage containing several such as the Rabbis 
quote it, but far more classical as it appears in the MS., 
is xlii, 9—11. The nature of that passage renders it 
somewhat unpleasant to discuss fully ; but the sense would 
seem to show that in both the Greek and the quotation 
the drift is more truly preserved than it is in the MS. 
It would seem, therefore, possible that the more classical 
dress in which the MS. presents both this and other 
passages which the Rabbis quote is due to systematic 
revision, with a view to drive out modernisms, rather than 
to the MS. representing faithfully what Ben-Sira wrote. 

Now that a copy of the Hebrew of Ben-Sira of so late 
a period as the twelfth century (for that is the age to 
which the expert opinion assigns this MS.) has been partly- 
recovered, the learned world will look with some con- 
fidence to the discovery of either the remainder of this 
copy, or of some other fragments of the work. While 
the portion that has been recovered is sufficient to settle 
various questions that have been raised with regard to 



the nature of Ben-Sira’s language and mode of com- 
position, the enlargement of the “ Pomoeria ” of the Hebrew 
language (to use an old Dutch scholar’s phrase) which 
such a discovery would produce would be welcome to all 
whom that language interests. De Lagarde insisted on 
the fact that the Apocrypha, as being nearer to us in 
time, were more easily intelligible than, and formed the 
natural introduction to, the canonical books; and to under- 
stand them thoroughly it is necessary to possess them in their 
original tongues. 

D. S. Margoliouth. 

The Jataka. Yol. II. Translated bv TY. H. D. Rouse, 
M.A. pp. vi -f 316. (Cambridge, 1895.) 

In quick succession has the second volume of the 
“Jatakas” followed the first. The author of the trans- 
lation of this second volume is AY. II. D. Rouse, who, under 
the editorship of Professor Cowell, has accomplished in an 
excellent manner the task entrusted to him. It would be 
presumptuous on my part, should I venture to speak of the 
accuracy of the translation compared with the Pali original ; 
but it bears the signs of finished workmanship, and however 
little acquainted one may be with the original, the trans- 
lation impresses one very favourably. 

The interest which centres in these “Stories of Buddha’s 
former births ” is not limited, however, to the philologist. 
The student who takes an interest in the history of 
religious thought and comparative literature must needs 
welcome this publication. It places at his disposal some 
of the oldest representatives of Buddhist literature, and 
furnishes the folklorist with those materials of which he 
stands mostly in need. This second volume contains, 
like the first, 150 Jatakas. Among these we find old 
acquaintances, now for the first time in their most 
ancient form. Not a few of these had been incorporated 



into those collections which had found their way to the 
"West. I will only mention a few, as I would be going 
far beyond the space allotted to a review, to enter iuto the 
comparative study of these tales, and to trace their parallels 
through the whole of Western literature. The author has 
added already to a good number some references, especially 
to the collection of Grimm’s fairy tales. Those that 
attract our attention in the first place are the tales 
which we know from the Pancatantra and partly from 
the Qukasaptati, as these have found the widest circulation. 
Our expectations to find old parallels are now realized, as 
will be seen in the following notes. There are also some 
to which I have found unexpected parallels ; these enhance 
still more the importance of the Jatakas for the com- 
parative study of literature. I follow the numbers of the 
Jatakasin book — 

No. 151. The very first Jataka reminds me of the joke 
in which the two drivers fight out their contest, in exactly 
similar circumstances, by each whipping the other’s master. 
This joke occurs in Pauli’s “ Schimpf u. Ernst,” ed. Oes- 
terley, but I could not find it there. 

No. 156. The grateful elephant who had a thorn run 
into its foot, and serves the carpenters who had tended him. 
Cf. the famous history of Androclus and the lion into whose 
foot a thorn had run, and who, out of gratitude, because 
Androclus had tended him, would not harm him in the 
circus (“ Gesta Romanorum,” No. 104, ed. Oesterley). It 
is remarkable that this Jatataka is thus far the only, though 
remote, parallel in Eastern literature. 

No. 163. The idea of traversing long distances in a very 
short space of time is often found in Rabbinical legends, 
such as the journey of the sages from Tiberias to Rome 
in one day, in the time of Dioklotiau, etc. Similarly, the 
teaching of No. 167, where a saint withstood the temptation 
of a nymph, since no man knows the time of deuth, is that 
of the dying sage, who exhorts his pupils to avoid sin 
one day before death, and to consider each day us the one 
preceding death. 



No. 189. “The Ass in the Lion’s Skin”: v. Pancatantra 
(Benfev), book iv, chap. 7 (ii, p. 308). 

No. 193. IIow a woman requites love, has not only its 
parallel in Pancatantra, iv, 5, but, what is more remarkable, 
corresponds to a certain degree with No. ii of the so-called. 
Parables of Solomon, a Hebrew collection of the eighth 
or ninth century, if it be not older still (v. Gaster, “Legends 
of the Rabbis,” p. 12, § 23). 

No. 194 resembles, though remotely, the famous tale of 
Fridolin, “ Gesta Romanorum,” ed. Oesterley, No. 283, and 
Notes, p. 749. 

No. 198. Cf. Syntipa, “The Parrot.” 

No. 208.- “The Heart of the Monkey.” This tale is iden- 
tical with the frame-tale in the Pancatantra, book iv, Benfey 
(ii, p. 285). The Syriac version in Bickell’s “Kalilag u. 
Damnag” resembles still closer the version of the Jiitaka. 
Here it is a tale by itself. Mr. Nestor’s version comes from 
the Hebrew parallel in the Alphabetum Pseudo-Siracidicum ' 
studied by me in my “ Beitraege,” etc. (Bukarest, 1883), 
pp. 57-62. 

No. 211. In this Jutaka the father cannot be taught 
by his son to say before the king the proper thing, and is 
trained by him in a cemetery, where he tries to represent 
the king and his court by tufts of sweet grass. Numerous 
parallels to it are to be found in the notes of Kohler to the 
Sicilian tale No. 8, “Peasant Truthful” of Gonzcnbach’s 
Collection (ii, p. 208). Among others, “Forty Veziers,” 
ed. Gibb, No. 77, shows the way by which the tale may 
have reached the Occident. 

No. 212. Cf. “ The Double Infidelity ” in Syntipa. As 
to the figure of Bodhisatta as a tumbler who tells the 
husband of the wife’s infidelity, cf. Pepelea in Shaineanu, 
“ Basme romane,” 1895, pp. 934-944; Little Fairlj r , in 
Clouston, “ Pop. Tales and Fict.,” ii, p. 229 ff., and 
Lidzbarski, p. 204 ff. 

No. 218. Cf. Pancatantra, i, chap. 21. The well-known 
story of “ The ploughshares eaten by mice.” Also in the 
modern Syriac texts, noticed by Lidzbarski. 



No. 220. Extremely interesting parallel to the “ Hero’s 
Tasks,” resembling, as far as the garden is concerned, the 
tales in the “ Arabian Nights.” 

No. 240. The fear that the cruel king might return 
after death only allayed by reference to the great fire in 
which he was burned, reminds one of the fear the Baby- 
lonians had after the death of Nebukadnezzar, which was 
allayed by his son dragging the corpse through the town 
(Second Targum to Esther, English ed. by P. Cassel, 
Commentary on Esther, pp. 264-5 and Note 1). 

No. 253. This Jataka, as the translator assures us, may 
be one of those represented on the stupa of Bharhut, and 
thus of great antiquity. It is the tale of the friendship 
between a hermit and the Serpent-king, but the hermit 
being frightened he grew every day weaker. He tries to 
get rid of the Serpent-king, but grows weaker, and now, 
when he has succeeded, he cannot live because he does not 
see him an}'- longer. I have found now a peculiar tale in 
Aelian’s “ I)e natura animalium,” iv, 17, which may be the 
Western counterpart or transformation of the Jataka, 
and which must have taken place in the first century a.d. 
I will reproduce it here, translating the Greek text 
somewhat freely — 

“ The inhabitants of the country of the so-called Jews 
or Idumaeans tell that, in the time of Herod, a very mighty 
serpent fell in love with a beautiful maiden. He came 
often at night-time and shared the couch of his beloved. 
The girl, however, was not over-confident (frightened) with 
her lover, who, however, behaved very kindly and gently 
to her. She hid herself for a month, hoping that the 
serpent would meanwhile forget and leave her. But he 
came every morning and evening to their meeting-place, 
being much more inflamed of love through her absence. 
And as he did not find her, like unto an unfortunate lover, 
he gave himself up to the excess of his passion. When 
the girl returned, ho ran furiously to meet her, and coiling 
himself round her waist and body, stroked her legs gently 
with his tail.” 



The parallelism between these two tales is striking, 
though the persons are changed in the Greek, a girl having 
been substituted for the hermit. lias the famous tale of 
(Apulejus) Amor and Psyche had an influence upon that 
Greek version ? 

No. 257. From the point of view of comparative 
literature probably the most important Jataka. It con- 
tains the long sought-for Indian parallel to that series of 
tales which had been brought first into connection with 
the Russian “Shemyaka” cycle, and then ultimately with 
Shakespeare’s “ pound of flesh” in the “Merchant of Venice” : 
v. Gaster (“ Beitraege,” pp. 16-22), and for the whole 
literature, E. Kuhn (“ Byzant. Zeitschrift,” iv, pp. 248-9), 
where he has also enumerated the literature to the second 
part of the Jataka, containing the journey to the other 
world, and the riddles for which he is asked to obtain 
an answer. 

No. 258. Parallel with this Jiltaka run the tales about 
ever-increasing wishes which end in bringing shame to the 
dissatisfied wisher. Cf. Pancatantra, v, ch. 8 (Benfey, 
ii, p. 34 1 ; i, p. 495) ; “Syntipa”; Shaineanu, p. 847 ff. 

No. ^76. Parallel to “The Rain-maker”: v. mv “ Beitraege,” 
p. 33 ff, where I have given also Tibetan versions. 

No. 281. The first part belongs to the cycle of the quest 
of a golden apple (or other fruit) recurring so often in fairy 
tales, forming part of the “ Hero’s Tasks,” who in most 
cases is a brother, where, as here, it is the means by which 
a child is obtained. Cf. Hahn, “ Griech. u. Alban. Marchen,” 
Nos. 4, 6, 22, 68, and the notes to these tales. 

No. 284. To the same realm of fairy tales belongs also 
this Jiitaka, viz., to the cycle of “ Who eats my head ” : 
v. Benfey, Pane., i, p. 215 ff, and ii, 531 ; Clouston, “Pop. 
Tales and Fictions,” i, 93 ff. ; cf. Shaineanu, p. 650 ff. 

No. 288. Resembles to a certain extent the Hebrew tale 
of the man who found a treasure in the fish’s belly : v. 
Clouston, l.c., i, p. 398, and my “Legends of the Rabbis,” 
Hebrew text, No. 118. 

No. 291. Last, not least, a remarkable parallel to the 



famous German ballad of Uhland, Englished by Longfellow, 
“ The Cup of Edenhall.” 

I have limited myself to noticing some of the more im- 
portant Jatakas. I have no doubt that a careful comparison 
of these with the legends contained in the “ Yitae Patrum,” 
the “ Historia Lausiaea,” and others, dealing with the lives 
of the ancient hermits in Egypt and elsewhere, would furnish 
striking parallels, and would reveal connections hitherto un- 
suspected between the religious literature of Buddha and 
that of the early Christian age. 

M. Gaster. 

Pistis Sophia. By G. R. S. Mead. (London, 1896.) 

Mr. Mead has given us here the first English translation 
of the famous Gnostic book published by Schwartze in 
Coptic and Latin, and recently translated into French by 
Amelineau. As is evident from almost every sentence, the 
Coptic is merely a translation made from the Greek by 
a man who has often been at a loss to find corresponding 
Coptic expressions for the Greek words of the text, and 
therefore hit upon the original idea of retaining the Greek 
words and merely transliterating them. The translation of 
Mr. Mead is not made from the Coptic, but from the Latin 
of Schwartze, and has been checked by the French above 
mentioned, so that it may claim to be as faithful a rendering 
of the original as its state of preservation permits. What- 
ever the date of the unique MS. may be, and I am inclined 
to agree with Mr. Mead and his predecessors, who assign 
it to the fourth century, there is no doubt as to the great 
antiquity of the original composition, and that it is either 
the direct work of Valentinus or of one of his disciples. 
In a lucid Introduction these questions are carefully treated 
by Mr. Mead, who also examines the various parts which 
now form the book, lie points out the insertion of frag- 
ments from the “ Books of the Saviour,” and draws attention 
to the connection which exists between the contents of 
“Pistis Sophia” and another compilation of early Gnostic 



treatises, known as “ Codex Brucianus.” Mr. Mead promises 
to publish iu time also a commentary to the book, which 
ho has thus made generally available by a careful and 
exact translation. The importance of the Gnostic literature 
is so great that everyone interested in the history of 
religious thought, in the development of Manicheism and 
the heretical sects of the Middle Ages, in the literature 
of Magic and Superstition, as well as in survivals of the 
old mythologies and the syncretism of various beliefs, will 
welcome the appearance of such a book. It contains the 
genuine exposition of a Gnostic system, and allows us an 
insight into the peculiar mystical and mythical speculations 
which filled men’s minds in the fii’st centuries of the 
common era. 

A great find has since been made in Egypt, and I mention 
it here as the most fitting opportunity. A Dr. Reinhardt 
acquired in Cairo, from a dealer in antiquities in Akhmin, 
a voluminous papyrus manuscript. It is now in the 
Egyptian Museum in Berlin, and turns out to be a col- 
lection of no less than three ancient Gnostic texts, whose 
names had hitherto not even been known, viz., the “ Gospel 
of Mary, or the Apocryphon (Apocalypse) of John,” the 
“Sophia of Jesus Christ,” and the “Praxis Petri.” Pro- 
fessor Schmidt, the editor of the “ Codex Brucianus,” has 
made a report on this Codex to the Berlin Academy, and 
points out the fact that in the first text we have now 
recovered one of the sources from which Irenaeus drew 
his information about the “ Barbelo ” sect of the Gnostics. 
These treatises resemble very much the “ Pistis Sophia,” and 
the second of them may turn out to be the “ Book of the 
Saviour” imbedded in the former. They belong to the 
second century, and are thus older than the “ Pistis 
Sophia.” It is an important find, and will no doubt con- 
tribute to a still better understanding of those remarkable 

M. G. 

j.k.a.s. 1897. 




A Dictionary of the Targvmim, the Talmud Babli 


Corapiled by M. Jastrow, Ph.D. Parts i-ix : vol. i, 

pp. G83 ; vol. ii, pp. 685-876. (London : Luzac and Co. 

New York: Putnam’s Sons. Qu. 1886-1896.) 

Just ten years have elapsed since Dr. Jastrow has under- 
taken the compilation of the first Talmudic and Midrashic 
Dictionary in English, and it has already reached the letter 
N, thus promising an earlj r termination of a work which 
will prove an unqualified success, and a great boon to all 
students of the vast Rabbinical literature. Hitherto all the 
more important works of this character were written either 
in Latin, as the old Rabbinical Dictionary of Buxtorff, 
in folio, or in German, as the last and the best, that 
of J. Levy, in four huge quarto volumes. The basis of 
Talmudic lexicology will remain the famous Arukh, compiled 
by Jehiel, of Rome, about the year 1000. The new edition 
of the late Dr. Kohut was more an amplification of the 
old simple compilation. Dr. Kohut had added a large 
number of personal explanations and other matter, which 
increased the bulk of that work enormously, without in- 
creasing, in the same degree, its intrinsic value. I understand 
that shortly before his death, Dr. Kohut had contemplated 
the publication of a simple edition of the old text, 
and no one was more competent to undertake such a task 
than the man who had devoted thirty years to the study 
of the prints and MSS. of the Arukh. His death has 
deprived Semitic philology of a classical edition of the 
oldest Talmudic dictionary. But then it would also have 
been in pure Hebrew, as the large edition in eight volumes 
is written only in Hebrew. To Dr. Jastrow we owe now 
the first New-Hebrew and Talmudic Dictionary in English. 
He has added also in his Dictionary the whole of the 
Chaldaic element contained in the Targumim, for which 
Levy had written a separate dictionary in two large 
volumes. Jastrow had thus to compress in a comparatively 
small space the material which could fill many times the 



volume he has devoted to his compilation. That he hud 
put the older works of a similar nature under obligation, 
is only natural. What we expected him to have done, 
and, as far as I have been able to ascertain by a careful 
comparison between his compilation and those of his 
predecessors, is, that he should give all the words contained 
in those dictionaries, that he should have selected the best and 
more important citations from the Talmudic and Midrashic 
texts, and above all, that he should be reliable in his citations, 
these being given from first-hand reading or having been 
verified, and not having taken them blindly over from 
others. In these, to my mind, vital requirements, the 
Dictionary of Dr. Jastrow has come out well from the 
searching trial to which I had subjected it. It can 
therefore be very warmly recommended as being both 
trustworthy and, as far as possible, complete. The trans- 
lations are the results arrived at bv a man who has gone 
deeply into the study of the language, and where they 
differ from those hitherto given by others, they will, in most 
cases, commend themselves as the better. 

There are two points more upon which one must dwell 
when speaking of Talmudic literature. In the first instance, 
the corrupt state in which the text of most of these has 
reached us. Attention had been paid by the old scribes 
only to the exact transcription of those passages which were 
of importance for the Law, all the rest, and especially 
those written in Aramaic, in many cases a dead language 
to the scribe, being carelessly handled. The result of it 
is, that we are often in doubt as to the true reading of those 
passages. Much has been done in modern times in the 
attempt to correct those texts, and it is a pleasing feature 
of this Dictionary to see that the author has availed himself 
of the whole modern literature, and has on his part not 
a little contributed to the correction of the text by judicious 
comparison of those passages with their parallels in other 
places. In consequence of that state of the text one and 
the same word often appears under two or three different 
forms, written either plene or defective, correctly or in a 



corrupted form. If all these are to be noticed separately 
they are ail encumbrance on the Dictionary, from which 
neither Levy nor Jastrow have kept free. Added to this 
is the uncertainty of the pronunciation of many an old 
Aramaic word. Both the last-mentioned authors have 
supplied a pronunciation which they, following certain 
grammatical rules, have given to the words. These 
grammatical rules are based only and solely on the 
vocalization of the texts of the Biblical Targumim ; but 
these represent a comparatively modern corrupted European 
form and not the ancient true pronunciation, and thus the 
whole basis is vitiated. The differences will, however, not 
be found so great as to detract from the value of the 
Dictionary. It is only necessary to guard against following 
rashly this system and adopting it as the standard for the 
pronunciation of the old Aramaic. Through that peculiar 
state of the texts and the uncertainty of orthography, the 
words are not now classed under common roots, but are 
arranged in strictly alphabetical order, and when a word 
occurs in a different form it is referred back to the place 
where the other had been treated. This sj'stem commends 
itself to the beginners and those whose grammatical 
knowledge is not perfect. It is practical and easy. It 
is, however, not sufficiently scientific. Maybe the time 
has not yet arrived for the compilation of a Talmudic 
dictionary on strictly scientific lines, although Buxtorff had 
attempted it some centuries ago. The future will probably 
bring us a dictionary in which the words will be arranged 
under their roots, and cross references only used for the 
purpose of pointing to the roots under which those forms 
are to be found. Until then let us accept with thanks 
the very welcome gift of Dr. Jastrow, and wish him a 
speedy completion of a work which must have been the 
work of a lifetime. The whole book is calculated to number 
1100 pages. This Dictionary is besides very handy in 
size, and is admirably printed by Drugulin both as to type 
and to correctness. 

M. G. 


Die Entstehung des aeltesten Schriftsystems, oder 
der Ursprung der Keilschriftzeichen, dargelegt 
von F. Delitzsch. 8vo, 240 pp. (Leipzig : Hinrichs, 

The well-known scholar Professor Delitzsch, author of 
the Assyrian Dictionary, has turned from the deciphering 
of the texts to the elucidation of the origin of the 
cuneiform signs. The problem, as he shows iu the Intro- 
duction, is not new, and has tempted more than one scholar, 
but with the exception of a few remarks of Professor 
Oppert, it has remained unsolved. Professor Delitzsch 
approaches it now, being assisted by the newly discovered 
ancient forms of script of Nippur, in which many archaic 
forms have been preserved, and which are, therefore, of the 
utmost importance as representing the most primitive forms. 
The view which is expounded here with much ingenuity, 
and with stretching the imagination to the breaking point, 
is that most of the signs, be they ideograms or syllables, 
are in most cases not simple, as the 400 have hitherto been 
considered, but are derived from a much smaller number 
of primitive signs by means of “ gunu ” (that is, a sign to 
indicate intensification of primitive meaning), reduplication, 
even triplication of one and the same sign, combination 
of two and more signs, and differentiation of primitive 
signs. He summarizes his views in the following manner 
(pp. 198-9) : — (1) The cuneiform signs have their origin 
in primitive images drawn in straight lines. (2) Side by 
side with these primitive images there were also “ primitive 
motives,” some of which were of a mathematical nature, of 
which the most important was the sign of intensification ex- 
pressed by the four “gunu” lines or strokes. (3) The number 
of both signs and motives does not exceed forty-five. (4) 
All the other signs, about 400, are the result of the ingenious 
combination of these two elements. (5) A small number 
of signs has been formed by differentiation of one and the 
same sign. Whatever may be said of the original signs, 



which he traces to the images of the objects which they are 
said to depict, and which one might he inclined to accept, 
that cannot so easily be said of the other “ motives ” and 
their mathematical substratum, and still less of the reasons 
assigned by the author for their combinations. Fane} 7 is 
running loose in these extremely ingenious attempts of the 
author to account for the reason why the combination of 
two such signs should have such unexpected results. These 
explanations tax our credulity to a great extent. According 
to Professor Delitzsch, we should have to consider the 
originators of these signs as the most profound philosophers 
of antiquity, endowed with such subtlety of intellect and 
such abstract reasoning powers as we do not meet even now 
in the halls of great Universities. The picture drawn by 
him of the intellectual status and the civilization of the 
reputed inventors of that form of script is in accordance 
with this view (pp. 214-220). If we rest satisfied, how- 
ever, with the facts adduced with great ingenuity and great 
acumen by Professor Delitzsch, without following him into 
the sphere of metaphysical speculations, we can safely 
assume that his attempt is extremely likely to command 
universal acknowledgment. The last chapter is devoted 
to the comparison between the Cuneiform and the Phoenician 
Alphabet. If Professor Delitzsch’s views of a close con- 
nection between the latter and the primitive images be 
correct, then either the Phoenician Alphabet must be the 
oldest script in existence, as it resembles very much the 
most archaic forms of Cuneiform script, or the latter is 
much younger than has hitherto been assumed. This would 
have been modelled after the Phoenician, ■which is too 
absurd an idea to be entertained. The relation between 
these two systems will have to be reconsidered, but the 
general question is not affected by it. The book is brim- 
ful with new ideas, and is stimulating to further research. 
It is a bold and not unsuccessful attempt to solve one of the 
most interesting problems of ancient civilization. 

M. G. 



Centenaire de Marco Polo. Conference faite a la SociYte 
d' Etudes Italiennes le Mercredi, 18 Decerabre, 1895, 
a la Sorbonne. Par Henri Cordier. (Paris, 1896.) 

This “ Centenaire de Marco Polo ” forms vol. iii of the 
“ Bibliotheque de voyages anciens,” in coarse of publi- 
cation. It appears as a lecture delivered by M. Cordier 
to the Society named in the title, and the lecture occupies 
thirty-eight pages. 

"We have here presented to .us in a brief and precise, 
but pleasant manner, some of the most important events 
in the life of the great Venetian traveller. As a sort of 
introduction, we have a short and useful summary of the 
state of the Mongol Empire at the time of Marco Polo. The 
little book is enriched with several quaint illustrations from 
the “Livre des Merveilles” in the Bibliotheque Nationale, 
and it has two pictures from the Temple of the 500 Lohan 
at Cantou. To the lecture is appended a Marco Polo 
Bibliography, compiled in the careful, thorough manner in 
which M. Cordier does such work. 

M. Cordier refers to the image in a Buddhist temple at 
Canton, which is said by some to be a representation of 
Marco Polo, and he is right in contradicting the statement. 
The temple in question, the Hua-lin-ssii, contains 500 
images of Buddhist arhats, not genii, and these arhats were 
all Indians. They are supposed to represent the members 
of the Buddhist Council which settled the canon, but the 
names show that this is a mistake. The one which is 
now called Marco Polo by tbe designing monk who acts 
as guide, is No. 100, and it is to the left of the image 
of Buddha. Over the image is its number, and with it 
the name Shan-chu. This is a translation of a Sanskrit 
term which cannot be determined with certainty, as the 
second w-ord is written in different ways. 

Another interesting matter to which M. Cordier recalls 
our attention is the connection of Marco Polo’s book with 
the discovery of America. It was the reading of this book 



which incited Columbus to go ou his voyage of discovery, 
which, instead of leading to Cathay, resulted in the dis- 
covery of America. 

M. Cordier’s little book is well printed on good paper, 
and all who are interested in Marco Polo and his great 
work will feel grateful for the light and guiding which 
it contains. 

T. W. 

Les Origines de Deux E'tablissements Fran^ais dans 
l’ExtrSme-Orient — Changhai-Ning-po. Par Henri 
Cordier. (Paris, 1896.) 

In this pamphlet of thirty-nine pages of Introduction 
and seventy pages of Correspondence, M. Cordier has given 
his fellow-citizens a summary of the events which led to 
the opening of the Five Treaty Ports in China by the Treaty 
of Nanking in 1843. This is followed by an account of the 
formation of the French Concession at Shanghai, describing 
the troubles which the French consular authorities had at 
that port. The official documents bearing on these subjects 
are now published for the first time. These all refer to the 
beginning, formation, and regulation of the French Con- 
cessions at Shanghai and Ningpo, and to the relations of 
the French Consul-General with the Chinese authorities. 
The official correspondence here made public will be of 
interest to those who wish to learn how Chinese Mandarins 
act towards Western officials, and what troubles the latter 
have in such places as Shanghai and Ningpo. 

T. W. 

Memoires Historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien, traduits par 
E. Chavannes. Tome second. (Paris: E. Leroux, 

We are glad to welcome M. Chavannes’s second volume of 
the “Historical Records of China.” The “ principal annuls” 



are now concluded, and we are brought to a date con- 
temporaneous with the epoch of the historian. The first 
chapter contains the annals of the Ts'ius, which it is con- 
sidered must have been preserved when the great destruction 
of literature took place b.c. 213. They date back to the 
first uucestor of the dynasty, whose mother, the daughter 
of the Emperor Chuan-hsii (b.c. 2513-2436), bore him after 
having swallowed an egg dropped by a dark-coloured bird. 
In the next chapter we have the reigns of Ts'in Shih-huang 
(B.c. 247-210) and his shortlived son; then follow the 
annals of the interloper Hiang-yu, who was never on the 
Chinese throne ; and then those of the first few sovereigns 
of the Han dynasty, Ssu-ma Ch'ien having written his 
history about b.c. 98. 

AA r e confess to a feeling of disappointment, not to say 
bewilderment, on approaching the end of these annals. In 
the first place, as M. Chavannes has ably pointed out (p. 428), 
we have to make three corrections in the text with regard 
to the chronology in the last year of the Empress Lu’s 
reign (b.c. 180). Then we read under the date b.c. 178 
(p. 461) : “In the twelfth month, in the fifteenth day of 
the month, there was another eclipse of the sun”; but, as 
M. Chavannes observes in a note, there could not have 
been an eclipse of the sun on the fifteenth of the lunar 
month. Again, the following chapter (xi) teems with frag- 
mentary references to eclipses, earthquakes, thunderings, 
and such like so-called portents, and, in fact, we are in- 
formed (p. 496) that the annals of this reign (b.c. 156-141) 
are very incomplete and unfinished ; that, for instance, the 
fifty-second day of the cycle comes before the forty-second 
of the same month (p. 497) ; that winter is sometimes placed 
at the beginning and sometimes at the end of the year ; 
and that certain dates may have been corrected to make 
them agree with the calendar after it had been reformed 
b.c. 104, while other dates seem to have been allowed to 
follow the old system (p. 500). Finally, in the last chapter, 
devoted to the reign of the Emperor A Yu (b.c. 140-74), 
we should certainly expect to find the history most complete ; 



but, on the contrary, there is only the preamble of a few 
lines, the rest of the chapter being untranslated, because, 
as M. Chavannes explains in a note, the original annals 
were in all probability somehow or other lost, the present 
record being a reproduction of the second half of the 
treatise on the feng and shan sacrifices, which constitutes 
the twenty-eighth chapter of the Records. The volume 
terminates with three useful appendices, viz.: an enumera- 
tion of the many titles of functionaries and other personages 
of the Han dynasty, an alphabetical list of commanderies 
and small states existent at the close of the Emperor Wu’s 
reign, of which latter there were no less than 108, and a note 
on the inscriptions of the Ts'in dynasty from b.c. 337-219. 
Finally, there is an index of names of persons and places 
throughout the volume, in French and Chinese, which is 
most valuable for reference. 

II. J. A. 

Chaldaicae, quibus contiuentur cuncta quae in 
prioribus coucordantiis reperiuntur vocabula lacunis 
omnibus expletis .... summa cura collegit et 
concinnavit Salomon Mandelkern, Phil, et Jur. Doctor. 
Fob, pp. 1532. (Lipsiae : Veit & Co.) 

This is truly a gigantic work in every respect, and one 
not likely to be superseded for centuries to come, if at all. 
Those who have hitherto used standard concordances to 
the Old Testament, such as Buxtorf’s (1032) or Fuerst’s 
(1840), must often have felt the deficiency of these, owing 
to the circumstance that, apart from the proper nouns 
and particles, many words were omitted, and others mis- 
placed, faulty, or not in harmony with the masoretic 
tradition. The neglect of the proper nouns was not entirely 
remedied by Brecher’s list (1870). As regards the par- 
ticles, in Professor Konig’s Lehrgelaude we find a most 
carefully compiled Partikelconcordanz (see second half, pt. I, 
p. iii), which forms an extremely instructive and almost 


exhaustive repertory. There are, however, occasional omis- 
sions in his collections, in consequence of his having had 
to rely chiefly on Nolde’s Concordantiae particularum (1734). 1 

Dr. Mandelkern fully appreciates the merit of Fuerst’s 
work, undertaken with the support of Franz Delitzsch, but 
we must bear in mind that, almost immediately after its 
appearance, so many additions and corrections became 
necessary that the editor himself published lists of them 
in a series of articles in his periodical, Dcr Orient (1845), 
and prepared a second edition. This, however, was never 
forthcoming, and the deficiencies of the first were only 
partly amended in the reprint of the same work published 
by Baer (1861). The necessity for another concordance 
answering the requirements of the present state of biblical 
studies was, therefore, still keenly felt. By accomplishing 
so laborious a task, Dr. Mandelkern has earned the grati- 
tude of all friends of biblical science. 

The author has prefaced his work by an introduction 
written both in Latin and Hebrew, the latter being more 
detailed than the former. Under eleven headings he col- 
lects numerous instances of omissions and mistakes of 
previous concordances, of which, in this systematic arrange- 
ment, one can only now form the right conception. 
Although many of these imperfections must have been 
patent to all who had used these books, yet the immensity 
of the labour and expense which a new edition would have 
entailed, sufficed to deter most scholars from undertaking 
a work which, if not executed with the greatest completeness 
and accuracy, would have had little or no value. 

On these two points Dr. Mandelkern has left scarcely 
anything to be desired, and may, therefore, feel confident 
that his work will speedily supplant all its precursors. 

1 As an instance, I may quote the paragraph on JQ before the article 
(II, i, p. 293 sq.), where the following places are to he added : Jos. x, 22 ; 
Jud. (for xiii, 4, read xiii, 5) xx, 40 ; 1 Sam. ii, 20 ; 2 Sam. xviii, 13 ; xx, 13 ; 
1 R. vii, 34 (for xii, 5, read xii, 9) ; xiii, 5 ; xviii, 5 Q. ; xxii, 34 ; 2 R. ii, 23 ; 
ix, 15 (bis) ; (for xxv, 9, read xxv, 19) ; Is., for xiv, 4, read xiv, 3 ; Sach., for 
xii, 2, read xiii, 2 (bis) ; Ps. cxlviii, 1 ; Eccl. iii, 20 ; 1 Chr. xvii, 7 ; 2 Chr. 
ii, 15; v, 11: vii. 14 (for xxxiv, 4, read xxxiv, 3). 



Its arrangement in four sections is also an excellent feature. 
Section I (pp. 1 - 1254) contains the ordinary Hebrew 
vocabulary of the Old Testament. The headings of each 
paragraph are not only thoroughly vocalized and accen- 
tuated, but also show finer masoretic variations, e.g., 
TTD, Is. liv, 12, and Ez. xxvii, 16 ; lBpH, Esth. 

x, 2, al. jj (see Konig, l.c., p. 26), etc. To each word are 
added its real and metaphorical meanings in Latin, together 
with a brief summary of its etymology written in Hebrew, 
and frequently brought in connection with rabbinical and 
later Jewish versions, as well as with comparative Semitic 
philology. Naturally the student will not adopt every 
explanation suggested by the author, any more than he 
would forego his own research, yet this is greatly facilitated 
by these comprehensive summaries, as the reader finds 
a statistical survey of the forms concerned annexed to the 
same. Dr. Mandelkern has also in so far improved the 
quotations, as he has taken pains to frame them in such 
a way as to give as complete a sense as possible, instead 
of being satisfied with abrupt scraps, as in older concor- 
dances. Words of doubtful etymology are placed according 
to the first consonant, irrespective of root, hut not always 

quite consistently. To select a few examples : A1l72 , for 

which the author leaves to choose between the roots ha and 
, is to be found under neither, but under 72 . Yet the 
derivation of the word from is hardly to be doubted 
(see also Konig, l.c., p. 153). On the other hand, 
is justly placed under X (see Barth, “ Nominalhildung 2 ,” 
p. 226), since the X seems to be radical. Cross reference, 
however, guides the reader in this case as well as in others, 
where the K is really prosthetic, and altogether in words of 
doubtful etymology. “\)1 (Is. xx, 18; xxix, 3) is again 
fully recorded under "rHS (see Konig, l.c., p. 52), to do 
justice also to rabbinical conception. The particles DX of 
both classes are supplied with alphabetical lists of the verba 
standing in their sequels, whilst all the instances of doubtful 


nature are printed in full. Thus the reader can trace on 
every page how earnest has been the author’s endeavour 
to make the book as complete and reliable as possible. 

Section II (pp. 1255-1311) comprehends the pronouns in 
the following order: personalia, demons/ ra lira, interrogative/, 
and the no/a relationis “It^X- It also includes the prae- 
posi/iones praefixae, IftD and jJ3, with their pronominal 
suffixa, although these are treated in the preceding section, 
but cross references help to find the single paragraphs. 
Section III (pp. 1312-1348) is devoted to the Aramaic 
portion of the Old Testament, including the apparent 
Hebraisms in Jer. x, 11, and Dan. iv, 14. In Section IV 
(pp. 1349-1532) we find for the first time a thoroughly 
reliable list of proper nouns, both Hebrew and Aramaic, 
with short explanations of the identity of persons and 
places in Latin and Hebrew. More than sixteen pages are 
devoted to the Tetragram, placing the combinations of the 
same with ’iflX and Q'n'/X respectively in separate groups. 

Bible concordances, of which a great number exists, 
originally grew out of the desire to have books of reference 
in theological disputes. The demand for them, however, 
has completely altered in character, and what modern science 
requires is a statistical classification of grammatical and 
lexicographical forms and their ramifications, as well as 
a list of the vagaries and peculiarities of languages in 
which obscurities are plentiful. Of the large series of con- 
cordances, Dr. Mandelkern’s is the first which really fulfils 
these requirements in all respects, and will ere long be 
indispensable to every student of Semitics. The magnitude 
of the labour can best be gauged by the fact that, in spite 
of all the care and trouble bestowed, a few misprints and 
omissions are still to be noted. I attach a small list, chiefly 
belonging to the troublesome chapter on : p. 659, col. 4, 
read Ps. lxiii, 6 ; p. 691, col. 3, read 2 Sam. xxii, 14 ; 
p. 1263, col. 4, read Deut. i, 11 ; ibid., add Jos. ii, 1 ; 2 R. 
x, 24; p. 692, add Job, xxxviii, 1; Neh. viii, 18. 

H. Hirschfeld. 



The Ruined Cities of Ceylon. By H. W. Cave, Queen’s 
College, Oxford. 4to. (London : Sampson Low & Co., 
1897. Price 38s.) 

In this splendid volume we have an account, by a cultured 
Englishman long interested in the beautiful island, of what 
are not only the most important of the many ruins to be 
found there, but also include in their number the oldest 
extant monuments of India ; for Ceylon, ethnographically 
and historically, is part of India. The account is enriched 
and elucidated by forty-seven full-page photogravure illus- 
trations and sixteen woodcuts ; and these, especially the 
larger plates, far surpass in artistic beauty anything hitherto 
attempted in that direction, and go far to enable those, who 
have not themselves seen these magnificent relics of a by- 
gone age, to realize the impressiveness of their majestic 
beauty. The author is strictly accurate when he calls them 
“ wonders with which only the remains of the ancient 
civilization of the Valley of the Nile can be, in any way, 
compared.” The views are reproductions of photographs, it 
it true, but they are taken by a past master in the art, 
and reproduced with a skill that often gives them the im- 
pression of the best engravings. The views of the dilgaba 
or tope of Milinda, of Pollonnaruwa at eventide, of the 
Jetamana at Anuriidhapura, and of the Niilandil Rest House, 
are especially striking in the effects of light and shade. 

The letterpress (of 125 pages) explanatory of the plates 
gives a very readable and vivid account of the ruins, and 
is in accord, as to their history, with the latest results of 
scholarship. No attempt is made at original research, or 
even at the expression of individual opinion. But in the 
case of the ruins of buildings, the original construction of 
which is, in almost every case, recorded with dates and 
names in the Mahavamsa, there is not much room left for 
doubt or discussion. Where the Mahavamsa fails us, as in 
the case of the so-called Isurutnaniya Temple, or of the 
curious stones called meditation stones (see the plate in 
our issue for 1894, p. 504), the study of the older Sinhalese 



literature might possibly elucidate doubtful points. But 
that literature lies still buried in MSS., and the author has 
chosen wisely in not delaying his work for the possible 
advantage of being able to add to existing knowledge on 
these doubtful points. 

It is, however, a pity that in the few paragraphs he 
devotes to a summary of Buddhism, the author should have 
given a version of the famous Four Truths which differs 
considerably, and in important particulars, from the original 
text, a translation of which is now accessible in vol. xi of 
the “Sacred Books of the East.” The real words would 
have taken up only a few more lines of the necessarily 
limited space ; and their tenour would have led to some 
change in the few words of comment that follow. But 
the work only claims to be an artistic presentation of the 
present state of the ruined cities, and as such it is not only 
a great success, but without any doubt the most valuable 
and beautiful that has yet appeared. 

The KadambarT of Bana. Translated by Miss C. M. 

Bidding. (Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, 

Yol. II.) 

An English translation of a Sanskrit romance can only 
be successful within certain limitations. In the first place, 
the most characteristic feature in the form of the original 
— its unbounded use of long compound words — must be 
sacrificed. Each of these compounds must, as a rule, 
be rendered by a separate sentence in English ; and the 
translation, therefore, cannot but have an air of deliberate- 
ness, which offers a curious contrast to the rapidity with 
which, in the original, similes and all the other devices 
of rhetoric are poured forth in Oriental profusion. Again, 
while no attempt can be made to portray the form, success 
in any attempt to preserve in a translation the spirit of 
the Indian romance can only be partial; for the object 
of the author was not so much to tell a story, as to embellish 



the details of his story with all the imagery, and to illustrate 
them by all the parallels, that his mind could conceive ; and 
his conscious aim, in doing this, was to exhibit to the full 
the beauty and wealth of a language w'hich, in the richness 
of its vocabulary and in the perfection of its inflexional 
structure, is, surely, unsurpassed among the languages of 
the earth. 

But, in spite of the difficulties thus indicated, it is possible, 
as Miss Bidding has shown in her rendering into English 
of the most typical of Sanskrit romances, to make a trans- 
lation which shall be of practical utility to students, and, 
at the same time, possess sufficient literary merit to attract 
and hold the attention of English readers. Her translation 
is couched in graceful English, and the comparison of 
a number of passages with the original shows that she 
has executed her task in a conscientious and scholarly 

There is only one point in connection with the plan of 
this translation which is at all likely to excite any un- 
favourable criticism — its omissions. Miss Bidding gives 
a rather long list of passages which she has left untranslated 
or has greatly abridged, principally on account of their 
tediousness and reiteration. Now the object in publishing 
any translation such as the present is presumably twofold — 
to mirror the original as accurately as possible for the 
benefit of English readers, and to serve as a guide to 
students of Sanskrit ; and it will be held by many that 
these omissions detract from the value of the book in both 
aspects. The English reader will not see in its fullest 
dimensions what is really the great distinguishing feature 
of this species of literature — its absolute lack of any sense 
of proportion ; and tbe student will be deserted in precisely 
those tedious passages for which the aid of a translation 
would have been most welcome. 

Moreover, there is probably not one of these omitted 
passages, however wearisome, that does not contain some 
allusion of interest or importance. To take as an example 
the first untranslated passage, Nirnaya- Sagara edition, 



pp. 11—15: this passage contains the information that 
King Sfidraka’s capital was Vidisil, a city encompassed by 
the river Vetravatl. Now, surely, this is a statement of 
the first importance ; but, in consequence of the omission 
of the passage in which it occurs, this piece of information 
is nowhere to be found in Miss Ridding’s book. A further 
examination of the same untranslated passage will show 
that it contains other points of interest also — two instances 
of a distinction actually made between the terms dkhyana 
and akhyayikd, the mention of a number of musical in- 
struments which might conceivably be of interest to some 
investigator of this particular subject, and the description 
of some curious games of literary skill in which the prince 
and his companions were wont to indulge. 

As has been already said, these omissions form the one 
feature in Miss Ridding’s Kadambarl with which any 
fault is likely to be found, and even on this point opinions 
will, no doubt, remain much divided. For the rest, scholars 
will unite in congratulating Miss Ridding: on the successful 
completion of a work which must have required no small 
amount of patience and perseverance, as well as a familiar 
acquaintance with the niceties of classical Sanskrit. 

E. J. Rapson. 

Die Abhandlung des Abu Hamid Al-GazzalT. Antworten 
auf Fragen, die an ihn gerichtet wurden. Nach 
mebreren MSS. edoit, mit Einleitung, Uebersetzung, 
nebst Anmerkungen, von Dr. Heinrich Maltek. 
Two parts. (Francfort-on-the-Main : J. Kauftinann, 
1896. j 1 

The above-mentioned publication is devoted to the 
Hebrew version of a treatise by Al-Ghazali, 2 and consists 

1 Also with Hebrew title— TV iSn^ n31t5713 T2XnUN 10ND 

- For the orthography of this name see An Nawawi, Kitiib attxbyan (Cairo, 
1890), p. 297. 

J.E.A.9. 1897. 




of replies to questions addressed to him. The original, 
•which was written in Arabic, has not yet been discovered. 
Isak b. Nathan, of Cordoba (middle of the fourteenth 
century), is known to have translated other philosophical 
writings also from Arabic into Hebrew. The contents of 
our treatise are of sufficient interest to justify a monograph, 
and Dr. Malter has treated the text with laudable care, 
although many portions of it are made somewhat un- 
intelligible by the pedantic translation and tedious style. 

The question as to the authorship of the treatise must, 
however, remain open, and we prefer to share the editor’s 
scepticism rather than to adopt his subsequent views of the 
authenticity of the work. If, on one hand, the silence 
observed by the Arabic bibliographers is to be regarded 
as irrelevant, on the other hand the bona fides of the 
translator, as well as of Moses Narboni — the Hebrew 
commentator of Al-Ghazali’s Maqasid, who both lived more 
than two hundred years after the alleged author — scarcely 
carries conviction. Dr. Malter has in a scholarly manner 
succeeded in restoring nearly the whole original of the 
treatise by placing (in Part I) the Hebrew text side by side 
with excerpts from Alferghanl’s “Elements of Astronomy” 
and Al-Ghazali’s “Tendencies.” Yet all this contributes 
little to remove our doubts as to whether Al-Ghazall 
wrote the treatise in question later than the Takafut. The 
three different titles under which the Hebrew version was 
handed down, and of which Dr. Malter only records two 
(see Cod. Paris, 910 2 ), only increase the uncertainty of the 

Dr. Malter endeavours to support the authorship of Al- 
Ghazall by repeating the mistaken notion that the latter had 
plagiarized Al-Batalyusi ; but a glance at Steinschneider’s 
“ Uebersetzungen,” p. 287, would have shown him that the 
reverse is the case, and could not be otherwise, since Al- 
Ghaziill died 505 and Al-Batalyusi 521 of the Moslim era. 

The question as to the genuineness of another writing 
attributed to Al-Ghazall, has also still to be settled. Cod. 
Or. 3P26 of the British Museum bears the title of the 



Maqdsid of Al-Ghazall (also fol. 2 r is superscribed l- 
JljjUJ *jUUL» wWUL«), and at the end a reference to the 
same author’s Tahafut is to be found. Yet the work 
is not the same as the one mentioned above (see Professor 
Rieu’s Catalogue, p. 494). If this one were authentic we 
should have two works of Al-Ghazali composed later than 
the Tahafut , in order, as Dr. Walter points out (p. x), 
“ to give a decided expression to his final philosophical 
views.” The investigations on this point are, as we see, 
anything but exhausted, and Dr. Malter will have an 
opportunity of entering into the same when preparing his 
promised edition of the J laqdsid, of which a specimen has 
already been published by Dr. Beer. 

As to the work itself, it consists of queries and replies, 
a form much affected bv Arabic scholastics, though not 
original. A survey of the contents is given by Stein- 
sehneider, l.c., p. 339. Dr. Malter has added to the first 
part of his edition a German translation and copious notes, 
which bear testimony not only to the enthusiasm with 
which he undertook his work, but also to his close ac- 
quaintance with the literature concerned. His treatment 
of the text of the version, as well as the Arabic excerpts 
of the Maqdsid, prove how well he is qualified to undertake 
the publication of the portions of that work not yet printed. 
The glossary appended to Part II does not contain much 
that is new. For “ mugtihadun,” p. xiv, rem. 5 (twice), 
read nwgtahidun. 

H. Hirschfki.d. 

British Ixdta. By R. W. Frazer, LL.B., I.C.S. (retired). 

“ Story of the Nations.” 8vo. (London : IJnwin, 1896.) 

Considering the space at his command and the other 
necessary limitations imposed upon him in a book of this 
sort, Mr. Frazer’s “British India” must be pronounced 
a most satisfactory piece of work, a credit to the series in 
which it appears. To bring within less than four hundred 
not too closely printed pages, the connection of the West 



with the East, from the time of Alexander the Great to 
the present day, is in itself no light or easy task ; while 
every page shows that the author is no mere haphazard 
compiler, but one who had already studied for his own 
pleasure much of the overwhelming mass of material per- 
taining to his subject. The distribution of the matter 
seems to he in due proportion to the relative importance 
of the subjects treated ; and the result is a compact and 
fairly complete narrative, bright and lively enough not to 
repel even the most superficial of general readers, and 
sufficiently full and accurate to supply the student with 
a handy compendium for ordinary reference. 

The only criticism that suggests itself in regard to the 
apportionment of space has reference to the necessity or 
otherwise of the introductory chapters (pp. 1-77). It 
cannot be said that they are absolutely out of place. Nay, 
they give us a rapid, well-written, and interesting summary 
of the intercourse between Europe and India from the 
earliest ages up to the eighteenth century; and there can 
he no doubt that this portico gives to the whole edifice 
a balance and proportion which it would otherwise lack. 
But British India being the theme, these introductory 
chapters might have disappeared, for the sake of a fuller 
development here and there of the especial subject. In 
reading the book one feels vaguely a sense of over- 
compression in some of the earlier chapters which treat 
of the commencements of our empire ; and in the last 
chapter the effect would have been increased rather than 
diminished by somewhat fuller details and statistics of our 
existing system of administration. 

For the reason just assigned, or perhaps because 
Mr. Frazer feels himself more at home in the modern 
period, the second half of the book has considerably more 
dash and vigour than what precedes. The story of the 
two Sikh campaigns of 1845-6 and 1848-9 is told in 
excellent style, carrying the reader on without pause or 
hesitation. Again, the events of the Mutiny are narrated 
with great spirit und conciseness; in fact, it would be 



impossible to find anywhere, in the same number of pages, 
an equally comprehensive and lucid history of the dangers 
encountered and the spirit-stirring deeds then done by 
our countrymen. The bird’s-eye view on p. 261, which 
Mr. Frazer has unearthed from an old number of the 
Illustrated Loudon Neirs, is most useful : it enables us to 
realize graphically, what we all more or less forget, that 
the Mutiny, however extensive and serious, was strictly 
limited to Northern India, and in it did not pass beyond 
the central portion. To the east, in Bengal, and to the 
west, in the Punjab, the disturbances were few and of 
comparatively little importance. 

Much as there is to engage our earnest and absorbed 
attention in present-day India, that “weary Titan . 
staggering on to her goal,” to a future fate which we 
can only dimly surmise, it is the earlier half of British 
Indian history which exercises the greatest fascination upon 
most readers. It is only natural that this should be so. 
Besides the romantic aspect of the events themselves, our 
interest is further excited by the tremendous political and 
parliamentary struggles to which those events gave rise ; 
and the glittering rhetoric of a great writer of this century 
has surrounded them with an added glamour. 

Accordingly we find that Mr. Frazer, with sure judgment, 
has allotted nearly one-fifth of his space to the forty years 
(17-18-1785) covered by the public careers of Robert Clive 
and Warren Hastings. In dealing with those years, he 
has still further shown a true appreciation of the facts by 
throwing what he has to say into the form of biographies 
ot these two exceptional men. England then, as ever, relied 
on the vigour and genius of her sons to build up the fabric 
of her great empire ; then, as now, the men she wanted 
rarely failed her. 

Disguise it to ourselves as we may, our rule in India 
began in military superiority, and on that base it will rest 
so long as w r e are able to retain hold of the country. 
Military weakness, the causes of which were many and 
various, brought the Moghul empire to its doom ; and 



Europeans were not very long in discovering the tremendous 
engine that they possessed in a disciplined infantry (p. 70). 
The rest was easy. From the time that Dupleix first 
showed the way, Europeans have never met with any 
decisive or long-continued check from any native force that 
ever took the field against them. Mr. Frazer is far too 
wise to give in his adhesion to Seeley’s heresy that general 
causes suffice to account for our conquest of India. 
According to Professor Seeley, it was no quality of the 
Englishman that gave the country to him instead of to the 
Frenchman ; and the heroism attaching to the conquest, 
if any, was displayed by the Indians themselves, who 
formed the bulk of our armies and conquered their own 
country for us. But anyone reading the contemporary 
records cannot fail to see that our success was not due 
merely to persistent but undeserved good fortune. If the 
Frenchman was as good as the Englishman at this particular 
work, why did he fail when we succeeded P If the Indians 
were the real conquerors, why did they succumb whenever 
pitted against us and prevail whenever we led them ? 
Assuredly the difference lay in the quality of the men 
and in nothing else. 

In dealing with the career of Warren Hastings, the man 
who did more than any other to acquire India for us, 
Mr. Frazer adopts the more favourable judgment which 
has lately prevailed, and is, indeed, the only one that can 
be come to after an unbiassed examination of the original 
authorities. In reading them one is struck with the 
remarkable fulness and accuracy of Hastings’ information 
on the origin and recent history of all the Indian States. 
Mis agents had served him well, and if Macaulay would 
only have accepted Hastings’ facts, he would have been 
saved from many of his extraordinary misapprehensions. 
Burke may be more easily excused ; he stood in the thick 
of the fight, and lived too near the events to easily 
distinguish the true from the false. Macaulay, on the 
contrary, had ample leisure to sift the abundant evidence 
upon the record. A convincing proof of his misleading 



methods may be derived from a passage quoted by Sir 
John Straohey in his “ Hastings and the Rohilla War.” 
Read the paragraph with all the adjectives as they stand, 
and every statement is false: strike out all the adjectives, 
and every statement will become literally true. 

No doubt, Warren Hastings adopted, consciously or 
unconsciously, the rules of Oriental statecraft; and judged 
by that standard, his conduct was that of an extremely 
upright and honourable man. That defence would cover 
absolutely everything in his acts to which objection has 
been made. Even if the European code of morals be 
substituted, it must be remembered that many things 
were condemned from ignorance of local conditions and 
precedents. For instance, the demand for aid in men and 
money from a subordinate ruler like Chait Singh of 
Benares, and that Rajah’s subsequent deposition for default, 
were entirely consonant with Indian public-law of that 
period. The attempt to elevate Chait Singh into a sovereign 
ruler — an attempt renewed not many years ago — was rightly 
brushed aside by Hastings as pure absurdity. The Rajah 
of Benares was the subordinate of a subordinate, and 
would have been swept away long before by his over- 
lord, the Nawab of Audh, had not Hastings interposed to 
preserve him. 

In their natural revolt against past injustice some recent 
inquirers have failed to allow any shadows to appear in 
their portraits of Hastings’ character. This is just as much 
a mistake in the opposite direction. For it is impossible 
to deny that in public life Hastings was very unforgiving. 
Whenever he had been slighted or thwarted, he concealed 
under the mildest and quietest of manners an implacable 
resolve to be revenged. The case of Chait Singh just 
referred to would show the truth of this assertion, were 
there space to state the facts or sum up the evidence. 

Nor can all his plans be held as irreproachably wise. 
No one has yet touched, so far as I know, on what 
seems a cardinal error in the external policy adopted by 
Hastings, an error much more deep-seated, aud more likely 



to bring disaster, than Rohilla "Wars, Benares insurrections, 
or Begam despoilings. Justly enough, as we must acknow- 
ledge now, he held the Mahrattas to be our most dangerous 
foe. In his mode of trying to avert the chance of being 
overwhelmed by them lay his only error. He bent all 
his energies to the task of forming a “buffer” state out 
of the Nawab Wazlr’s dominions: an excellent device, if 
only his instrument could have been depended upon. But 
Skujii-ud-daulah was not merely untrustworthy ; he was, 
we are convinced, absolutely hostile. In native estimation 
lie was greater and more powerful at his death than he 
had been before the battle of Baksar. They did not look 
on him, nor did he in the least consider himself, as a crushed 
and helpless cipher in the hands of Hastings and the newly- 
risen British power. He had gained largely in territory 
in the Duab and Rohilkhand ; and neither he nor other 
Indians shared our belief that we had been the donors of 
these accessions. Shuja-ud-daulah, from 1765 to 1774, 
was busy, with the aid of French officers, in raising a force 
of infantry disciplined in the European fashion. He 
evidently meant to try conclusions with us once more. 
Then, by a tremendous stroke of luck, we were saved from 
a fierce struggle for our supremacy by his unexpected 
death in January, 1775, 1 when he was only forty-eight 
years of age, and had before him, to all appearance, many 
years in which to make ready before he struck the blow. 
Instead of supporting the Nawab to the best of his power, 
Hastings ought to have weakened, so far as he could, 
a man who hardly concealed his intention of making another 
trial of his strength. 

A few remarks in passing may be made as to such errors 
as we have noticed, due either to the author’s oversight or 
the printer’s carelessness. For example, on p. 125, line 12, 
“north -cast” should be “ north-tm^.” Dupleix’s rank 
(p. 76) was 7000 not 700, see Tibulle Hamont, “ Dupleix,” 
143; and there is some discrepancy as to Hastings’ first 

1 The exact date is the 26th January, 1775: see “ Forrest,” i, p. 208. The 
6th February on p. 131 is wrong. 



stay in India fp. 121), which was of fourteen, not ten years, 
see Lawson, 35, and Gleig, i, 33, 132 ; he landed October 8, 
1750, and sailed November, 1764. “ Mahandwara ” (p. 178) 

should be “ Mukand-darah.” On p. 206, R. M. Bird is 
given an honour he could not claim ; if any one person 
did so, it was a still greater man, the late Right Hon. 
Holt Mackenzie, author of Ain haftam, who “ inaugurated ” 
the modern system of revenue. But collection from 
“village communities” was a legacy from native times, 
and no invention of ours. Nor could Lord Macaulay 
(p. 214) consider whether official correspondence should be 
carried on in English or in the Indian tongues ; that matter 
had settled itself long before he was born, and from the 
first days Englishmen had written to each other in English, 
and to Indian subordinates in an Indian language, as they 
do to this day. On p. 262 the year 1803 must be wrong : 
should it not be 1834 ? On p. 295, line 3 from foot, 
ought not China to read Persia? and on p. 311, line 4 
from foot, is not length a slip of the pen for height ? 

Some further revision on such points as the above should 
be kept in view, in case the book is reprinted. For my own 
part, I should like a few more dates, without which history 
is as shapeless as a human body would be without any 
bones. For instance, the date of the very important battle 
of Panipat (p. 121) might be inserted. As usual, the old 
difficulty of the transliteration of Indian names crops up, 
and Mr. Frazer, rightly enough for his purpose, accepts 
the so-called Hunterian method. But, having got so far, 
it is a pity to propagate actual error in such forms as 
Kasir for j-fU Kdsir, Pan /a for Paulah, and Karim 
for +>S Karim. If I mistake not, the Kuntcar of p. 288 
is identical with the Koer of p. 310 ; and there ought to 
be no accent on the last vowel. The name is Kuntcar, 

not 3i%TT Kuntcar. 

M ' 

A word or two, to the address of the publisher, may also 
be added on the subject of the illustrations. In a cheap 
book it is perhaps unfair to ask for very much, so nothing 



need be said about the feeble, blurred look of most of 
them. But two or three are positively execrable. Akbar 
(p. 59) appears to have suffered from a cancerous sore, 
which has eaten away the whole face between the nose 
and the lower lip. Clive (p. 79) and Hastings (p. 137) 
seem to have recently recovered from a bad attack of small- 
pox, the effects of which are only too visible. Hastings’ 
portrait I have compared with an impression in the original 
work (1786), and the reproduction quite distorts the 
original engraving. Hastings, at his best, was slightly- 
built and sloping-shouldered ; but in the picture his right 
side looks positively deformed. This defect is caused by 
the blurring over of the detail in the original. In addition, 
the expression of the mouth and of the whole face is entirely 
altered. Again, the portrait of Clive chosen for insertion 
seems to me too sweet-looking about the mouth, and not 
half gross-featured enough to represent faithfully the 
essentially earthy nature of the man. 

A word of praise at parting must be accorded to Mr. 
Frazer’s last chapter on the material and moral progress 
of British India during the last forty years. Let us hope 
that the information therein conveyed may help to dispel 
some of the vast ignorance of things Indian, which is so 
prevalent among the “ great British Public,” who generally 
know as little of the marvellous work we are doing in 
India, as they do of how we have won our way to the 
foremost place in that wonderful land, the cradle of many 
a reputation, the grave of many an unfulfilled renown. 

March 18, 1897. W. Irvine. 

With the Dutch in the East. By Captain W. Cool, 
Dutch Engineers. Translated from the Dutch by 
G. J. Taylor. 8vo, pp. 365. (London : Luzac, 1897.) 

This work is a sketch of the Dutch military operations 
in Lombok, in the year 1894. And it gives incidentally 
in a long and interesting chapter (pp. 46-165) a fairly full 



account of the country and its dense population of about 
000,000 aboriginal Sassaks, 50,000 of tlio ruling race from 
the neighbouring island of Bali, aud a lew thousand Malay, 
Arab, and Chinese settlers. 

The best account in English of the very interesting island 
of Bali is that of R. Friedrich in our own Journal, 1876- 
1878. The present volume, in the portion devoted to the 
Balinese, is neither so full nor so scholarly as that remark- 
able series of articles. But in the portion devoted to the 
Sassaks, we have information hitherto not available in 
English. The curious regulations of the ancient guilds 
by which the elaborate irrigation arrangements necessary 
lor the cultivation of the terraced rice-fields are fully set 
out, and the organization of the desxa, or family manor 
(also fully described), is interesting from its analogy to 
that of the Hindu family of the Hindu village community. 

The volume is profusely illustrated, and the translation, 
while retaining the tone of the original, is written in an 
easy aud readable style. 

Nirvana: eine Studie zur Yorgeschichte des Buddhis- 
mus. By Joseph Dahlmann, of the Society of Jesus. 
8vo, pp. 214. (Berliu : Dames, 1896.) 

The author starts with the proposition that the intellectual 
life of India is nowhere so clearly and originally shown as 
in the idea of Nirvana; but that on the meaning of the 
Buddhist Nirvana there reigns the greatest uncertainty. 
Is it annihilation, or is it everlasting bliss? He has not 
heard of the real answer (put forth as long ago as 1878) 
that it is neither, but an epithet of a state of mind to 
be reached and enjoyed only in the present life; and he 
seeks in vain to solve the riddle to his own satisfaction. 
Herein he is precisely in the position of a waiter who should 
take for granted that “ regeneration,” in the Christian usage 
of the term, must mean either a physical rebirth, or a 
rebirth in heaven ; and who should then seek (in vain) to 



reconcile, either with the one or with the other of these 
hypotheses, the expressions used concerning it. The problem 
in either case is insoluble, because it is wrongly stated. 

After finding it so the author states (p. 26) a further 
alternative. “ Buddhism is derived either from the Dualism 
of the Sankhya, or from the Monism of the Vedanta.” 
This is very similar to the alternative that the opinions of 
St. Augustine rest either on those of Spinoza or on those 
of Leibnitz, both of them recorded centuries later. Views 
analogous to those of Spinoza and Leibnitz can, no doubt, 
be traced long before their time, and even before the age 
of St. Augustine. But even had he been influenced by such 
precursors of the two later thinkers, it. only darkens counsel 
to put the alternative in such a form. Neither of the 
alternatives thus put forward as the basis of the author’s 
treatise will, therefore, hold water. In each case the 
right answer is to reject both horns of the dilemma. But 
fortunately Father Dahlinann — having first put forward 
these alternatives so emphatically at the opening of his 
book — proceeds straightway to drop them. We have no 
attempt at a- statement of what early Indian Buddhism 
really was, much less any sort of detailed comparison 
between it and either of the two later systems, from one 
or other of which it is supposed necessary that it must 
have been derived. 

Instead of this we have a long and interesting discussion 
of the thesis that the Mahabharata contains, not a wilderness 
of inconsistent and irreconcileable views, drawn from various 
sources, but one consistent and reasoned philosophy ; — that 
this system existed, exactly as we now have it, already at 
least as early as the fifth century B.c, ; — that the keynote of 
this system is the harmonious co-ordination of the three 
ideas of Atma, Prakrti, Nirvana; — that these three ideas 
were subsequently made the keynotes of the three systems 
Vedanta, Sankhya, Buddhism; — that each of these arose 
therefore out of the tendency to lay special stress on one 
side (to the practical exclusion of the other two sides) of 
an older threefold hypothesis; — and, finally, that it is in the 



Mahabharata that we have, if not quite the only, yet the 
only complete, statement of the philosophy which thus 
occupies so important a place in the history of the 
development of Indian thought. 

In support of this thesis he first goes in order through 
most of the passages in the epic, about thirty in number, 
in which the word Nirvana occurs, showing that it means 
a state of happiness and peace, and as it is often unmis- 
takeahly stated to have been reached during this life, and 
is best explicable in the same way in the other passages, 
there is no reason to suppose that it ever means anything 
else. This is the ideal aim, and it is connected throughout 
with a knowledge of Brahma. The second chapter ac- 
cordingly sets out the view of the epic about Brahma, 
with the object of showing that the same epithets are used 
both of it and of Nirvana, and that in all probability they 
were used first of Brahma. Then in chapters iii and iv 
follows an exposition of the views found in the epic with 
respect to the ideas (a) of matter, ( b ) of the souls, (c) of 
the organs, (d) of Brahma. All these views together the 
author calls “ the Sankhya of the epic ” ; and some confusion 
■would be saved if he had invented some other name for 
what he regards as a single system of philosophy. 

The second part of the volume, also divided into four 
chapters, is devoted to a comparison of this “ Sankhya 
system of the epic ” with the Sankhya as found in the later 
textbooks, with the Upanishads, with the Vedanta, and 
with Buddhism. 

More than half of the work is thus devoted to an exposition 
of what is called the Sankhya system as found in the epic, 
and to a comparison between it and the quite different 
system of the same name, as found in the later and 
acknowledged textbooks of the Sankhya — the system that 
has been so admirably summarized and expounded by 
Professor Garbe. This collection of passages of a philo- 
sophical tendency from the Mahabharata — whether they 
form a system or not — is much more thorough and complete 
than has hitherto been made, and is most useful and 



suggestive. But the author does not claim that he has 
included all, and it is a pity that he does not give the 
facts by themselves, apart from the wide-reaching and 
suggestive (but by no means convincing) theory that he 
wishes to establish. As it is, he has managed to leave the 
impression that, on each detail he discusses, there may be 
other passages, not so favourable to his theory, which are 
omitted ; and to make it difficult for the reader to dis- 
entangle the facts from the lengthy theorizing in which 
they are almost hidden. But as a scholarly attempt at 
reconstruction in the history of Indian thought the book 
is very welcome, and it were much to be wished that the 
author would give us a clear statement of all that can be 
found in the Mahabharata of a philosophical or psychological 
nature. We could then better see whether the author is 
justified in using the term Sankhya for the whole of the 
philosophizing in the epic, instead of for those parts of it 
only which agree with what is always spoken of as the 

Schopenhauer, usd die indischf, Phii.osophie. Yon Max 
F. Hecker, Dr. Phil. (Koln : lliibscher and Teufel, 

It has been predicted of Schopenhauer that the only 
element in his doctrine likely to prove fruitful is the fact 
that, in emphasizing the nature and function of that will 
by which man struggles for better existence, he, though he 
knew it not, stands as a pioneer of evolutionism. If, how- 
ever, we leave theorizing and look around, we may see 
fields where he deliberately sowed, whitening already with 
another kind of harvest. Prompted in large measure by 
him, Western philosophy in Germany is ceasing to repeat, 
like one belated voice from Oxford, that “ the Orientals had 
no philosophy” of their own to lend Europe (Burnet, Ear/// 
Greek Philosophy, 1892, p. 17), and is beginning “to sit 
down beside ” the thinkers of ancient India. Not the least 


significant phenomenon in this movement is the appear- 
ance (in the train of German Indianists) of writers like 
Dr. Hecker ; I mean of students who, having themselves 
no first-hand knowledge of any but Western philosophy, are 
eager, in the light of recent Oriental research, to compare 
the teachings of Schopenhauer with those Indian Weltan- 
schaunngen which so strongly impressed him. 

The comparison in this essay is a three-lined parallel 
drawn between Brahmanism, Buddhism, and Schopen- 
hauerism considered under certain metaphysical and ethical 
aspects. The arrangement of salient points in these aspects, 
grouped, as I venture to think, in a somewhat unfortunate 
manner, is based on the affinity between quietism, asceticism, 
and mysticism, and on the predominant position which, it 
is claimed, these three conceptions occupy in the three 
paralleled systems of thought. The style is lucid and 
interesting; and the work, as a handy and suggestive 
manual, bids fair to attract readers. It is a welcome arrival 
and should do good work ; nevertheless, an examination of 
it arouses mixed feelings. 

The author is very strongly convinced of the resemblance, 
amounting sometimes to identity, between the metaphysic 
and ethic of Schopenhauer on the one hand, and of the 
two Eastern systems taken together on the other. He 
assures the Western reader that it is sufficient to read the 
former to get a “ synthesis ” of Yedantist metaphysic and 
Buddhist ethic. Now, critics of Schopenhauer have, on 
other grounds, found him fairly self-contradictory; but his 
doctrine has never, I believe, been made out so hopeless an 
antinomy as to reconcile in itself the opposite poles — Sub- 
stantialist and non-Substantialist — of Indian philosophy. It 
is one thing to try to find reconciled in Platonic Idealism 
the few shipwrecked fragments by which Heracleitus and 
Parmenides are indirectly known to us ; it is a very different 
thing to find in Schopenhauerism Yedantism and Buddhism 
“in a higher unity.” I venture to think that anyone 
reading Schopenhauer after studying the latter systems 
in the original, will find in the former far more of Plato 



and Kant than of Qankara or Gotaraa. Schopenhauer, 
like Dr. Hecker, knew his Orientals only through the prism 
of Western thought, and this was enough to leave him 
thoroughly Occidental in the traditions of standpoint and 
of form, although with a vision and a sympathy wider 
than the spirit of his age, he was able to discern, to 
welcome, and in some measure to assimilate, treasures of 
thought unappreciable by others. 

There is, perhaps, no greater danger for all such work 
at second-hand on Eastern thought than just that prismatic 
medium through which the writer must study his materials. 
He forgets this. Without studying at least the translated 
texts for himself, or even comparing the various views of 
all good scholars, he selects one or two manuals, and then 
applies that ill-fitting Western terminology (which he there 
finds more or less cautiously used) with an easy confidence. 
To take only one example — the word ‘ will ’ : it can only 
create misrepresentation to import Schopenhauer’s crude 
psychology and ethic of will into Buddhism, and then 
to say Buddhism preached “ Willensertotung,” the “con- 
demnation and stifling of all impulses of will.” Here 
I)r. Hecker’s chief, almost sole, authority, Professor 
Oldenberg, gives him no clear guidance. Nor had he 
consulted l)r. Neumann’s luminous translations, would he 
have found on this point more light. There is no word in 
Pali that can compass the connotation of the Teutonic 
‘will.’ Nor are the various conscious states so designated 
ever condemned by Buddhism as such. Chando, viriyuin, ceto, 
sankappo , cdi/dnw, etc., are all, in themselves, as unmoral as, 
in itself, will is. Each may be used for good or bad ends. 
But the good ends arc not to be attained without constant 
desire, energy, imagination, aspiration, endeavour, etc. 
Nothing conaiional is condemned except perverted will — 
lust, thirst, craving on the one hand ; langour and indiffer- 
ence on the other. On its active side Buddhist philosophy 
might fitly be described as both the development and 
regulation of the faculty of will. It is a contradiction in 
terms to speak of its “ negating will ” when it is ever 



spurring on its followers to the highest quality of voluntary 
activity that came within its ken. 

C. A. F. Rhys Davids. 

Grammaire Ronga, with a Manual of Conversation and 
a Vocabulary in Ronga, Portuguese, French, and 
English. By Henri Junod, Swiss Missionary. (Georges 
Bridell: Lausanne, Switzerland, 1896.) 

The Ronga language is spoken by the Natives of the 
Districts adjacent to Lorenzo Marquez in the Portuguese 
Colony of the East Coast of South Africa. The author 
is one of the enterprising Missionaries sent out by a Swiss 
Mission Society. M. Junod has published a noble work : 
200 pages of Grammar; 25 pages of Folklore in the Ronga 
language, with a French translation; 90 pages of Vocabulary 
in the languages above stated. This is a valuable con- 
tribution to our knowledge, and it is pleasant to record that 
it is published at the charges of the Portuguese Government. 

Feb. 22, 1897. 

Documents Asstriens relatifs aux Presages. Par 
Alfred Boissier. Part II. (Paris : Emile Bouillon, 

The first part of this work was issued in 1894, and 
contained fourteen texts; part ii, however, contains fifty- 
two, and speed of publication will need to be well 
maintained to publish within reasonable time the hundreds 
of omen-tablets which are in the British Museum and 
elsewhere. The texts which Dr. Boissier gives belong to 
the very numerous class of omens, and among the more 
interesting may be noted those derived from rivers in flood, 
etc., during the various months of the year (pp. 51-70) ; 
a ver}' curious text giving omens for the months Nisan, 
Sebat, and Adar, and a list of the lucky clays in those 
mouths (pp. 100-102) ; omens from the actions of dogs 
and bitches (pp. 103-108), etc., etc. Thus we find such 
phrases as, “ If a dog has eaten a dog, that city will see 
j.r.a.s. 1897 . 27 



extension (P).” 1 A large number of the tablets published 
refer to omens from births of children, and from young 
animals (tabu), and was a very extensive series. Two small 
tablets containing extracts from this series are worth noting, 
as one has a reference to the Babylonian queen Azaga-Bau 
or Bau-ellit, known only otherwise from being mentioned 
in the list of kings “ not written out in proper order ” ; 
and the other refers to omens from an animal having 
“ 8 feet and 2 tails ” — a favourable forecast for the prince 
of the land — so favourable that a certain Nergal-etir writes 
(probably to the king or one of the princes) that a certain 
butcher (P), named Uddanu, had spoken concerning a sow, 
that she had brought forth, and the young had the number 
of feet and tails mentioned in the omen. “ Thee then,” 
he cries joyfully, “in prosperity I behold, and I place in 
the house,” probably meaning the royal palace, where he 
sees him already, seemingly, in imagination. 

The publication of these texts is a very useful work, and 
will be very valuable for the translation of texts written, 
as these are, mostly in ideographs, the variants being at 
times very useful. An example of this occurs in the case 
of 83-1-18, 209 2 (part i, p. 41), where we have the 
following : — 

“ Referring to the work of which the king my lord has 
spoken, this night of the 22nd day we shall do it before 
the star Delebat (Venus), (and) before the star Mesrft, (as) 
the priests have done.” 

“ Rimmon is setting his mouth in the midst of the 
constellation isle (apparently meaning that the wind blows 
from that quarter) sarru "V la su-a-tu m kdt-su "V" 

Now instead of sarru the text published on p. 90, 

1. 9, gives and instead of V' » 

ikass-ad. This phrase, therefore, as amended, apparently 
means : “ The hands of the king will capture everything, 
as much as that (is).” 

’ One of a series of omens from a tablet belonging to the city of TTri. 

2 Given by me also in my “ Selected Texts,” issued lor the use of tbc students 
who attended my lectures on Assyriology in 1894. 



Most interesting, too, are the catalogues of omen-tablets 
giving the beginnings, and the number of the lines on each 
(part i, pp. 42-44), as well as those omen-texts giving 
diagrams, of one of which a photo-lithograph is appended. 

T. G. P. 

The most interesting of the articles published is probably 
that of Father Scheil, in Maspero’s Recueil de Travaux, 
vol. xix, p. 4£f., under the title Correspondance de Hammu- 
rabi, roi de Bubi/loue, acec Sinidinnam, roi de Lana, on il est 
question de Cudor/a/iomor. The texts given in this paper 
are three in number, and are letters from Hammurabi 
(whom Professor Schrader identified many years ago with 
Amraphel) to Sin-idinna m , whom Scheil is undoubtedly 
right in identifviug with the king of Larsa of that name. 
Of these letters the first is the most interesting : — 

“ Hammurabi sends thus to Sin-idinna m : ‘ I shall hand 
over to thee the goddesses of Emutbalu (on account of) thy 
heroism on the day of Kadur-laggamar (Chedorlaomer). 
When they demand them back from thee, with the people 
that thou hast, overthrow thou their people, and let them 
restore the goddesses to their seats.’ ” 

Apparently Sin-idinna m was to retain the statues of the 
goddesses of the laud of Emutbalu only if the people of 
the land did not protest against this course, in which case, 
after punishing the people, he was to give way, and let 
them have their goddesses back. 

The name of Chedorlaomer is written 

S=TK Ku-dur-nu-ug-ga-mar or (better) Ku-dur-Ia-ag- 
ga-mar. In the texts which I found to refer to that king, 
the name is given as follows : | TtY YfcJ or J YtJ JtJ 
lx! Kf St! , Ku-dur-lag-mal or Ka-dur-lag-ga-mal, and the 
latter form agrees perfectly with that given, in a better 
aud more phonetic style, by the tablet published by Scheil. 
It is to be hoped that some documents referring to this 
important period may be found. 



Father Scheil also contributes to the same journal some 
Notes d’ epigraphie et d'archeologie assyriennes. The first 
text described is an Assyrian document, written by a royal 
scribe named Marduk-nadin-ahe, who mentions the then 
ruling king Assur-uballit (about 1400 b.c.), the king who 
is referred to in the tablet of the Babylonian chronicle, 
published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 
October, 1894 (see p. 824). He quotes also some very good 
inscriptions from cylinder-seals (a plate with twenty designs 
accompanies the paper), and some dates from early contracts 
and legal documents, etc. The paper also contains some 
extracts from bilingual-lists, showing how days and years 
were numbered and spoken of. There are also several 
references to kings and viceroys as yet but little known. 

Professor Delitzsch writes, Tiber den Ursprung der baby- 
lonischen Keilschriftzeichen J and succeeds in solving a large 
number of riddles in that difficult branch of Assyriology. 
He shows that the number of original signs was com- 
paratively small, and that additions to the Babylonian 
syllabary were made by doubling a character, adding another 
character, or more than one, adding additional strokes 
(“ gunuing ”), etc. All these methods were already known 
to have existed, but Delitzsch’s demonstration that they 
were not accidents, but part of a well-thought-out system, 
is of great value, as is also the large number of signs that 
he explains for the first time. Though it is difficult to 
follow him sometimes, it must be admitted that his idmtifi- 
cations are often certain, and that when they are not that, 
they are either possible or probable. There are but few, 
however, who will admit that he is right in laying down 
the law that the characters have not, as a rule, to be turned 
top to the left to get the original forms, lie has to admit 
that, for several signs, this assumption is correct, and, 
indeed, it can hardly be proved that this rule was not 

Many will turn with interest to Delitzch’s derivations of 

Berichte dor Kuuigl. Sachs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaftcn, Juli, 1896. 



certain letters of the Phoenician alphabet from Babylonian 
signs. 1 

This paper, together with the larger book which Professor 
Delitzsch has written, has been wittily and suggestively 
reviewed by Ilalevy, wbo speaks of the learned author’s 
return to the fold of the Akkadists or Sumorists, from which 
safe refuge he had been enticed by his (M. Halevy’s) fault. 

T. G. P. 

1. The Pitrmedha Sutras of Bandhayana Hiranyakesix 

and Gautama. Edited by Br. W. Caland. Pp. xxiv 
and 136. (Leipzic: Brockhaus, 1896. Being Part 3 
of Yol. X of the Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des 

2. Die Alt-indischen Todten-und Bestattungs-gebrauche, 

dargestellt von Dr. W. Caland. 8vo, pp. xiv and 
193. (Proceedings of the Royal Academy of Sciences, 
Amsterdam, 1896.) 

The cremation and funeral ceremonies of the Hindus have 
been already dealt with and described with considerable 
fulness by several competent scholars, notably by Colebrooke 
and Wilson in their “ Essays,” by Yon Roth and Max 
Muller in the Journal of the German Oriental Society, 
and by Oldenberg in his “ Religion des Yeda.” The 
materials on which these and other accounts are based 
are, however, not complete ; and though the usages and 
practices of one school of Brahmins do not differ very much, 
nor in essential points, from those of other schools, yet it is 
a distinct advantage to have the ceremony fully set out with 
the variations in each of its details found recorded in the 
various textbooks. Dr. Caland has done this, in the second 
of the works mentioned at the head of this notice, for thirteen 
schools, the textbooks of three of which he has edited, in 
the first. Dividing the whole ceremony into 114 separate 
episodes or usages, arranged in six special groups, he gives 

1 This was suggested by the Rev. J. P. Peters as long ago as 1884. See the 
Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology for February 5 of that year, 
pp. 73-76. 



us for each usage, first, the general regulation as common to 
all the various schools, and then the specialities, either in 
ceremony or liturgy, of any one of them. We obtain in 
this way, and for the first time, a complete conspectus 
of all that took place during the cremation ceremonies 
in vogue in early times among the ancient Hindus, 
according to whatever school of ritual those ceremonies 
were carried out. 

It is needless to point out how important a service has 
thus been rendered to the history of primitive culture. 
Not that the authorities quoted go back themselves to 
primitive times — no books can do that. But they bring 
us as near to primitive times as we are likely to get, except 
perhaps from Assyrian documents. And as they give the 
account in native phraseology, untarnished by filtration 
through a European mind, they are by so much more 
trustworthy than the travellers’ tales of modern savages 
from which our ideas of “ primitive culture ” are so often 

The subject is treated throughout in a critical and 
scholarly manner, the author not neglecting references 
to similar usages now current among various savage tribes, 
and giving in an appendix an account of the cremation 
ceremonies described in the Mahabharata. He notices 
also throughout the work the prevalent usages among the 
Brahmins of to-day, and we hope he may be induced to 
turn his attention to the details given in the non-Brahmin 
literature of India regarding the cremation ceremonies 
actually observed in various periods by those inhabitants 
of India who have been, from various causes, independent 
of Brahmin influence. 

Meanwhile we can heartily recommend this very excellent 
monograph to all who are interested in the subject. 



1. Rosaries in Ceylonese Buddhism. 

Dear Sir, — In connection with Dr. L. A. Waddell's 
article on the above subject in the Royal Asiatic Society’s 
Journal for 1896, p. 575, and my note thereon, reprinted 
from the Ceylon Obsercer in the Royal Asiatic Society’s 
Journal for 1896, pp. 800-1, I would point out that in the 
Mahavariisa the use of rosaries by Ceylon Buddhists in 
the seventh century is mentioned. I quote as follows 
from the late L. C. Wijesiuha’s translation (chap. XLYI, 
v. 17): “And as he [King Hatthadatha, or Dathopatissa, 
who reigned 673-689 J pondered always on the great merits 
of the three Sacred Gems, he made the king’s string of 
pearls into a rosary.” To this the learned translator 
appends the following footnote: “A Buddhist devotee uses 
a rosary to aid him in repeating certain formulas in which 
Buddha, the Law, and the Order are praised.” The Pali 
word translated “ rosary ” in the above passage is akkhamdld : 
this is not recorded in Childers’s Pali Dictionary. In the 
Sinhalese translation of the Mahavamsa the word is rendered 
by “ aksamala hevat [or] navaguna(vel).” The first word 
is explained in Clough’s Sinhalese Dictionary as “ rosary, 
strings of beads, especially the seeds of the JElaeocarpus 
used by the Hindu mendicants ; name of Arundhati 
Yasishta’s wife, from her wearing a rosary.” Navagunavel— 
literally “ nine-attribute necklace ” : the “ nine attributes ” 



being those of the Buddha. (Cf. the remarks of Dr. 
Waddell, u. s., p. 576.) — Yours truly, 

Donald Ferguson. 

5, Bedford Place, Croydon. 

January 9, 1897. 

2. Pjstapura. 

Sir, — On p. 28 of the Society’s Journal for January of 
this year, Mr. Vincent Smith gives us a list of kings and 
their kingdoms conquered, or at least temporarily defeated, 
by Samudra Gupta. The eleventh of these is the kingdom 
of “Pistapura,” with its king “ Mahendragiri.” I should 
like to point that while all the other names of kings 
given are veritable names of persons, “Mahendragiri” can 
hardly be anything but the name of a place. 

Pistapuram (modern Pittapuram) is, as Mr. Smith intimates 
(p. 29), in the north of the present Godavari District. 
Mahendragiri, a place very seldom visited by Europeans, 
lies within the limits of the present Zamindari of Mandasa 
in the Ganjam District. There is a very ancient and very 
sacred temple there, to which frequent pilgrimages are 
made by the devout. Pittapuram is undoubtedly a place 
of great antiquity. But it is difficult to see bow the two 
places could be connected unless the old kingdom of 
Pistapuram was in those days of far greater extent than 
has hitherto been supposed. One would expect to find 
Mahendragiri included in the kingdom of Kaliiiga. — Yours 

R. Sewell. 

3. The Coins of Acyuta, a prince defeated by 
Samudra Gupta. 

British Museum, W.C. 

Dear Professor Rhys Davids, — Since the appearance, 
in the last number of the Journal, of Mr. Vincent Smith’s 
Specimen Chapter of a projected Ancient History of Northern 



India from the Monuments , I have found a number of bronze 
coins which, I think, must undoubtedly be attributed to the 
Acvuta, who is mentioned in the Allahabad inscription 
among the kings subdued by Samudra Gupta. The coins, 
which, so far as I know, have not hitherto been noticed, 
belonged formerly to General Sir A. Cunningham, and are 
now in the British Museum. They bear on the obverse 
the abbreviated name Aci/u- in Gupta characters, precisely 
similar to those of the Allahabad inscription ; and their 
reverse type is a wheel. In their general character they 
resemble the coins of the Naga kings of Padmavati or 
Narwar, one of whom, Ganapati Naga, is mentioned 
together with Acyuta in the Allahabad inscription. Indeed, 
the same reverse type, a wheel, actually occurs on the coins 
of another member of this dynasty — Deva Naga (see 
Cunningham’s Coins of Mediaeval India, pi. ii, 24). Naga 
Datta and Niisa Sena, who are also mentioned in the 
Allahabad inscription, are probably other members of the 
same family ; but the precise relationship of these princes 
to one another remains to be determined. The only 
suggestion which occurs to me at present is that, possiblj r , 
all the nine kings whose names occur together in this 
passage may have been Niigas ; and that the term “ Nine 
Nagas,” used in the Visnu Purana (trans. "Wilson, p. 479), 
may, perhaps, refer not, as has been hitherto assumed, to 
a dynasty of nine members, but to this confederation of nine 
princes belonging to the same race. 

E. J. Rapson. 

4. Kapitthika ; Kapittha. 

Dear Sir, — The Madhuban plate of the great king 
Harsadeva of Kauauj was issued from Kapitthika ; for the 
reading of the original plate, in line 1, clearly is maha- 
nauhastyasvajayaskandhdvdraf — Kapitthikayah, and not, as 
Professor Biihler’s published text ( Ep . Ind., vol. i, p. 72) 
has it, c skandhdvdrat Pinthikayah. Kapitthika apparently 



is the Kie-pi-tha ( Kapittha ) of Hiuen Tsiang (Beal’s Si-i/u- 
ki, vol. i, p. 202), which, again, is the same as Saihkasya, 
which by the late Sir A. Cunningham has been identified 
with the present Sanklsa on the KalinadI river, about forty 
miles north-west of Kanauj. Kapitthika very probably 
also is the Kapitthaka of Varahamihira ; and it may be 
the Kavitthakaassama mentioned in the Jatalca, vol. iii, 
p. 463, 11. 7 and 11. 

F. Kielhorn. 

5. Greek Inscription in Constantinople. 

Sir, — Allow me to call your attention to an inscription 
at Mehterhane, the Central Prison of Constantinople. The 
prison is, I believe, situated on the ruins of the Amphi- 
theatre of Theodosius. The inscription, written on a broken 
piece of marble, Ilf inches long by 9| wide, is placed in 
the wall of the garden of Mehterhane, and represents the 
figure below. 

I read the four letters at the four corners of the cross : 
0[eo8oaao?] B(?)[aert\et5?] E[vae/3tj'i] P[(i)fiat(av]=z‘ > Theodosius 
the pious, king of the Romans.” — 1 am, Sir, yours faithfully, 

K. J. Basmadjian. 



6. Dimapur. 

Dear Sir, — As I remarked at the time, I was extremely- 
pleased to note as the chief feature of the Dimapur ruins, 
described to-day by Surgeon-Captain F. II. Burton Brow n, 
some curious Y-shaped stones, and I now send you a facsimile 
of a drawing I made in the year 1870, and attached to my 
Report on the Hill Tracts of Arakan, of a similar wooden 
post common outside the villages of the liras. 

The following is the paragraph which explains it : — 
26. “ During the dry weather numerous feasts are given 
at which large numbers of cattle are killed and eaten, and 
rice-beer and spirits consumed. It is a mark of distinction 
amongst them to have it said ‘that they have killed so many 
head of cattle at a feast.’ ” The largest number I have heard 
of was 150. 

The gayals, buffaloes, and oxen are tied up to a post and 
speared behind the right shoulder, but other animals have 



their throat cut. Dogs are castrated when young for use 
at these feasts. 

The post used by the Mros is Y-shaped, and, just below 
the fork, carved so as to represent two or more breasts. 
There is some peculiar significance attached to this symbol, 
both by the Mros and ‘Kamies, and it is often carved on 
the posts of heardmeu’s houses and the house ladder. As 
with most of these customs, I have not been able to discover 
the real meaning of this symbol; the only answer one gets 
is, “ It is a custom inherited from our forefathers.” It 
appears to be, however, an emblem of fecundity. The 
‘Kamies and Chins do not carve their posts, but set them 
up rough, and in the Chin villages I have observed rough 

It is, I think, clear from the above that these Mros must 
at one time have been intimately acquainted with the customs 
of the inhabitants of Dimapur, and the question arises as to 
whether this post is derived from intercourse with Brahmans, 
or one peculiar to the worshippers of the spirits of the 
forest and the stream. Unfortunately, I have no note 
as to the names given to it by the various tribes. 

It will be noted that these people do not use it for the 
insertion of the victim's neck, and that the stones at Dimapur 
would have been too large for that purpose. The carvings 
on the Dimapur stones, too, seem to show that they were 
used for animal sacrifice and not human. Can we be sure 
that the round pillars were also unstained with human 
blood ? I fear not. Some of them were probablj r what 
the Burmese call Tu-raing posts, which are planted near 
the gates of a palace or city. In the story of Prince Sri 
Gutta of Madhura, it is said that King Samuddha “made 
his city secure with fortifications, moats, barbicans, palisades, 
gates, and tu-raing posts (Skr. torana ?).” 

A description of what these are is to be found in the 
“Burman: his life and notions,” by Shway Yoe, pp. 476, 
477 — 

“ On the foundation of a new capital, there are always 
a ceitaiu number of people buried alive. The idea is that 



they become nat-tliehn (guardian spirits) ; that their spirits 
haunt the place where they were put to death, and attack 
all persons approaching with malevolent intentions.” 

“When the foundations of the city [Mandalay] wall were 
laid, fifty-two persons, of both sexes and of various age 
and rank, were consigned to a living tomb. Three were 
buried under each of the twelve gates, one at each of the 
four corners, one under each of the palace gates, and at 
the corners of the timber stockade, and four under the 
throne itself.” And this was in 1858 A.n. ! “Along with 
the four human beings buried at the corners of the city were 
placed four jars full of oil, carefully covered over and 
protected from any damage that might come from the 
weight of earth pressing down on them.” 

“In 1880 it was found that the oil in two of the jars 
was either completely dried up or had leaked out. At 
this time a terrible scourge of small-pox was decimating 
the town, and two of the royal house, King Theebaw’s 
infant son, his only child, and the ex-Pagahn Min, had 
fallen victims.” 

“ At the instance of the Pohnna Woon, it was resolved 
that the number of victims should be the highest possible : 
a hundred men, 100 women, 100 boys, 100 girls, 100 soldiers, 
and 100 foreigners.” So great was the panic that everyone 
began to fiy from the capital, which so frightened the 
m nisters that the whole thing was countermanded and 

However, it is still declared that victims were buried 
under each of the posts at the twelve gates. “ Each of 
these posts bears an image of an annual from one of the 
seals of the king, and before the post sits a figure of 
a beeloo [Rakshas] with a thick club.” 

As far as I know, however, the Y-shaped post is not used 
by either Burmese or Talaings, and consequently has not 
been introduced by the Punna 1 m 0730 8) astrologers. 

1 Shway Toe’s transliterations of Punna and Pugan are incorrect. 



These Punnas are a Brahminical sect who were brought 
to Burma from Manipur. 

It has been stated that a post of this kind has been seen 
in the Naga villages. If it be the Brahminical “Yupo” 
mentioned in the ‘Kandahala Jataka and elsewhere, it would 
probably be still found in Manipur, which is still under 
Brahminical rule. 

Mr. B. Houghton, in January, 1895, gave two lists of 
‘Kamie words, but he does not show whether the Mro has 
any affinity to it. My impression is that they are connected 
rather closely, though the two tribes differ considerably 
in their character, habits, and appearance. 

The ‘Kamies are tall, light-coloured, well-dressed (for 
hill-men), and prone to improve; whereas the Mros are 
dirty, darker, and less inclined to improvement. 

The ‘Kamies build large and commodious houses, whereas 
those of the Mros are small. In fact, one would be led 
to infer that though these two tribes had migrated from 
the north together, the ‘Kamies had held a higher position 
than the Mros before they were forced to shift their habitat. 

I see nothing in these stones to lead one to suppose that 
they were connected with either Brahminical or Buddhist 
cults; and it is clear from Rajeiulralala Mittra’s description 
(Journal of Bengal Asiatic Society, 1872, i, p. 184) and 
description found elsewhere, that the “ Yupo ” must be of 
wood and pointed , not forked. 

It seems to me that if round-capped stones are found in 
front of gates and elsewhere, as described by Shway Yoe, 
they are “ Tu-raings ” ; but if in rows headed by the forked 
stones, they are a development of the ancient “Nat” 
(spirit) worship of the Naga tribes. 

In Sir A. Phayre’s “ History of Burma,” p. 33, it is 
stated that the system of Naga worship which prevailed 
in the north of Burma, a.d. 1010, “excited the indignation 
and horror of Anoaratka,” king of Pugan, and that the 

priests of this religion, who were called Ari 33G|0^o, 
lived in monasteries like Buddhist monks, but their practices 



resembled those attributed to the votaries of the sect of 
Yamacharis in Bengal. I do not know where these 
practices are recorded, or what may have been the practices 
of Yamacharis, but the word 33C|05^8 is evidently the 
same as the Tali arannam (forest), and should be trans- 
literated Aran or Arin, and not Ari. 

The following questions would naturally arise: — 

1. W ere these Aran Niiga priests or merely hermits? 

2. L)o the forked posts represent a forked stick used for the 

purpose of controlling serpents ? 

3. Why is the tree Mrsua ferrea called Niiga Kesura, and 

was ft supposed to have any power over serpents ? 

4. If so, are the flowers carved on these stones, which 

look somewhat like a lotus, really the flowers of the 
Niiga Kesura P 

My notes on the Hill tribes of Arakan were published 
in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, vol. ii, 
1872. — Yours truly, 

It. F. St. Andrew St. John. 

March 13, 1897. 

7. Tao. 

Dear Sir, — I quite share Professor Douglas’ regret that 
he was unable to be present on the occasion of my reading 
a paper “ On the most appropriate equivalent for the word 
‘Tao’ as used by Lao-tsze”; for had he been, and also 
heard the few remarks I made at the close of the 
proceedings in reply to objections, I feel convinced he 
would have seen reason to modify the views put forward 
in the letter to the President read at the meeting, and 
published in extenso in the report of the proceedings. As 
it is, I think it is only due to myself, as well as to those who 



did not hear my paper, that I should repeat that the Tao- 
tih-king is full of passages which are entirely antagonistic 
to Professor Douglas’ contention that “ Tao as used by 
Laot.zu is much more nearly related to ‘the impersonal 
Brahma, the universal, self-existing soul,’ than it is to our 
idea of God.” To avoid controversy, I will not now attempt 
to controvert the Professor’s views with respect to what 
he calls the “commonly accepted idea of God,” and its 
inapplicability to the great conception of the old Chinese 
Philosopher, but would simply refer him to Professor Max 
Muller’s “ Introduction to the Science of Religion,” where 
he will find, at page 260, a chapter on the Chinese name 
for God, in which there appears a letter of remonstrance, 
signed by twenty-three Protestant missionaries in China, 
addressed to the Professor in his capacity of Editor of the 
“ Sacred Books of the East,” against the rendering adopted 
by Dr. Legge, in his translation of the ancient classics, of 
the Chinese terms ‘ Tif ’ and ‘Shang-ti’ by the English 
word ‘ God.’ In his answer the Professor completely 
vindicates I)r. Legge’s action, whilst he defines with great 
clearness the various aspects under which the idea of God 
presents itself to the human mind ; and this vindication was 
followed later on by a published letter to himself from 
Dr. Legge, in which he enters with great thoroughness 
into the subject of complaint, and seems to me to have 
completely established his position. And here I would 
remark that, while insisting upon Yon Strauss’ view that 
it is impossible to translate Tao, as used by Lao-tsze, by 
any other word than God, I have no desire whatever to 
propose it as a substitute for the characters which have 
been adopted by our translators for that sacred word, and 
which no doubt had a far wider and more popular acceptance 
than the one put forward by Lao-tsze, for what he believed 
to be a more ancient, and therefore a higher, conception of 
the creative and all-ruling power. 

With respect to Mr. Baynes’ letter, I would only observe 
that a general conclusion drawn from a single text is often 
very misleading, and that in order to understand the 



Tao-tih-king it has to be studied as a whole. "With Professor 
do Harlez’s answer to his question I am in perfect agreement. 
The Tao was undoubtedly “ le grand Sans-Nom,” but that 
was only one of many designations. — Yours faithfully, 

G. G. Alexander. 

To the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

8. The Discovery of Buddha’s Birthplace. 

Vienna, February, 1897. 

The kindness of Dr. Fiihrer enables me to give some 
account of his discoveries in the Nepalese Terai, north of 
the district of Gorakhpur, which were briefly noticed in 
an Indian telegram of the Times of December 28, 1896. 
He has sent me two excellent impressions of the new 
Ashoka edict on the Pillar of Paderia, together with a 
memorandum regarding his tour and the situation of the 
ruins in its neighbourhood. 

The edict leaves no doubt that Dr. Fiihrer has ac- 
complished all the telegram claimed for him. He has 
found the Lumbini garden, the spot where the founder of 
Buddhism was born, according to the tradition of the 
canonical works of the South and of the North. The 
decisive passages of the Paderia Edict are as follows : — 
“King Piyadasi [or Ashoka], beloved of the gods, having 
been anointed twenty years, himself came and worshipped, 
saying, ‘Here Buddha Shakyamuni was born’ .... and 
he caused a stone pillar to be erected, which declares, * Here 
the worshipful one was born.’” Immediately afterwards 
the edict mentions the village of Luwmini ( Lumminiyama ), 
and adds, according to my interpretation of the rather 
difficult new words, that Ashoka appointed there two new 

However that may be, Luwnnini is certainly equivalent 
to Lumbini, and the pillar marks the site which was pointed 
out to Ashoka as the royal garden to which Mayadevi 
j.h.a s. 1S97. 




retired immediately before her confinement. The evidence 
of the edict could only be set aside if it were shown that 
the pillar has been carried from some other place to its 
present site. But there is collateral evidence to prove that 
it is in its original position. The Chinese pilgrim Iliuen 
Tsiang, who visited the sacred places of the Buddhists 
all over India and reached the Lumbini garden in A.n. 636, 
mentions the pillar erected by Ashoka. He says that it 
stood close to four Stupas, and Dr. Fiihrer says that their 
ruins are still extant. Hiuen Tsiang further alleges that 
the pillar had been broken into two pieces through the 
contrivance of a wicked dragon, and Dr. Fiihrer remarks 
that it has lost its top part, which appears to have been 
shattered by lightning. The Buddhists consider destructive 
storms to be due to the anger of the snake-deities or Nagas, 
whom the Chinese call dragons. If Hiuen Tsiang does 
not mention the inscription, the reason is no doubt that 
it was not visible in bis time. When Dr. Fiihrer first saw 
the pillar on December 1, only a piece, nine feet high, was 
above the ground, and it was covered with pilgrims’ records, 
one of which bears the date a.d. 800. This piece must, 
therefore, have been accessible, and the surface of the 
ground must have been at the present level for nearly 
1,100 years. When the excavation of the pillar was 
afterwards undertaken, the Ashoka inscription was found 
10 feet below the surface and 6 feet above the base. It 
seems impossible to believe that 10 feet of debris could 
have accumulated in the sixty-four years between the 
date of Hiuen Tsiang’s visit and the incision of the oldest 
pilgrim’s record at the top. Finally, it may be mentioned 
that the site is still called Rumindei, and the first part of 
this name evidently represents Ashoka’s Lummini and the 
Pali Lumbini. 

The identification of the Lumbini garden fixed also the 
site of Kapilavastu, the capital of the Shaky as, and that 
of Napeikia or Nabhika, the supposed birthplace of Shakya- 
muni’s mythical predecessor Krakuchanda. According to 
the Chinese Buddhist Faliien, Hiuen Tsiang’s predecessor, 



Kapilavastu lay 50 li (about 8 miles) west of the garden. 
Following this indication, Dr. Fiihrer discovered extensive 
ruins 8 miles north-west of Paderia, stretching in the 
middle of the forest from the villages of Amauli and Bikuli 
(north-west) to Raraghat on the Banganga (south-east), 
over nearly 7 miles. Again, Fahien gives the distance of 
Napeikia from Kapilavastu as one yojana. Dr. Fiihrer 
found its ruins with the Stupa, which is still 80 feet high, 
7 miles south-west. As the Stupa of Konagamana, another 
mythical Buddha, had already been found by Dr. Fiihrer, 
together with its Ashoka edict, in 1895, at Nigliva, 13 miles 
from Paderia, all the sacred sites in the western part of 
the Nepalese Terai mentioned by the Chinese pilgrims have 
been satisfactorily identified. Some others, particularly 
Ramagrama and Kusinara, the place where Buddha died, 
will probably be found in the eastern portion of the Nepalese 
lowlands. For, if the direction of the route from Kapila- 
vastu to these places has been correctly given by the Chinese, 
Kusinara cannot be identical with Kasia in the Gorakhpur 
district, where Sir A. Cunningham and Mr. Carlleyle 
believed they had found it. 

Dr. Fiihrer’s discoveries are the most important which 
have been made for many years. They will be hailed with 
enthusiasm by the Buddhists of India, Ceylon, and the 
Far East. For the student of Indian history they yield 
already some valuable results, and they are rich in 

It is now evident that the kingdom of the Shakyas lay, 
as their legend asserts, on the slopes of the Himalaya, and 
that they were, as they too admit, jungle and hill Rajputs 
exiled from the more civilized districts. Their settlement 
in the hill-forest must have separated them for a prolonged 
period from their brethren further south and west. Their 
isolation no doubt forced them to develop the entirely 
un-Aryan and un-Indian custom of endogamy, as well as 
other habits not in accordance with those of their kindred. 
This also explains why intermarriages between them and 
the other noble families of Northern India did not take 



place. It was not, as their tradition says, their pride of 
blood which prevented such alliances, but the stigma 
attaching to exiles who had departed from the customs of 
their race, and were perhaps not even free from a strong 
admixture of un- Aryan blood. 

For the history of Ashoka, the Paderia Edict and the 
Nigliva inscription, the mutilated lines of which may now 
be restored with perfect certainty, teach us that the king 
visited in his twenty-first year the sacred places of the 
Buddhists in Northern India. His journey extended 
probably also in the east to Kusinara, and further west to 
Shravasti, where Hiuen Tsiang saw his inscribed pillars. 
And his route from his capital at Patna to the Terai is 
probably marked by the row of columns found from Bakhra, 
near Yaishali or Besarh, as far as Rampurva, in the 
Champaran district. The journey may indicate that Ashoka 
was at the time already a convert to Buddhism, or it may 
have been, as I think more probable, one of the “religious 
tours” which, according to the eighth Rock Edict, he 
regularly undertook from his eleventh year “ in order to 
obtain enlightenment.” 

The fact that he planted a number of pillars all over the 
Terai indicates that also this district belonged then to his 
extensive empire. If I am right in my interpretation of 
the concluding sentence of the Paderia Edict, according to 
which Ashoka appointed there two officials, this inference 
becomes indisputable. 

The promise which Dr. Fiihrer’s discoveries hold out is 
that excavations of the newly-found ruins will make us 
acquainted with monuments and documents not only of the 
third century n.c,, but of a much earlier period, extending 
to the fifth and sixth centuries, which latter will be partly 
Buddhistic and partly pre-Buddhistic, like the ancient Shiva 
temple seen by Iliuen Tsiang (“Siyuki,” vol. ii, p. 23, 
Beal) outside the eastern gate of Kapilavastu, where the 
Shakyas used to present their children. Kapilavastu and its 
neighbourhood are particularly favourable for the discovery 
of really ancient monuments ; for in Fahicn’s time, about 



A.D. 400, the country was already a wilderness, with very 
few inhabitants, and full of ancient mounds and. ruins. 
II iuen Tsiang’s description is very similar. It is therefore 
to be expected that the old buildings have not been dis- 
figured by late restorations. I am glad to learn from 
Dr. Fiihrer’8 memorandum that the Nepalese Governor of 
the district, General Khadga Shamsher Jang Rana Bahadur, 
who had the pillar of Paderia excavated, but did not think 
any other operations feasible on account of the severe famine, 
has generously promised to lend next year a number of his 
sappers for more extensive excavations. I trust that the 
Indian Government will now consent to prolong the existence 
of the Archaeological Department, which, if the rumours 
in the papers are true, was recently threatened. The 
services of the few officers still employed are sorely needed 
for conducting the researches in a really systematic and 
scientific manner. 

[From the Athenceum, March 6.] 




(January, February', March, 1897.) 

T. General Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

January 12, 1897. — Sir Raymond West, Vice-President, 
in the Chair. 

It was announced that — 

Miss M. Frere, 

Professor M. N. Chatterjea, 

Mr. Edmund Russell, and 
Mr. Richard Burn, I.C.S., 

had been elected members of the Society. 

Letters addressed to the Times by the Secretary and 
Mr. Henry Morris, Chairman of the Transliteration Com- 
mittee, on the subject of Transliteration, were read to the 

The Secretary read a paper by Mr. Claude Delaval 
Cobham on the “ Story of Umm Hamm.” 

A discussion followed, in which Dr. Gaster, Professor M. 
Barakat Ulloh Maulvi, and others took part. 

The paper was published in the January number. 



February 9. — The Right Hon. the Lord Reay, President, 
in the Chair. 

It was announced that — 

Mr. Walter Stanley Talbot, I.C.S., and 
Professor James Fuller Blumhardt 

had been elected members of the Society. 

Professor Bendall announced the discovery in Kashgaria 
of a MS. of the third century in the Kharosthi alphabet. 

Professor Rhys Davids announced that Dr. Fiihrer, of the 
Indian Archaeological Department, who had made the 
discoveries on the Nepal border concerning which there 
had been so much discussion, had forwarded to Ilofrath 
Biihler in Vienna two impressions of the new Asoka Edict 
oil the Paderia Pillar. Hofrath Biihler had communicated 
to the Vienna Academy of Sciences in February the 
conclusions that could be drawn from his interpretation of 
this important and interesting find, and had been kind 
enough to send copies of his article to Professor Rhys 
Davids and other scholars in London. A summary of the 
article was communicated to the meeting, but readers can 
now be referred to Hofrath Biihler’s own words above, 
pp. 429 to 433. 1 

Professor Rhys Davids then read an abstract of Mr. B. H. 
Baden-Powell’s article (published in full in the present 
number) on “ Village Tenures in the Dakhan.” A discussion 
followed, in which Mr. Kennedy, Mr. Irvine, Sir W. W. 
Hunter, Mr. Whinfield, Dr. Leitner, and Mr. Sewell took 

Mr. R. Sewell said that he was glad to note that the 
discussion was taking a historical turn, because he felt that 
inquiry into the origin and growth, in the course of past 
centuries, of the village communities in India, was more in 

' As these pages were passing through the press we have also received 
a valuable article on the same subject by M. Barth (Journal des Savants, Fovrier, 
1897 ). 



accord with the aims and objects of the Royal Asiatic 
Society than a discussion on the legal and economic side 
of the question. He could speak with no authority as to 
the condition of villages in Northern India, but with the 
Madras side of the Dekkan country and with the south 
of the peninsula he was familiar ; and he could not entirely 
agree with the views of the last speaker. It is a fact that, 
at the present day, merassi right is strongest in the 
territories south of Madras which formerly constituted the 
dominion of the old Pallava and Chola dynasty, purely 
Hindu sovereignties ; and that at the commencement of 
British supremacy it was little known, or at least had fullen 
into desuetude, in the South Dekkan country, which had 
been subject to more prolonged Muhammadan influences. 
The question of the origin of these village institutions all 
over India would form a very interesting subject for 
inquiry ; the variations observable in different tracts should 
be examined, and it should be noted how far these tracts 
were conterminous with the territories ruled over by the 
various Hindu dynasties. A large field of research lay 
here, at present almost entirely unexplored, and it could 
hardly be supposed that researches in that direction would 
prove either uninteresting in themselves or useless to the 

Allusion had been made to our present Revenue field- 
survey and settlements. Educated Hindu writers, and 
some English authorities, often take objection to the system. 
He would not attempt to enter on a controversy regarding 
its merits, but there was one point which he thought was 
very little known. Whereas our system had the merit 
of being as simple as possible, and very easily and readily 
worked, the old Hindu sovereigns appear to have recognized 
a similar system of survey, but one so extraordinarily 
intricate in its details that it is hard to conceive how it 
could have been carried on in daily life. Eor instance, 
there was a proof afforded by the inscriptions on the walls 
of the old Tanjore temple, as to the measurements of the 
area of a village in the early eleventh century a.d. under 



the Chola sovereigns. This was merely one of many similar 
records. It runs thus : — 

“The village contains according to measurement twenty- 
three measures of land, one-half, three-twentieths, and one 
hundred and sixtieth ; -3^ of one-eightieth and one hundred 
and sixtieth ; and (-j-^od 2 of eight-twentieths. There have 
to be deducted nine-twentieths of a measure free from taxes, 
three-eightieths, one hundred and sixtieth, and one three 
huudred and twentieth ; ^4"o of nine-twentieths, one hundred 
and sixtieth, and one three hundred and twentieth ; and 
(g-jo-) 2 of four-twentieths. . . . There remain twenty- 

three measures of land, three-twentieths, and one hundred 
and sixtieth; -3-g^ of one-half, one-twentieth; one hundred 
and sixtieth and one three hundred and twentieth ; and 
C'ST'o) 2 °f four-twentieths.” This is intricate enough, hut 
was still further complicated by the fact that the measure 
varied in different tracts, perhaps even in different villages ; 
for it is a fact that even up to the present day measures of 
weight and bulk do actually so vary. A “viss”in one 
village differs from a “ viss ” in the next village, which 
would be equivalent to saying that a Whitechapel pound 
was different to a pound weight in Brixton, and the latter 
different to a pound in Kensington, and so on. It is certain 
that the weights and measures in this particular village 
differed from those in others, because the sovereign had to 
specially enact that the grain-measure for the land-revenue 
in this village, paid in kind, should be the “ marakkal called 
after Adavallan, which is equal to a rdjakesari.” 1 

The accuracy of the translation is vouched for by the fact 
that it is published by Dr. Hultzsch, one of the most careful 
of modern epigraphists. 

With a system such as this in force it seems plain that 
every cultivator lay helplessly at the mercy of the village 

[ l Professor Edward Muller also published in his “Ceylon Inscriptions” 
facsimiles, text and translation, of an elaborate account, found in a long- inscription 
of the twelfth century, of the organization of the villages in possession of the 
Mihintale Vihara. The right to mortgage the lands is expressly denied to tho 
tenants, and they hold on a service tenure, analogous to our copyholds. — Eu.] 



accountant and the crown officials, a state of things tempered 
only by the possible judicial fairness of the generally un- 
educated men who constituted the body of village elders, 
and whose final decision was practically law. 

March 9. — Lord Reay, President, in the Chair. 

It was announced that the Rev. W. Whitebrook, D. D., 
had been elected a member of the Society. 

Dr. F. H. Burton-Brown read a paper, illustrated by 
lantern slides, on the “ Ruins of Dimapur in Assam,” in 
which he said — 

The ruins of Dimapur consist of a number of tanks, large 
quantities of broken pottery, and a number of carved stones 
of grey speckled sandstone, enclosed in an area measuring 
about a mile square by a brick wall, probably of later date, 
with a moat and a gate. 

Dimapur was sacked by the Ahoms in 1535, and has 
since been uninhabited, while a dense jungle has grown up 
all over the upper valley of the Dhunsiri. The stones them- 
selves are carved in a most beautiful and decorative manner, 
with geometrical designs, figures of animals, conventionalized 
lotus flowers, and trees. They consist of two kinds : one 
round, free-standing, witb expanded mushroom-like tops, 
narrow necks, gradually again widening to their bases ; the 
others Y-shaped, the stem of the Y forming the base, while 
the free end of the limbs have mortices. The mouldings 
of both these kinds strongly suggest a wooden origin. At 
present three groups have been found with two solitary 
stones, one of which is much larger than any of the other 
round oues which it, to some extent, resembles. 

Their orientation approaches north and south ; they are 
arranged in rows in one group, a double row of round stones 
each pair of which apparently stood due east of a double 
row of Y-shaped stones, in another a row of round ones, 
and in the third a row of stones shaped like a U, to the 
east and west of each pair of which stood a pair of round 



In the first group are remains, more or less complete, of 
sixty-four stones ; only of a few in the second ; and twenty 
or thirty, at least, in the third. The carving in the first 
group is the most finished in execution ; that of the third 
the least so ; while the others are intermediate. The centre 
stones in the first group are the largest, the round ones 
being here about eleven feet high, while towards the ends 
they are only seven feet. While the round ones were 
evidently free-standing, the others bore in their mortices 
crowning ornaments of some kind or another, all traces 
of which have been lost, probably through their having 
been made in metal or wood. The vagueness of the 
symbolism employed precludes at present a definite 
assignation to any religion. If Buddhist, as seems in 
some respects most likely, the}'' were probably in connection 
with some central building very much as a stupa is with 
its rail ; the beauty of their design and execution seems 
hardly reconcilable with any form of primitive cult ; it 
is possible that they have some relation to the Muhammedan 
artists employed in Upper Assam during the fifteenth 
century. Local tradition refers them to rites of human 

A discussion followed, in which Mr. Sewell, Mr. St. John, 
Mr. Lyon, Dr. Thornton, Colonel Woodthorpe, and Professor 
Rhys Davids took part. 

II. Contents of Foreign Oriental Journals. 

1. Vienna Oriental Journal. Vol. x, No. 4. 

Mordtmann (J. II.) and Muller (D. H.). Fine mono- 
theistische sabaische Inschrift. 

Iloutsma (Th.). Einige Bemerkungen zu den selguquischen 
Inschriften aus Kleinasien. 

Rosthorn (A. v.). Die theekanne des Freikerrn v. Gautsch. 
Hirth (Fr ). Die theekanne des Freikerrn v. Gautsch. 
Schuchardt (II.). Khartliwelische sprachwissenschaft. 


Kirste (J.). Ueber das Khodai-name. 

Biihler (G.). An additional note on Dr. Waddell’s Kaldarra 

2. Journal Asiatique. Serie 9. Tome viii, No. 2. 

De Ilarlez (C.). Fleurs de l’Antique Orient. 

Chabot (J. B.). Notice sur les manuscrits syriaques de 
la Bibliotheque nationale acquis depuis 1874. 

Lefevre-Pontalis (P.). Notes sur quelques populations du 
nord de l’lndo-Chine (8 e et 4 e series). 

De Vogue (M. le Marquis). Notes d’epigraphie arameenne. 

Siouffi (Mons.). Notice sur le cachet du sultan mogol 
Oldjaitou Khodabendek. 

No. 3. 

Basset (R.). Notes sur le Chaouia de la province de 

Deveria (G.). Notes d’epigraphie raongole-chinoise (suite 
et fin ). 

Levi (S.). Notes sur les indo-scythes. 

De Yogue (M. le Marquis). Notes d’epigraphie arameenne 
(suite et tin). 

Schwab (M.). Sur une lettre d’un empereur bvzantin. 

3. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschafx. 

Band l, Heft 4. 

Grimme (H.). Abriss der biblisch-hebraischen Metrik. 

Franke (0.). Epigraphische Notizen. 

Vollers (K.). Beitriige zur Kenntniss der lebenden Sprache 
in Aegvpten. 

Horn (P.). Pazend “ barida.” 

Justi (F.). Der Chiliarch des Dareios. 

Hillebrandt (A.). Indra und Yrtra. 

Zimmern (H.). Zur Frage nach dem Ursprung des 

Lehmann (C. F.). Erklarung. 

Bartholomae (C.). Beitriige zur altindischen Grammatik. 



III. Obituary Notice. 

Mr. George Phillips. 

The death of Mr. Gr. Phillips has deprived the Society 
of a modest, hut painstaking investigator, in a special 

Mr. Phillips was born at Lower Walmer, in Kent, in 
the year 1836. He was educated first at a private school 
at Hastings, and afterwards at King’s College School and 
King’s College, London. 

In 1857 he obtained, by competitive examination, an 
appointment in the China Consular Service. After learning 
the Chinese Language in Hongkong, he was appointed to 
Foochow. He served in various subordinate positions at 
Amoy, Foochow, and other ports, and in 1877 he was 
promoted to be H.M. Consul at Kiukiang. From this 
he was transferred to Taiwan (South Formosa) in 1880, 
and to Foochow in 1886. On August 1, 1892, ill-health 
obliged him to retire on a pension, and he took up his 
residence at London. 

Mr. Phillips contributed a large number of articles to 
the China Review, the Chinese Recorder, the Journal of 
the N. C. B. of the R. A. S., and to this Journal. His 
contributions dealt chiefly with geographical questions 
connected with China, and especially with the province 
of Fuhkeen. He maintained with much learning and great 
earnestness that the Zaitun of Ibn Batuta and Marco Polo 
was Chang-chow, not Chin-chew (Ch‘uan-chow), as certain 
high authorities supposed. 

Mr. Phillips died rather suddenly at his residence in 
Brondesburv on the 25th October last. He was a F.R.G.S., 
and he retained an interest in Chinese geographical writers 
and the geography of China up to the end. 

T. W. 



IV. Votes and News. 

Fa/eonri /. — With reference to the recent correspondence 
in our Journal on this subject, it may be noted that 
Medhatitlii (who probably lived in the ninth century in 
Kashmir) thinks that the author of Manu, iii, 162, is there 
referring to trainers of hunting falcons and hawks. 

Paris Oriental Congress . — As already announced, the 
Congress will be held Sept. 5-12. The subscription (16s. 
for men, 8s. for ladies) can be paid, and tickets procured, 
from Mr. Luzac, 46, Great Russell Street, London, W.C. 
We trust that as many as possible of our members and 
their friends will attend this Congress, which promises to 
be a great success. Communications regarding papers to be 
read at the Congress may be addressed to the President, 
M. Charles Schefer, 2, Rue de Lille, Paris, or to the lion. 
Secretaries of the various sections. 

A special Committee of members of the Society has been 
formed to deal with any questions that may arise in con- 
nection with the Congress. The members of that Committee 
at present are Mr. F. F. Arbuthnot, Professor Bendall, 
Dr. Cust, Dr. Leitner, Mr. Robert Sewell, and Dr. Thornton, 
with Professor Rhys Davids as secretary. The President 
of the Society, who takes an especial interest in the 
Congress, and has also consented to serve as one of the 
Society’s delegates to it, is ex-officio President also of 
the Committee. 

The following gentlemen have been asked to represent 
the Society as its delegates to the Congress, and those 
marked with an asterisk have signified their acceptance : — 

*The President. 

Vice- P resid ent s 
of the Society. 





*Professor Sayce. 
*Sir Raymond West. 

Mr. Edward G. Browne. 
Professor Cowell. 






•Professor Macdonell. 
•Professor Margoliouth. 

From the f * Professor Douglas. 
British Museum. 1 ^Professor Bendall. 

From the Indian j *Mr. Robert Sewell. 
Civil Service. I Mr. Fleet. 

To represent the f Mr. H. C. Kay. 

Council. (. *Professor T. W. Rhys Davids. 

"We hope in our next issue to be able to give a pre- 
liminary list of all the papers to be read. At present we 
can only say that English scholarship will be well repre- 
sented at the Congress, both by personal participation and 
reading of papers. 

Notice to Members . — Our present List of Members gives 
in many instances only the initials of the name, and 
omits in others the degrees held or the offices filled by 
members. The Council, thinking it advisable to amend 
the list in these particulars, would be obliged to any 
member who would be so good as to supply such informa- 
tion as may be necessary for the next issue of the list, to 
be corrected accordingly ; and where names are Oriental, 
the Council would urge upon their members the desirability 
of conforming as far as possible with the scheme of trans- 
literation as agreed upon by the Geneva Congress and 
reproduced in our own issue of October last. 

Transliteration . — As Bible and Missionary Societies are 
frequently publishing translations, and also primers, 
vocabularies, and grammars — often of languages that have 
not hitherto had an alphabet — the report of this Society 
on the Scheme of Transliteration adopted by the Geneva 
Congress of Orientalists has been brought to their notice 
by Dr. Cust and Mr. Henry Morris, with the result that the 
following Societies have passed resolutions in which the 



Scheme is recommended to the notice of authors writing 
under their auspices : — 

1. The British and Foreign Bible Society. 

2. The National Bible Society for Scotland. 

3. The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 

4. The Religious Tract Society. 

5. The Baptist Bible Translation Society. 

6. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 

Foreign Parts. 

7. The Church Missionary Society. 

8. The South American Missionary Society. 

9. The Universities’ Mission to East Africa. 

10. The London Missionary Society. 

11. The Wesleyan Missionary Society. 

12. The Moravian Mission. 

13. The Christian Literature Society for India. 

Pali Text Society. — Professor Edmond Hardy has com- 
pleted his edition of Dhammapala’s Commentary on the 
Peta Vatthu for this Society. The following works are 
also passing through the Press : — 

Katha Yatthu, edited by Mr. A. C. Taylor. 

Majjhima Nikaya, vol. ii, edited by Mr. Robert Chalmers. 
Attha SalinI, edited by Professor E. Muller. 

Index to Gandha Yamsa, by Mrs. Bode. 

Samadhi and Jhana, edited by Professor Rhys Davids. 
Anguttara, vol. iii, edited by Professor Edmond Hardy. 
Samyutta, vol. v, edited by M. Leon Feer. 

Mrs. Bode has an edition of the Sasana Yamsa ready for 
the Press, and is preparing a translation of the same work. 

j.k.a.s. 1897. 




Half-yearly Philology Notes. Part II, 1897. 

I. Asia. 

II. Africa. 

III. Oceania. 

17. America. 

I. Asia. 

By the favour of Professor Donner, of Helsingfors, and 
Professor RadlofF, of St. Petersburg, I have in late years 
received six pamphlets on the Inscriptions found in Siberia 
in an alphabet peculiar to itself, though no doubt descended 
from the common Mother Alphabet, the Phenician, of 
which the oldest specimen is the Moabite Stone in the 
ninth century before the Christian era. As scholars have 
a difficulty in finding the names of works published in a 
foreign country, I enumerate them chronologically : 

1. Inscriptions de Jenissei, Siberie, N. Russie: par 

J. L. Aspelin. Helsingfors, 1889. 

2. WTirterverzeicliniss zu den Inschriften der Jenissei: 

von 0. Donner. Helsingfors, 1892. 

3. Anfiquites de la Siberie Occidentale : par Axel 

Ileikel. Helsingfors, 1894. 

4. Altturkischen Inschriften der Mongolei : von W. 

RadlofF. St. Petersburg, 1894. 

5. Inscriptions de l’Orkhon, dechiffrees par Vilh. 

Thomsen. Helsingfors, 1894. 

6. Sur l’origine de 1’ Alphabet Turc du Nord de 

l’Asie : par 0. Donner. Helsingfors, 1896. 

The subject is very intricate, and we have by no means 
yet heard the last word, and no opinion is ventured upon. 

Satsaya of Bikari, with a Commentary, edited by Mr. 
Grierson. Indian Civil Service. M.R.A.S. 



Notes on Oukong’s Account of Kashmir, by Dr. Stein, of 
the Labor College. 

The contribution of Professor J. S. Speyer, of Groningen, 
deals in a very thorough manner with Yedic and Sanskrit 
syntax. The two periods of ancient Indian syntax have 
been treated separately by Professor Delbriick and Professor 
Speyer respectively. In the present volume they are for 
the first time treated in connection, so that they can here 
be studied from a historical point of view. The work is 
divided into two parts: the first deals with the syntactical 
employment of the noun, the verb, and particles, while the 
second is concerned with the structure of the various forms 
of the sentence and the period. 

Professor R. Garbe, of Tubingen, the author of the 
most important work hitherto published on the Sankhya 
philosophy, treats of the closely allied Sankhya and Yoga 
systems. The first part of the contribution (pp. 1-33) 
really represents the contents of his larger work on the 
Sankhya in outline, with such modifications as criticism has 
suggested since its publication in 1894. The author 
shows that the Sankhya doctrines are pre-Buddhistic, and 
are, in fact, the chief source of the theoretical part 
of Buddhism. He further points out that practically 
the whole of the Sankhya doctrines are to be found in 
the Hahabharata, which is actually our oldest source for 
these doctrines. The deviations it contains from the 
statements of the chronologically later textbooks of the 
system, are, he insists, secondary ; and the Mahabharata 
is therefore of less value as a source than those treatises. 
The second part of the book (pp. 33-52) deals with the 
Yoga philosophy, which in reality differs from the Sankhya 
only in rejecting the atheism of the latter. The con- 
tribution contains some interesting information about the 
extraordinary hypnotic powers acquired by Yogis through 
the practice of a system of asceticism so elaborate, that it 
recognizes no less than 84 different sitting postures, its 
conducive to mental concentration. 



II. Africa. 

Jacotet on South African Languages . — The well-known 
Oriental publisher, Ernest Leroux, of 28, Rue Bonaparte, 
Paris, has, in 1896, published an important contribution 
to African Philology, under the title of “ Etudes sur les 
langues de Haut Zambeze ” : Original Texts, and a 

Grammatical Sketch by E. Jacotet, a French Missionary 
of the Evangelical Missionary Society of Paris. The first 
Part has been presented to me by the author, who called 
upon me in September: this part embraces Grammatical 
Sketches on the “ Subiya ” and “ Luyi.” The compiler 
is a Missionary in Ba-Suto land, but he had the assistance 
of three young inhabitants of the Zambesi Valley : the 
words were caught from their mouths, transferred to paper, 
and then carefully revised by them ; these young men had 
come to Thaba-Bosiu (the headquarters of the French 
Mission) to be educated. The languages belong to the 
great South African or Bantu Linguistic Family. The 
study of the two languages is most useful to linguistic 
students, but a perusal of the Introductory chapter, pp. vii 
to xxxvii, would be interesting and instructive to the 
general reader. 

Zeitschrift fur Afrikanische und Oceanische Sprachen, 
2nd year, 4th part, December, 1896, entirely occupied by 
a Grammar in the French Language by a G. de Beers, 
a Missionary on the Kongo, of the Tabwa Language in 
that region. 

III. Oceania. 

Mr. Sidney Ray, the representative of our knowledge 
of the Languages of Oceania, has contributed to the 
Journal of the Anthropological Institute a “Vocabulary 
and Grammatical Note ” on the Languages of Makura, 
Central New Hebrides. 

He has also contributed to the Journal of the Polynesian 
Society an important Essay on the “ Common Origin of 


4 49 

the Oceanic Languages.” Here he is venturing upon 
a very great enterprise, and it cannot be assumed, that 
all will agree with him. He seems to include the 
Languages of the Malay Archipelago, under the name 
of Indonesian, into this category. Among the Languages 
mentioned in this division he includes what some students 
unhesitatingly include among the Languages of the East 
Indies. However, the subject is an interesting one, and 
the next generation will be able to arrive at a more 
certain opinion. 

IV. America. 

(1) Linguae Guarani Grammatica and (2) Lexicon 
Hispano-Guaranicum, a Rev. patre Jesuita Paulo Restivo, 
secundum libros Antonii Ruiz de Montoya denuo edita 
et adaucta opera et studiis Ch. Fred. Seybold. (Stuttgardt: 
William Kohlhammer.) 

Dr. Seybold’s new and enlarged editions of the works 
of the Rev. Jesuit have been added to the Library. The 
circle of readers to whom they are addressed, those who 
combine a wish to study the Guarani language with a good 
knowledge of Spanish, is a small one, but that very fact 
will probably lead to a warmer appreciation of their value 
on the part of those who can use them. We trust that 
such members of our Society will not be slow to avail 
themselves of Dr. Seybold’s painstaking and valuable 
labours, for the presence of such books in our Library is 
an important evidence of the cosmopolitan character of the 
Society, and the wide extent of its aims. 

January 21, 1897. R. N. C. 

Y. Additions to the Library. 

Presented by the India Office. 

Cox (Captain P. Z.). Genealogies of the Somal, including 
those of the Aysa and Gadabursi, compiled by Major 
H. M. Abud. Folio. London, 1896. 



Smith (E. TV.). The Moghul Architecture of Fathpur- 
sikri. Pt. 2. (Arch. Survey of India.) 

4to. Allahabad , 1896. 
Danvers (F. C.). Letters received by the East India 
Company from its servants in the East. 

8vo. London, 1896. 
Pea (A.). Chalukyan Architecture. (Arch. Survey of 
India, vol. xxi.) 4to. Madras, 1896. 

Presented by the Author. 

Pidding (C. M.). Kadambarl of Bana. 

8vo. London, 1896. 
Stein (M. A.). Notes on Ou K’ong’s Account of Ka^mlr. 

Pamphlet. 8vo. Wien, lfc96. 
Sachau (E.). Aramaische Inschriften. Pamphlet. 

4to. Berlin, 1896. 

Griffith (P. T.). Hymns of the Atharvaveda. 2 vols. 

8vo. Benares, 1895-6. 
Bose (P. N.). History of Hindu Civilization during 
British Pule. In 4 vols. 3 vols. 

8vo. Calcutta, 1894—6. 
Spiers (R. Phene). The Great Mosque of the Omeiyades, 
Damascus. Pamphlet. 4to. London, 1896. 

Apte (R. N.). Doctrine of Maya ; its existence in the 
Vedanta Sutras and development in the later Vedanta. 

8vo. Bombay, 1896. 
Jahn (G.). Zum Verstandnisa des Sibawaihi. Pts. 1-2. 

Pamphlets. 4to. Gottingen. 
Chavannes (E.). Memoires Historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien. 

Tome ii. 8vo. Paris, 1897. 
Prenger (J.). The Dusuns of Borneo and their Piddles. 

Pamphlet. 8vo. Leide, 1896. 
Cordier (H.). Les Origines des deux 4tablissements frangais 
dans Textreme Orient, Chang-Hai — Ning-po. Docu- 
ments inedits, publics avec une introduction et des notes. 

Roy. 8vo. Pans, 1896. 

Centenaire de Marco Polo. 8vo. Paris, 1896. 

Frazer (P. W.). British India. 8vo. London, 1896. 



Nail (F.). Nouvelles E'tudes sur la chronique attribute 
a Denys de Tellmahre, patriarcbe d’Antioche 845. 

8vo. Paris, 189G. 

Presented by the Deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

Caland (W.). The Pitrmedha Siitras of Bandhayana 
Hiranyakesin and Gautama, edited with critical notes and 
Index of Words. 8vo. Leipzig, 1896. 

Presented by the Hakluyt Society. 

De Azurara (G. E.). The Chronicle of the Discovery and 
Conquest of Guinea, now first done into English by 
C. Raymond lleazley and Edgar Prestage. Yol. i. 

8vo. London, 1896. 

Presented by the German Government. 

Ahlwardt (W.). Yerzeichniss der Arabischen IISS. 
Band viii. 4to. Berlin, 1896. 

Presented by the Buddhist Text Society. 

Das (Nobin Chandra). Note on the Ancient Geography 
of Asia, compiled from Y almiki-Ramayana with Map 
and Index. 8vo. Darjeeling, 1896. 

Presented by the Trustees of the Indian JIuseum. 

Rodjers (C. J.). Catalogue of the Coins of the Indian 
Museum. Parts 3-4. 8vo. Calcutta, 1895-6. 

Presented by the Japan Society of London. 

Aston (W. G.). Nihongi. Yol. ii. 8vo. London, 1896. 

Presented by the Bengal Asiatic Society. 

Malik Muhammad Jaisl. Padumawati, ed. by G. A. 
Grierson and M. S. Dvivedi, with a commentary, 
translation, and critical notes. Bib. Ind. 

4to. Calcutta, 1896. 

Presented by the University of Christiania. 

Seippel (A.). Rerum Normannicarum fontes arabici. 
Fasc. 1. 4to. Christianiae, 1896. 



Presented by Professor Rhys Davids. 

The Hansei Zassbi. Yol. xii. 

Presented by the Publishers. 

Fausboll (V.). The Jataka. Yol. vi. 8vo. London, 1896. 

Philpot (Mrs. J. H.). The Sacred Tree or the Tree in 
Religion and Myth. 8vo. London, 1897. 

Cave (H. W.). The Ruined Cities of Ceylon. 

4to. London, 1897. 

Malter (Dr. H.). Die Abhandlung des Abu Hamid 
al-Gazzali. Hefte 1-2. 8vo. Frankfurt-a-M., 1896. 


Levi (S.). Le Theatre Iudien. 8vo. Paris, 1890. 

Hillebrandt (A.). Ritual-Litteratur, Yedische Opfer uud 
Zauber. Roy. 8vo. Strassburg, 1897. 

(Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie, Bd. iii, Heft 2.) 

Hecker (Max.). Schopenhauer und die Indische Philo- 
sophic. 8vo. Koln, 1896. 

Garbe (R-). Sankbya Pravacbana Bhashya. 

Roy. 8 vo. Cambridge, Mass., 1896. 

Erruan (A.). Gespriich eines Lebensmiiden mit seiner 
Secle aus deni Papyrus 3024 der koniglichen Museen. 

4to. Berlin, 1896. 




Art. XVI. — The Arakanese Dialect of the Barman Language. 

By Bernard Houghton, M.R.A.S. 

It is well known that the people of Arakan are an 
offshoot of the Barman race, the accepted account being 
that they first crossed the range of mountains called the 
Arakan Yoma about B.c. 825 1 under a Prince Kan- 
ruga gyi. It seems probable that the small portion of 
the country then inhabited was settled by a few of the 
advance-guard of the Chin-Lushai or Naga tribesmen, 
with perhaps some colonies of Indians on the sea-coast. 
These were expelled or absorbed ; and the Arakanese 
kingdom, having its centre in the flat open plains of the 
Akyab district, gradually extended south as far as the 
Mawyon-gvaw Hills, in the Sandoway district, and north 
to Chittagong (a.d. 1450). It was finally crushed by an 
invasion of Burmans from the east of the Yoma in 1784. 
The people of Arakan have, however, preserved their 
peculiar dialect, and in certain customs they differ slightly 

There can be little doubt, however, that this date is very much too early. 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 30 


from the Burmese, against whom in some of the purely 
Arakanese parts is still cherished a deep hatred, horn from 
the cruel manner in which they were handled at the 
Burmese conquest. It must be admitted, indeed, that in 
their intertribal wars the peoples of the Tibeto-Burman 
race have endeavoured to enforce in the strictest possible 
manner the modern doctrine of the “ survival of the 
fittest.” Owing to the steady immigration into Arakan 
of natives of India, principally from the Province of 
Bengal, which has been going on for centuries, the 
physical type of the people has been sensibly altered from 
the pure Mongoloid cast of their first progenitors. Thus the 
average Arakanese is taller, larger boned, and more hairy 
than the average Burman, whilst the cheek-bones are not 
so prominent, and the face generally tends to assume 
more of a hatchet type. The two races have not yet 
been compared anthropometricallv, but it would not be 
a rash guess to assume that with the Arakanese the 
fronto-mental measurement is considerably, and the fronto- 
occipital slightly, larger than with the Burman, and that 
his nasal index is somewhat better. It is possibly owing 
to the same infiltration of Indian blood that the Arakanese 
has lost several of the more loveable traits which distinguish 
generally the people of the Golden Chersonese. He is 
less merry and light-hearted, less polite and obliging, and 
no particular good qualities seem to have been imported 
to supply the want of these. On the contrary, in the 
neighbourhood of Akyab especially, there is spreading the 
obnoxious Indian practice of the seclusion of women, 
who also are fonder of expensive jewelry than their 
Burmese congeners. The Arakanese houses are more 
comfortless, and perhaps even more dirty, than those on 
the east of the Yoma. In their nomenclature of persons, 
the Arakanese rather favour names of three syllables, 
whilst the ordinary Burman is content with one of one 
or two syllables only. The word pyu—' white ’ is an 
especial favourite for this purpose — far more so than 
amongst the Burmans proper. 


The Arakanese dialect has always been known to be a 
more archaic form of Burmese, the isolation of the Arakanese 
having tended somewhat to preserve their speech from 
the phonetic corruption which has befallen that language 
since it was first reduced to writing. At the same time 
Arakanese by no means represents exactly the sounds of 
Burmese as it is spelt, whilst some of the verbal termina- 
tions and words are different. With a view, therefore, 
of throwing some light on the subject, I have obtained 
from Mg. San U Khaing, a well-educated and intelligent 
Arakanese gentleman and a member of the subordinate 
Civil Service of Burma, a list of the most important 
dialectic peculiarities of the Western Province. This list, 
written down by him in the Burmese character, does not 
pretend to be exhaustive, but it shows fairly clearly the 
more salient points of difference, and probably contains 
all that is of general interest from a philological point of 
view. In arranging the list of Mg. San U Khaing, I have 
added thereto, for the sake of comparison, the Burmese 
equivalents, both as written and as now pronounced. 

It will be seen that Arakanese, which it may be remarked 
en passant is articulated in a somewhat harsh and nasal 
manner, by no means entirely conserves the old pronuncia- 
tion indicated by the characters, always supposing the latter 
to show accurately the sounds of the language at the time. 
This is particularly the case with final ach, 1 which, corrupted 
into it in modern Burmese, has still further degenerated 
in Arakanese to aik. Again, the modified vowel e, (pro- 
nounced as in French pere), is not found at all in Arakanese, 
neither as the sound of regular vowel e nor as a corruption 
of final ay, (which latter I imagine to have been originally 
pronounced aih, both in Burmese and in Tamil). Certain 
words and forms, however, have been obviously brought by 
the founders of the Arakanese kingdom from across the 
Yoma, and show that at that time there was not the same 

1 I am, however, inclined to believe that this ending, though written ach, 
was probably pronounced ats or its, the vowel-sound being obscure. 


uniformity in Burmese as now prevails, but that minor 
dialects still existed in contradistinction to the standard 
Burmese of the capital. 

Yaws . — In this connection it may not be inappropriate 
to allude to these people who inhabit the west part of the 
Pakokku district, immediately to the east of Arakan, from 
which they are separated by the Yoma Mountains. From 
a list furnished by Lieut. Tighe, Burma Commission, it 
appears that their language in no way differs from modern 
Burmese, except that the pronunciation is slightly more 
archaic, a result due to the comparative isolation of the Yaw 
Valley. Thus ak, pronounced et in the colloquial, is sounded 
by them as at, and ah similarly an instead of in. Dialections 
are lan for lam ( = ‘path’), da-gyi-o —* old woman’ (cf. the 
Arakanese), and na for ’nan, ' nin in the imperative. It 
is probable that these people came from the East, i.e. the 
Irrawaddy Talley proper, but there is nothing in their 
dialect to support their tradition of descent from the 
Parawgas, said to be a Palaung clan. 

Dialectic Divergences of Arakanese. 



Arakanese Notes. 





e (final) 


I, cn. 


e (final) 




& (final) 




wit: (final) 




ak (final) 




an (final) 


an, an. 

! . 

ach (final) 




ay (final) 




wan (final) 




wat (final) 





ky» gy, ch, j 

kr, gr. 




h (in some words oi 













(spoken) . 



1 . 








warm water. 






















the presence. 







s& bw& 


Shan chief. 









'san, 'san 





















































Grammatical Terminations, etc. 









re. 1 

Past tense 




Future tense 

man, b o 

me, b'd 

me, p'd. 

Closing affix 








1 Possibly connected with Manipuri ri. 



Burmese Burmese 

(written). (spoken). 

1st person sing, ha ha 

,, mas. kywan-ta chun-da 
„ fem. kywan-ma chun-ma 
2nd pers. sing, nan, man: nin, min: 
1st pers. plural riato nado 

Interrogative b'a, b'ay b'a, b'e 
b'aynan: b'e ne 


na, na. 

man:, nan, awe, ayb. 





To this place 
Plural affix 

to, my a: 

do, mya: 


ten, 1 ro. 


Illustrative Sentences. 

1. Burmese (written) 

ame-ka san-kran-pwe-twan wat-ran 
pu- so 'rach-tan pe: laik-pit cho-safi. 

Burmese (spoken) aml-ga 0in-jan-piIe-dwin wut-yan 

patso sbit-te pe: laik-ba so-de. 

Arakanese ami-ga 0an-kran-pwe-ma wat-p'o 

dilya sbalk-t'e pi-lat-ba 'so-re. 

English Mother says, “Give eight patsos for 

wearing during theThingyan festival.” 

2. Burmese (written) 
Burmese (spoken) 

man: san-ko la. 

min: di-go la. 

awe to lit- 1 at. 

Come you here. 

1 Colloquial. 


3. Burmese (written) nan na-ko bii prS-sa-le. 

Burmese (spoken) nin na-go ba pya-da-le. 
Arakanese ayo: na-go ril prS-re-le:. 

English What are you saying to me P 

4. Burmese (written) san min:ma-krl: kywan-ma-ko che san 

Burmese (spoken) di min : raa-gyi: chun-ina-gd 'se-de. 
Arakanese adwa a kywan-kd se:re. 

English This woman abuses me. 

5. Burmese (written) b a le bay-ko swa:-sa-le. 

Burmese (spoken) b'a le be go flwa:-da-le. 

Arakanese aswa-le: za go la: re-le:. 

Cheduba dialect b'a-saun-ddn:man: 

za-po-kwa. 1 

English What is it ? Where are you going? 


(written) . 




Aunt (mat.) 



ay we. 

Bamboo sprout 
Basket for catch- 




ing fish 















flat. 2 




patso:. 3 

Bowl (glazed) 
















1 The dialect spoken in the island of Cheduba (Ma-aun) differs slightly from 
Arakanese proper. The interrogative affix man may possibly be allied to the 
Chin md. 

2 This is still used in certain connections with the meaning beat in Burmese, 
e.g. tat-pat. 

3 Cf. patso, infra. 

4 Cf. Xaga ka-she, S. Chin so, etc. 


( written) . 

( spoken) . 














Cover (of pot) 











Ian :k' wan:. 





Draw back 




False hair 



















mam a- she, 




lii:. 1 










Hat (Chinese) 




Headache (have a) k'aun kaik 

gaun kaik 

gauii k'e 

Inga (tree) 

tan nan: 
















man gala ch'auh 

miiigala 'saung 0ainat-tat. 

O O 




lfi-pwan:, lu-si. 




aman, ami. 





= ‘to go’ in certain connections in Burraeso. 


Mullet (fish) 




(spoken) . 








Numerous (be) 








Old man 




Old woman 








Pat so 




Perch (fish) 
















Quill pen 




Scarce (be) 

« — 
















Three stones sup- 
porting pot 








Toddy-palm 2 



on:. 3 





Uncle (mat.) 




Uncle (pat.) 



ab'e, abye. 





TTood-oil (tree) 




1 ka = ‘ fish ’ in Mon ; nd is the true Burmese word. 

2 Growing in tidal waters. 

3 = ‘ cocoanut ’ in Burmese. 


Art. XVII. — The Buddhist “Wheel of Life” from a New 
Source. By Professor Louis de la Vallee Poussin, 

The doctrine of the Pratityasamutpada is expounded at 
considerable length in the sixteenth chapter of the Cancla- 
maha-rosana-tantra (MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, the 
Societe Asiatique, and Cambridge). 

As is well known, the doctrine expressed in this very 
difficult formula forms one of the details of Buddhist 
doctrine regarded by the early Buddhists themselves as of 
primary importance ; and its meaning has been frequently 
discussed. 1 Mr. Waddell lately published in our Journal 
the explanation of the Lamas of Tibet ; and the fullest 
account of the whole question will be found in Professor 
Rhys Davids’s “ American Lectures,” pp. 120, 155-161, 
where previous discussions are referred to. 2 Since then 
M. Senart has published a very interesting article on the 
same subject, 3 * 5 which is as rich in the results ascertained 
as remarkable for the elegance of its deductions. 

The formula of the Twelve Nidanas, as it has been formed 
in the course of time by means of various recastings of no 
doctrinal importance, does not embody any learned theory 
distinct from the Samudayasatya, as conceived in its most 
rudimentary form. It is quite a delusion to try and find 

1 Bumouf, Kern, Oldenherg, Warren, and the most important essay of Jacobi: 

“ Der Ursprung des Buddhismus aus dem Samkhva-yoga ” (Nachr. Ges. Wiss. 

zu Gottingen, 1896). 

1 See also by the same, Yinaya Texts, S.B.E. i, p. 146. 

5 “A propos de la Theorie bouddhique des douze Nidanas ” (Melanges Charles 
de Harlez, pp. 281-297). 



in it any systematic view ; it is a vain task to endeavour 
to construct a rational exegesis of it . 1 Yet M. Senart shows 
how it may be possible to utilize it for the history of the 
scholastic system ; and amid all the idle nomenclature of 
Buddhist literature there is not a single antithesis, an 
equivalence, or a word which does not merit a serious 

The Pratityasamutpada formula, compiled at an early 
date, and itself the result of a contamination whose 
mechanism has been explained by M. Senart, has received 
during the course of ages a large number of different native 
explanations : an endeavour was made to find in it what 
had never been placed in it at the beginning, viz. a tech- 
nical exposition of the evolution of the Karman , of the 
Samvrti. One of the simplest of these explanations is that 
preserved by Tibetan tradition and ingeniously interpreted 
by Mr. Waddell. But does it enable us to understand the 
theory ? Does it reveal the genesis of the formula ? 
Assuredly not. At the same time, from the historical point 
of view, it is not without considerable value. It is 
interesting to examine the somewhat too simple artifices 
by which certain communities pretended to resolve the 

Similarly, if I think it useful to call attention to the 
text which is about to occupy us, it is because we may find 
in it certain curious facts concerning one of the traditional 
interpretations of the Pratityasamutpada. The nature of 
the book in which this text appears merits a few remarks. 

The Tantras are not rich in dogmatic expositions or dis- 
cussions. For the masters as for the- adepts of magic, the 
chief business is the description of the Mandalas, the 
panegyric of the Siddhis, the drawing up of pharma- 
ceutical recipes and dhiiranls. Only a small space is 
accorded to theory. Of course certain principles are 

apparent in the foreground — the thesis of the three secrets 

1 In the Bodhicaryavataratika, chan. ix (at present in the press), certain 
original philosophical elucidations will he found of the Pratityasamutpada 
(extracts from the Calistambasiitra, etc.) ; cf. Buddh. Text Soc. 1895, pt. 2. 



of the body, of the voice, and of the thought (com- 
pare the Shin-gon-shu sect, Fujishiina, Bouddhisme Japonais, 
p. 81 sqq ), which dominates the Samajatantra and furnishes 
a convenient framework for the ritual ; also the doctrine 
of the vacuum, borrowed from the Madhyamikas, which 
inspires a large number of dharanls, and fixes the end of 
meditation ; or again, the dogma of salvation by Atiyoga 
(Mahasukha, surata), which is in flagrant contradiction 
with the moral system of the Master and brings sectarian 
Buddhism daugerously near to Saivisra. The data are too 
scattered ; we lose ourselves in a medley of ritual details 
and mythological representations. But underlying these 
details, there are ruling ideas ; underlying these represen- 
tations, which are really symbols, there are cosmogonic 

Indeed, it is an error to regard tantric Buddhism as 
a mass of popular superstitions, as gross as they are 
heterogeneous. It may be broadly laid down that the 
people creates neither symbols nor rituals. The meta- 
physical and subtle character of all the essential concepts 
of Tautrism, under whatever aspect they are manifested 
and into whatever pattern they are interwoven, bear 
clear evidence of their origin. Non-tantric Buddhism 
appears to be a synthesis of theories borrowed from the 
Upanisads and the Dharmasutras, a synthesis crowned by 
the doctrines of the Arhat and of Nirvana. Tantric 
Buddhism weds these theories and dogmas to the hypothesis 
of Bhakti, the practices of the Yogius, the doctrines of the 
Schools. Such is the Mantra 0 or Tantrayana, excessively 
composite and variable in character. Restrained within 
proper limits, the inspiration whence it proceeds animates 
the religious life of the most orthodox Bhikkhus (cf. the 
Akankheyyasutta, 1 the Kammatthanas) ; unrestrained, it 
ends, though slowly, in dissolving in the community the 
traditions of the so-called original Buddhism. 

1 The Majjhima Xikaya, Xo. 6, translated in Rhys Davids’s “Buddhist 



If the motor principles which constitute the tantric 
organism are not directly revealed to us ; if the theories 
proper to the Tantrikas are not expounded in the Tantras, 
it would be still more vain to seek in them discussions of 
Buddhist doctrines — the Arhatva, the Four Truths, the 
Noble Way. Are we to suppose that the sacred tradition 
had been interrupted ? Precise facts forbid us to suppose 
this, and cast a singularly clear light on the syncretism 
which is the characteristic of the Hindu churches. Before 
his initiation into rituals, sometimes literally inspired by 
the Kamasutras, and requiring the use of fleshmeat, alcohol, 
and the practice of maithuna, the Nepalese monk takes 
refuge in the Three Pearls and takes on himself the vow 
of the regular abstinences. What is true of the rules of 
conduct is still more true of doctrine. The Vajracaryas, 
adepts of mysticism and teachers of the Siddhis, were 
Madhyamikas or Yogacaras, and sometimes doctors of the 
Yinaya. To practise the Tantras, it is necessary to be 
a professed adept in ethics and philosophy. But it is easy 
to understand that these books are generally silent on 
problems alien to their direct object. 

The interpretation of the Pratltyasamutpada given us 
by the Canda-maha-rosana-tantra is doubtless borrowed 
from the philosophical school in which its editors were 
formed, and rests entirely upon the belief in the antara- 
bhava, 1 a belief certainly ancient in India and in the 
Buddhist Order, although condemned by the orthodox. It 
may be said that the thesis of antarabhava naturally 
suggests the doctrine of our text, and permits us to join 
the terms bliava and jdti to the preceding ones. The 
Pubbaseliyas and the Sammitiyas, “ antarabhavavadinah,” 

1 Kathavatthu, viii, 2, Atthi antarabhavo ti [Pubbaseliya, Sammitivfi], and 
xiv, 2, Salayatanag aimbbarj acehimar) matu-kucchimhi santhatiti [l’ubbascliya, 
AparaseliyaJ. Cf. ltliys Davids, Schools of Buddhist litdicf, 
1892. l’ancakraina, iv, Comm., 1. 27. Bodhicaryavatara (edidit Minayeff), 
Comm. ad. ix, 73. Lankavatara Dev. 92, fol. 48 b. Minayeff, Rechcrehes , 
pp. 221, 222. Wassilieff, Buddhismus, pp. 243, 254, 256. Antarabhavasutra, 
Buuyiu Naujio, No. 463 (translated by Fo-nien, latter Tshin dynasty, a.d. 384- 
417). Oldenberg, Z.D.M.G., xlix, pp. 178, 179. 



perhaps explain in the same or a similar manner the 
Pratltyasamutpada . 1 

Candamaharosanatantre pratltyasamutpadapatalah soda- 
gamah 2 

atha bhagavatl aha 

katham utpadyate lokah kathaiii yati 3 4 ksayaiii punah | 
kathaiii va bhavet siddhir brnhi tvaiii paramegvara || 

atha 1 bhagavan aha 

avidyapratyayah samskarah | saiiiskarapratyayam vijna- 
nam | vijnanapratyayam namariipam | namariipapratyayam 
sadayatanam | sadayatanapratyayah sparcah | spargapratyayii 
vedana | vedanapratyaya trsnil | trsnilpratyayam upadiinam | 
upadanapratyayo bhavah | bhavapratyaya jatih | jatipratyaya 
jaramarana 5 gokaparidevaduhkhadaurmanasyopayasah 6 | evam 
asya kevalasya mahato duhkhaskandhasya samudayo bhavati | 
evam apy avidyanirodhat sariiskaranirodhah | samskaraniro- 
dhad vijhananirodhah | vijnananirodhan niimarupanirodhah | 
niimarupanirodhat trsnanirodhah 7 | trsnanirodhad upadiina- 
nirodhah | upadananirodhad bhavanirodhah | bhavanirodhaj 
jatinirodhah | jatinirodhaj jaramaranacokaparidevaduhkha- 
daurmanasyopayasii nirudhyante 8 | evam asya mahato duhkha- 
skandhasya nirodho bhavati 

pratityotpadyate 9 lokah pratltyaiva nirudhyate | 
buddhva riipadvayam caitad advayam bhavya sidhyati || 

atha bhagavatl uvaca | kathayatu bhagavan avidyadivi- 
vecanam 10 

1 I must thank the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society for its kindness in 
lending the London MS., and Professor Cowell, who has been so good as to com- 
municate to me the variants of the Cambridge MS. 

2 Cambridge, Add. 1319, 426-46a. London, 115, 395-4 3a ; fol. 41 missing. 
Cf. Feer, Index Kandjour, p. 298 (Rgyud v). 

3 Camb. jati ; third pada defective. 

4 Camb. omits atha. 

5 Camb. “maranau. 

6 Camb. °upayasah. 

1 Sic Camb. : enumeration complete in London. 

8 Camb. “upayaso nirudhyate. 

9 Camb. pratyutpadyate. 

10 Camb. omits adi. 



atha bhagaviin aha 

triparivartam idam cakrarn atltadiprabhedatah 1 | 

dvadacakaram akhyatam dharmam 2 sarvajinair iha || 

tatriividya beyopadeyajnanam 3 marananantaraih dhandha- 
rupaih cittam carlrakaraiii bbavatity arthah | tasmat samskaro 
bhavati sa ca trividhah | tatra kiiyasamskara acviisapracvasau | 
vaksamskaro vitarkavicarau | manahsamskaro ragadvesamo- 
hah | ebhiryukta ’vidyil cvasati pracvasati vitarkayati stbulam 
grhnati vicarayati suksmara grhniiti 4 | anurakto bbavati 
dvisto mugdhac 5 ca | tasmad vijiianam bhavati | satprakaram 
caksurvijnanam grotra 0 ghrana 0 jihva° kaya 0 manovijnanam 
ca | ebbir yuktii ’vidya pac3 r ati crnoti jigbrati bbaksati 6 
sp^ati vikalpayati | tasman namarupam | nilma catvaro 
vedaniidayah | rupam riipam eveti dvabhyam abhisamksipya 
vi^undhitva niimarOpety uktam | upadanapaiicaskandbaru- 
penavidya parinamatlty arthah | tatra vedana trividbii sukhii 
dubkbiisukha ceti | samjna vastuna 7 svarupagrahanantara- 
bhilasab | saraskarah samanyavi^esavasthiigahinah | citta- 
caittavijnanani purvoktany eva | rupam caturbhutatmakam | 
prthvi gurutvaih vakyain 8 tattvam | iipo dravatvam abbi- 
spanditvam 9 | teja usmatvam 10 paripacanatvam | vayur akun- 
canaprasaranalagbusamudlranatvam 11 J tasmat sadilyatanani 
caksubcrotragbrilnajihvakayamanamsi | ebiiir yukta purvavat 
pa9yatltyiidi | tasmat spaiTah | riipa9abdagandbarasaspar9a- 
dharmadkatusamavarttaye 12 [ tatas trsna sukbabbiliisab | tata 
upadiinam tatab prapakam karma | tato bbavo garbhapra- 
ve9ah | tato jatih prakatlkaranabhinispattib 13 | upadanam 

1 Camb. °prabhedit.ab. 

2 Sic London ; Camb. and Faris, dharma. 

3 Camb. ajnananmran’. 

‘ Sic MSS. 

6 Camb. mu(r)ldia. 

e Camb. omits bbaksati. 

i Sic MSS. 

8 Sic Paris, certainly inoxact ; Camb. illegible ; perhaps kharatvam, comp. 
Pancakrama, i, 01. 

0 Sic Camb. ; Paris gatil.i syauditatvam | 

111 Camb. illegible. 

" Camb. samuditanalam. 

12 Paris omits gandha and dharma ; Camb. samfip 0 . 

13 Camb. prakatika reuabhini?patti. 



pancaskandhaliibhah | tato jam puratanibhavah | raaranarii 
cittacaittanirodhah | tato jaramaranacittam yena 1 fokiikulo 
bhavati | muktir maya na prave^teti paridevati 2 | vyadhya- 
dyupadravata9 ca duhkhl bhavati tad eva punah punar 
luanasi niyojanad 3 daurraanasl 4 bhavati | durrnana 5 api 
kenapy upadravata upavasi bhavati || 

ayam arthah | avidyadi 6 sadavatanaparyantenantarabhava- 
sattva ekatraiva sthitas trailokyaiii pafyan | pafyati stripurii- 
san anuraktan | tato ’tltajatikrtakarmana prerito ’yam jatav 
utpanno bhavisyati | tajjatistripurusau ratau drstvativa tasya 
tayoh sparca utpadyate | tatra yadi puruso bhavisyati tadat- 
manam purusakaraiii pa9yati | bhaviraiitari paramaaurago 7 
bhavati | bhavipitari ca mahavadvistah 8 | riigadvesau ca 
sukhaduhkhavedane | tatah kenakarenanaya sardham. ratiiii 
karomlti cintayan | aduhkhasukhavedanataya vyiimugdho 9 
bhavati | tatah piirvakarmaviitaprerito mahiitrsnaya etaiii 
ramamlti krtva kastena ko hi puruso mama striyam 
kamayatlti krtva tarasamkramanavad bhavipit^iromargena 
pravi9ya tasya ^ukradhisthitam cittam adhisthaya bhavima- 
tararn kamayantam atmanaiii pacvati sukhakaranam upada- 
dati tatah 9ukrena samaraslbhuya maharaganuragenavadhu- 
tlnadya pitur vajriin 10 nirgaty-a ruatuh padmasusirasthavajra- 
dbatvi9varlnadya 11 kuksau janmanadyaiii sthitah | ksaranaa- 
taritavat tato bhavo bhavati | sa ca kramena kalalarbuda- 
gbanape9l9akhayuto navabhir da9abhir va milsair yenaiva 
margena pravistas tenaiva margena nirgato jatir bhavati || 
yadi vil strl bhavisyati tada bhavipitary anurago bhavati | 
bhavimatrciromargena pravi9ya padme patitva cukrena 
bhavimatari 12 ca dvesah | tatratmanahi strirupam pa9yati | 

1 MSS. "maranam cittam yana. 

2 Sic Camb. 

3 Paris, niyojayed ; Camb. niyojana. 

4 Camb. duhkbi, daurmanasi. 

5 Camb. mano ’pi. 

6 Camb. omits adi. 

I Camb. “anurajo. 

8 Camb. apa°. 

9 Camb. vyasukho. 

10 Tib. rdo-rje=p‘o-rt&.gs. 

II Camb. dbatve9vari. 

12 Camb. bkavita 0 . 

j.r.a.s. 1897. 




micrlbbuya tasya eva janmanadyam tistbati 1 | tatah 2 
piirvavan nirgaccbati jayate | tad evam avidyadibbir loka 
jayante | lokiic ca panca skandha eva | te ca duhkbah sam- 
sarinab panca skandbah | na ca duhkbena karyam asti 
moksarthinam | avidyanirodhat pancaskandhabbavah | cunyata 
tuccbata | na ca tuccbena karyam moksarthinab | tasmiin na 
bbiivo mokso napy abbavah | tasmad bbavabhavavirabitain 
prajnopayasamputam | mabasukbarupinaih grlmadacalana- 
thatmakam caturanandaikamurticittam bbavanirvanapratis- 
tbitam moksah 3 

ragenotpadyate loko ragaksayat ksayaih gatah | 
acalartbaparijnanad buddhasiddhih samrdhyati || 
na calati prajnasange sukharasamuditam tu vac cittam | 
vidhunan viramasumaram tad acalasaihjnaya ca kathitamll 4 

ity Ekallavlrakhye Qrlcandamabarosanatantre pratltya- 
samutpadapatalah sodagamah. 

1 Camb. tisthanti. 

2 Camb. te. 

3 Sic MSS. 

4 Sic MSS. ; metre and grammar uncertain. 


Akt. XVIII. — On the Har Paraurl, or the Behari Women’s 
Ceremony for Producing Rain. By Sarat Chandra 
Mitra, M.A., B.L., Corresponding Member of the 
Anthropological Society of Bombay. 

In a paper entitled “ On some Ceremonies for Producing 
Rain,” which I published in the Journal of the Anthropo- 
logical Sodety of Bombay, 1 I gave a short description of the 
Har Parauri, or the “Behari Women’s Ceremony for 
Producing Rain,” to the following effect : — 

“The other day I came across another curious custom, 
peculiar to this part of the country, the observance whereof 
is supposed to bring down rain. It was at about ten o’clock 
in the night of Saturday, the 25th June last (1892), as 
I was about to retire to bed, I heard a great noise made 
by the singing, in high-pitched tones, of some women in 
front of our house (at Chupra). I thought that the women 
were parading the streets, singing songs, as they often do 
before some marriage takes place in a family. But, on 
making inquiries next morning, I came to learn that the 
previous night’s singing formed part and parcel of a rain- 
bringing ceremony, known, at least in this district (Saran), 
as the Har Paraurl, and that some women of the locality 
had formed themselves into a little band and paraded the 
neighbouring streets, singing certain songs, which they 
superstitiously believed would surely bring down showers. 
Curiously enough, a tolerably good shower of rain fell 
during the afternoon of the following day.” 

In the present paper I propose to publish the text of 
the song which is sung on this occasion, with a translation 
and some notes. 

1 Yol. iii, pp. 25, 26. 



The song sung when performing this rain - bringing 
ceremony is an invocation to the god Vishnu the Preserver, 
and is as follows : — 

Stanza I. 

Kehu kahe samvam sukhal kehu kahe tanguni hamar 

E govind dularu katek dukh dihale savsar 

E govind dularu i dukh sahalo na jae 

Dharati mem tava paral va av ise dukh sahalo na jae 

E govind dularu pani vinii chutela pariin 

E govind dularu eh dukha sahalo na jae 

Kehu kahe maka'i sukhal kehu kahe dhan hamar 

E govind dularu katek dukha dihale savsar 

Volahu ke sak nahi vae e govind 

Dularu katek dukha dihale savsar. 

Stanza II. 

Chodale phalana ram apani mehariii an vina nahi hodev 
pani vina re 

Koele vavualog maika god an vina nahi ho dev pani vina 
Savsar men an na jure biilak kamhase dudh re pie pani 
vina nahi 

Chodale phalana rilm apani mehariii ko pani e vina nahi. 
Stanza III. 

Sarukahi dhanavii ke ciura e nanadi giiiyare sorahiake 

Hiili hali jevale vava ho visun vava vadar hola gabhlr. 
Stanza IV. 

Bhajan vah maugi chhiniir e harparauri re. 

Tani pani vo nil de u chhiniir e harparauri re. 

Tujhe biidu badii chhiniir e harparauri re. 

Stanza V. 

Khau khiiu dahiyii bhajauriim. 
llaure baliini ke karile chodiiyia. 

Rasiii binii nind na iive. 


Stanza VI. 

Khiit hai piyat hai karat hai dand. 
Sabk deh chad! ke motilt hai land. 
Khiit hai piyat hai udat hai dhuri. 
Sabh ang chadi ke motiit hai burl. 

Translation of the Song. 

Stanza I. 

Some people are saying that their sliama (a kind of 
grain) crops are withering, and others are saying that 
their tangooni (a kind of grain) crops are withering. 
O God ! how much distress and misery you are inflicting 
on the people ! This misery cannot be endured. The 
earth is getting baked with the heat (literally, the earth 
has become a frying-pan), and this misery cannot be borne. 
0 God ! people are almost dying for want of rain. 0 Lord ! 
this misery cannot be endured. Some people are saying 
that their crops of maize are withering, and others 
are saying that their rice-plants are withering. 0 God ! 
how much distress you are inflicting on the people ! Men 
have not even the strength to speak. 0 Lord ! how much 
distress you have caused to the people ! 

Stanza II. 

Men are deserting their wives, 0 Lord ! for want of 
food and for want of rain. Children are crying in their 
mothers’ laps, 0 God ! for want of food and for want of 
rain. Food cannot be had in the world; how is it possible 
for children to get milk to drink, when it cannot be had 
for want of rain. Men are deserting their wives for want 
of rain (i.e. for scarcity of food caused by drought). 



Stanza III. 

0 God Bishnu ! soon eat the choora (flattened rice) which 
has been prepared of sarukahi 1 rice and the milk of the 
Suravi 2 cow, so that, 0 husband’s sister, clouds may send 
down copious showers of rain. 

Stanza IV. 

0 Bhajan ! that woman is of loose character, 0 
harparauri ! 

0 harparauri ! that loose woman does not give even 
a small quantity of water. 

0 harparauri ! you are a woman of very loose character. 

Stanza V. 

0 Bhajauram, take dahi (or curdled milk). 

May your sister be defiled. 

Without my beloved I do not get a wink of sleep. 

Stanza VI. 

Men are eating and drinking and taking exercise. 

With the exception of the rest of the body, a certain 
member of the man’s body is gaining flesh. 

Women are eating and drinking, but the dust (from the 
parched earth) is flying about (on account of the 

With the exception of the remaining members of the 
body, a certain portion of the woman’s person is 
gaining flesh. 

During seasons of drought, women in Behar form them- 
selves into little bands, and during the night parade the 
streets of the villages and sing the above-mentioned song 
for ten or twelve days. After the lapse of ten or twelve 
days, they go outside the villages during the night, take 
hold of ploughs and plough the Palihara lauds (that is to 

1 Sarukahi is the name applied to rice when it is in the milky state in the ear. 

2 Suravi is the name of the celestial cow. 


say, fields which are ploughed in the months of Asadh, 
Sruban, Bhiido, and Kuar, for sowing wheat therein in 
Kartik). While ploughing the lands, the village women 
sing this song again. And they also pour forth volleys 
of abuse on the village officials, such as the Thikadar (or 
the lessee of the mouza) and the Patwary. Sometimes the 
women of the village abuse to their hearts’ content the 
proprietor of the village, and compel him to take a hala 
(plough), and plough up some land. During the commence- 
ment of the loug-standiug drought from which the whole 
of Behar is suffering at present, the proprietor of mouza 
Sewan, Babu Ismail Khan, was, I am informed, made to 
perform this ceremony, and plough some laud in order to 
appease the wrath of the offended Rain-God. These are 
the principal features of the ceremony of liar Paraurl as 
it is performed in this district, and especially as it has 
been performed in mauy villages of the llutwa Raj during 
the present exceptionally dry season. It is said that before 
beginning to plough, the women sometimes first strip them- 
selves naked and only then carry on the ploughing operations. 
In order to verify whether this last-mentioned practice 
obtained in this district, I caused inquiries to be made 
in several villages of this Raj. But I am informed that 
this practice is very rarely, if ever, resorted to in the villages 
belonging to this estate. I have ascertained from several 
residents of the neighbouring district of Gorakhpur that 
the practice exists there. This is also borne out by the 
testimony of such a careful observer as Mr. W. Crooke, 
the Editor of the North Indian Notes and Queries. He 
says: — “During the Gorakhpur famine of 1873-74 there 
were many accounts received of women going about with 
a plough at night, stripping themselves naked and dragging 
it across the fields as invocation to the rain-god. The men 
kept carefully out of the way while this was being done. 
It was supposed that if the women were seen by men the 
spell would lose its effect.” 1 A practice similar to this 

1 Panjab Notes and Queries, iii, 41, 115. 



is also observed in the Mirzapur district of the North- 
Western Provinces, as will appear from the following 
instance : — “ The rains this year held off for a long time, 
and last night [24th July, 1892] the following ceremony 
was performed secretly. Between the hours of 9 and 
10 p.m., a barber’s wife went from door to door and invited 
the women to join in ploughing. They all collected in 
a field, from which all males were excluded. Three women 
from a cultivator’s family stripped off all their clothes : 
two were yoked to a plough like oxen, and a third held 
the handle. They then began to imitate the operation of 
ploughing. The woman who had the plough in her hand 
shouted, ‘ 0 Mother Earth ! bring parched grain, water and 
chaff. Our stomachs are breaking to pieces from hunger 
and thirst.’ Then the landlord and village accouutant 
approached them and laid down some grain, water, and 
chaff in the field. The women then dressed, and returned 
home. By the Grace of God the weather changed almost 
immediately, and we had a good shower.” 1 

The ceremony of Har ParaurT consists of a series of 
spells. It may be analyzed into the following component 
parts : (1) An invocation to the Rain-God ; (2) the nudity- 
spell ; (3) abuse or vicarious sacrifice ; and (4) a ritual to 
propitiate the Mother Earth. 

It will appear from the song of which the text has been 
given above, that it embodies a touching appeal to the god 
Vishnu to send down copious rain. The god’s sympathy 
is sought to be enlisted by reciting to his deityship the 
thousand and one ills which have been caused to the people 
by the want of rain. Some of the other rain-ceremonies 
performed in this district and in Bengal are nothing but 
invocations to the Rain-God. During the recent drought 
of this year, the ceremony of Varana PGjii was performed 
by many Brahmans of this place (llutwa), that is to say, 
they worshipped the god Varuna (Varana in Hindi), or 
the Hindu Neptune, who, like the Mahomedan saint Khwaja 

1 North Indian Notes and Queries, i, 210. 


Khizr, is supposed to have authority over all the waters 
of the heaven and the earth, in order to propitiate him 
so that he may send down rain. In the same way the 
goddess Kali was worshipped in the neighbourhood of 
this place, and offerings made to her so that she might 
remove the drought. On occasions of failure of rain, the 
ceremony of Hari Sanklrtana is performed in Bengal. 
This ceremony consists in the people forming themselves 
into a procession and parading the streets of a village or 
town, singing songs in praise of the God Hari or 
Vishnu to the accompaniment of the tom-tomming of 
the khola (a kind of drum) and the tinkling of the 
kharatala (a kind of cymbal). This is done in the belief 
that the god Hari will be propitiated, and his deityship will 
cause the much longed-for rain to fall, as will appear from 
the following instance : — “ Lately the Bengalis of the city 
(of Jhansi, in the North-Western Provinces) led a pro- 
cession of Harisankirtan, believing that it would propitiate 
Heaven and produce rain. No sooner had the processionists 
returned than down came the long-retarded rain in pretty 
showers.” 1 Sometimes the god Indra is propitiated for 
this purpose, as will appear from the following example : — 
“ The wealthy merchants of the town (Puri, in Orissa), 
the zemindars, and the mahajans or hankers, lately raised 
Bs. 700 among themselves, and entertained the services 
of twenty-one Brahmins, who enjoy the reputation of special 
sanctity and are versed in the Vedas, to appeal to Indra, 
the God of Rain, to avert the impending famine and scarcity. 
It was a curious sight to see so many Brahmins standing 
in water up to their necks, singing the Vedas and praying 
to Indra to give rain soon. During these days a shower 
or two fell in the mofussil, though no rain fell in the town 
(Puri).” 2 In the same way TJramma, who is the tutelary 
goddess of the village of Kudligi, in the Madras Presidency, 

1 Tide the Jhansi correspondent’s letter in the Amrita Bazar Fatrika of 
"Wednesday, the 20th July, 1892. 

2 Vide the Puri Correspondent’s letter in the Statesman and Friend of India 
(Calcutta) of Friday, November 20, 1896. 



is also invoked to send down rain whenever it is wanted. 
The Kelu, or the five conical earthen symbols representing 
her, is taken to a well, and the pujarl or the priest (who 
is fasting) is the medium through whom her aid is invoked 
by the people in times of drought. Sometimes the villagers 
vow her a festival if she will only cause rain to fall — 
a festival being an early form of prayer. 1 All these cere- 
monies are nothing but invocations to the God of Rain 
to remove the drought and send down showers. 

The second component part of the ceremony of Har 
Paraurl is the nudity-spell. Nudity forms an important 
feature in some of the rain-ceremonies as performed in 
Northern India. Anthropologists are divided in their 
opinions as to the origin of this spell. Three theories have 
been propounded to account for the evolution of this 
practice. (1) It has been said that the custom of the 
women stripping themselves naked while performing the 
rain-ceremony typifies their abject poverty and inability to 
give more offerings to propitiate the God of Rain. (2) It 
has been interpreted to be a modified form of the English 
legend which represents Lady Godiva riding stark naked 
through the streets of Coventry, everyone having been 
previously forbidden to look out. Only one individual, 
namely, “Peeping Tom,” gazed too curiously upon her, 
and was immediately struck blind by way of punishment. 2 
The privacy taboo observed in the Godiva legend also 
forms an essential feature of the Har Paraurl ceremony. 
(3) The practice may be based on the idea that the god, who 
is withholding the rain, is afraid of indecency, or rather of 
the male and the female principles. Much plausibility is 
lent to the last-mentioned theory by the fact that, on the 
occasions of the festivals held in Southern India in honour 
of the village-goddesses, both men and women who have 
taken vows strip themselves naked, and, then covering 
themselves with the branches and leaves of the Margosa- 

1 Vide the Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, vol. ii, p. 278. 

s Conway’s “ Demonology,” i, 267. 


tree ( Melia azadirachta), proceed to the temple and lay 
offerings before the deities in order that their deityships 
may get afraid of lookiug at them in a state of nature 
and grant them their prayed-for boons. All men and 
women of the Sudra castes substitute garments of leaves of 
the margosa ( little branches and twigs tied together ) for their 
ordinary clothes, and, thus attired, go with music to the 
temple of Mariamma — the goddess who presides over the 
village of Hoshalli in the Bellary district of the Madras 
Presidency — carrying offerings of milk and curds called 
Misalu. 1 Men and women of the Bdya caste, who take 
vows to Durgamma, the tutelary goddess of the village of 
Bannivikal, divest themselves of clothing and, putting on 
a covering made of margosa leaves, walk thrice rouud her 
temple on festal occasions . 2 Similarly, in the village of 
Ojiui, close to the Mysorfe frontier, the tutelary goddess is 
called Wannathamma, in whose honour a festival is held 
every few years. Men and women under votes to her dress 
in margosa leaves from head to foot after doffing their ordinary 
raiment, and then sacrifice sheep and goats before her 
deityship . 3 On the occasion of the festival to Uramma 
(from hr ‘village’ and amnia ‘mother’), the village goddess 
of Kudligi in the Southern Presidency, the procession 
held in her honour is headed by a Madiga Basivi, who goes 
almost naked, covered only with a fete margosa leaves, and 
is held by other Madigas . 4 Those of the lower Sudra 
castes and Madigas who are under vows come dressed in 
margosa leaves with lamps on their heads, and sacrifice 
buffaloes, sheep, and goats to her . 5 

The principle of vicarious sacrifice underlies the act of 
abusing the proprietor, or the thikadar, or the patwary 
of the village, which forms a part of the Har Paraurl. 
By getting abused, these men are supposed to be offered as 

1 Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, vol. ii, p. 265. 

2 Op. cit., p. 268. 

3 Op. cit., p. 273. 

4 Op. cit., p. 276 ; also p. 279. 

5 Op. cit., p. 277. 



sacrifices to appease the wrath of the Rain-God. The 
custom of offering sacrifices in times of drought to the 
Rain-God, to appease his wrath, is widely prevalent among 
savage and semi-civilized races. For instance, one of the 
methods pursued by the Zulus of South Africa, of obtaining 
rain, is by offering a sacrifice in times of drought. The 
headmen of the villages present their chief with the oxen 
which are to be sacrificed by way of public prayer for rain, 
and which, for such is the notion of the Zulus, must all 
be black, without a white one among them, for the reason 
that, as rain is preceded by black clouds, so it must be 
symbolized or attracted by black oxen. Closely akin to this 
Zulu idea is the practice of the rain-doctor beginning to 
frown when he hears the rumbling of the thunder, “ that 
he, too, may be dark as the heaven when it is covered with 
clouds ” — that, when the storm shall come, he may be on 
equal terms with the elements with whom he will have 
to contend. Another of the Zulu sacrifices to appease the 
Rain-God consists in killing a certain kind of bird, which 
is called by them “ the heaven-bird,” and throwing it into 
a pool of water, in the full belief that the heavens will 
then melt into tears by sympathy with the bird, and cease 
to be hard-hearted, the rain being supposed to be the funeral 
wail of the sky for the unfortunate bird that has been 
sacrificed . 1 The next stage is that semi-civilized races, 
instead of actually sacrificing animals, select some victims 
and make them undergo, according to the principle of 
substitution, some physical tortures or some sort of bodily 
mutilation symbolizing the act of actual sacrifice, to appease 
the wrath of the offended deity. This is typified in the 
custom of hook-swinging for rain which is prevalent in 
the Presidency of Madras. 

This barbarous and cruel custom to propitiate the Goddess 
of Rain, which had been obsolete for some time, was lately 
revived at Sholavandan, near Madura. “ Eight men were 

' “ Zululand and the Zulus,” pp. 145-6; by J. A. Farrer. London: Kerby 
& Endean, 1879. 


selected, according to time-honored custom, from four 
villages and lots were cast among them. Immediately the 
person on whom the lot fell was taken to the temple in 
Sholovandan and kept within its walls till the day of ex- 
hibition. Early in the morning the victim, dressed in a 
fancy costume with purple cloth, went to see the car with 
its long pole, on which he was to swing. At 2.30 p.m., 
the hooks having been fixed into his back, the victim was 
taken from the temple to the car. The hooks were attached 
to the end of the pole. On the hooks being fixed a haul 
w r as made at the other extremity, and the victim was swung 
up into the air about 40 feet. Here he dangled while the 
car was being drawn through several streets. At the end of 
a little over an hour, the goddess was declared to be satisfied, 
the pole was lowered, and the victim was released.” 1 

The last stage is that the victims, instead of being either 
actually sacrificed or subjected to torture or mutilation, are 
made to undergo mental mortification in order to symbolize 
the actual sacrifice. This is done in Behar by the women 
pouring forth volleys of abuse on the proprietor or the 
officials of the village, or by compelling the former to 
undergo the physical labour of ploughing, as is typified 
in the Har Paraurl ceremony. By abusing these men, they 
are supposed to be offered as sacrifices to the offended Rain- 
God, in order to appease his wrath, so that he may cause 
rain to fall. Abuse is also supposed in Behar and Bengal 
to bring good-luck or to wipe away sin. On occasions of 
marriages, people who accompany the Varata (the marriage 
procession to the bride’s house) are often vilely abused by 
the womenfolk of the bride’s family, in the belief that it 
will lead to the good fortune of the newly-married couple. 
In the same way, on the occasion of the Jama Dwitvja Day 
in Behar, corresponding to the Bhratr Dvitlya ceremony in 
Bengal, which falls on the second day of the bright period 
of the moon next to that during which the Dusserah in 

1 Tide The Statesman and Friend of India (Calcutta) of "Wednesday, the 28th 
October, 1891. 



Behar and the DurgapiijS festival in Bengal take place, 
brothers are abased by sisters to their hearts’ content. This 
is done under the impression that it will prolong the lives 
of the brothers and bring good-luck to them. In Behar, 
if anyone be rendered sinful by looking at the moon on the 
Ckauk-chanda Day, which corresponds to the Xast Chandra 
Day of Bengal and falls on the fourth day of the waxing 
period of the moon in the month of Bhadra (August- 
September), he is absolved from all sin if he gets abused 
by anybody. In order to ensure getting abused, the person 
rendered sinful takes care to throw brickbats into the house 
of a neighbour, who abuses him for pelting in this way. 
This abuse absolves him from all sin caused by looking 
at the moon. Similarly in Bengal the sinful man robs 
a neighbour’s orchard of fruits or cuts down his plants, 
for which he is abused by the latter and thus rendered 
clean of all sin caused by looking at the “ moon of ill- 
omen.” In Bengal, too, the practice of pelting is resorted 
to on this occasion, and sometimes leads to breaches of the 
public peace, as will appear from the following report of 
a case which appeared in The Indian Mirror (Calcutta) of 
"Wednesday, the 28th August, 1895: — “On Monday last, 
before Mr. Abdul Kader, Deputy Magistrate of Alipore, 
a Hindu of Bhowanipore preferred a curious complaint 
against several neighbours, charging them with conduct 
calculated to provoke a breach of the peace. On Saturday 
last, the accused, in accordance with a religious Hindu 
custom, kept up an ‘ all fools’ day,’ being the occasion 
of what is regarded as the inauspicious moon ( Nashta 
Chandra), characteristic of the occasion on which the god 
Krishna was accused of theft. The accused, it is alleged, 
on seeing the moon, spotted the complainant as the ‘ thief,’ 
and began tormenting him by throwing brickbats into his 
house. The accused, on being remonstrated with by the 
complainant, told him that they were only acting under 
a religious belief, otherwise they would suffer great mis- 
fortune during the year. The Magistrate granted summonses 
against the accused.” 


In tlie Vedas the Earth has been personified as the 
mother of all things, an idea which is to be found in the 
folklore of many races of mankind. As such, she is con- 
sidered sacred, and supposed to be endowed with power 
for good or evil to man. There are many ceremonies per- 
formed by the various races inhabiting India which have 
for their object the propitiation of Mother Earth or the 
Earth-goddess. She figures largely in almost all agricul- 
tural festivals and ceremonies. The custom of ploughing, 
which is one of the essential components of the liar Paraurl 
ceremony of this district, and of the rain-ceremony which 
is prevalent in the Mirzapur district of the North-Western 
Provinces, partakes of the nature of “ sympathetic magic,” 
and is had recourse to for the purpose of propitiating 
the Mother Earth, the goddess of the soil, to whom the 
produce of the land is ascribed, and in whose name and by 
whose permission are all agricultural operations performed. 

As the Har Paraurl is the Behari women’s ceremony for 
producing rain, so Vati Pomta (or the burial of the cup) 
is the Bengali women’s spell to prevent the rain from 
falling. This practice is had recourse to by the Bengali 
women in times of heavy rain, for the purpose of causing 
it to cease. The custom is described in the following dog- 
gerel verse, which is recited by Bengali womenfolk : — 

Ekla milyer beti 
Matite puntile bati 
Jal nahi hai kadacan 

E katha ati nirdharva 

Kahen Sri Ram Bhattacarya 
Eman dekhechi katavar. 


If the only daughter of a mother buries a cup underneath 
the earth, the rain will never fall. Sriram Bhattacarya says 
that this is very true, as I have on many an occasion seen 
the rain being prevented from falling (by the observance 
of the spell of burying a cup underneath the earth). 


The ceremony requires that the only daughter of a woman 
(her parents not having, either living or dead, any other 
child, male or female) should bury the cup underneath the 
earth. It is practised only in times when heavy rain is 
likely to cause damage or inconvenience. Closely akin to 
this Bengali custom is the following: — “Another approved 
method is to put some water in a pot and bury it. This 
is believed to be a common practice with corn-chandlers, 
who love a drought (for the purpose of raising the prices 
of food-grains, and thereby deriving much profit in times of 
scarcity), and when rain fails it is a common village phrase — 
* Some rascal has been burying the water ’ (panigarna ).” 1 
By the process of substitution enunciated by Mr. G. L. 
Gomme , 2 the rain is supposed to be buried by burying the 
water in the pot. The next step is, that the water being 
left out, simply the cup, which here symbolizes the rain, 
is buried, as in the spell from Bengal, and thereby the 
latter is also supposed to be buried and estopped from 
asserting its power. 

1 Vide Crooke’s “ Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India,” p. 46. 

2 Gomme’ s “Ethnology in Folklore,” p. 112. 


Art. XIX . — An old Hebrew Romance of Alexander. By 
M. Gaster. (Translated from Hebrew MS8. of the 
twelfth century.) 

I. Introduction. 

Moke marvellous and more remarkable than the real 
conquests of Alexander are the stories circulated about 
him, and the legends which have clustered round his name 
and his exploits. The history of Alexander has, from 
a very early period, been embellished with legends and 
tales. They spread from nation to nation during the whole 
of the ancient times, and all through the Middle Ages. 
Many scholars have followed up the course of this dis- 
semination of the fabulous history of Alexander. It 
would, therefore, be idle repetition of work admirably done 
by men like Zacher, Wesselofsky, Budge, and others, 
should I attempt it here. All interested in the legend of 
Alexander are familiar with those works, where also the 
fullest bibliographical information is to be found. I am 
concerned here with what may have appeared to some of 
these students as the bye-paths of the legend, and which, 
to my mind, has not received that attention which is due 
to it, from more than one point of view. Hitherto the 
histories of Alexander were divided into two categories; 
the first were those writings which pretended to give 
a true historical description of his life and adventures, to the 
exclusion of fabulous matter; the other included all those 
fabulous histories in which the true elements were smothered 
under a great mass of legendary matter, the chief repre- 
sentative of this class being the work ascribed to a certain 
Callisthenes. The study of the legend centred in the study 
j.r.a.s. 1897. 




of the vicissitudes to which this work of (Pseudo-) Callisthenes 
had been exposed, in the course of its dissemination from 
the East, probably from its native country, Egypt, to the 
countries of the West. The history of this literary migration 
has, as already remarked, been told with admirable skill by 
those scholars. A few have also attempted to find the 
sources of those legends which were incorporated in this 
transformation of the true history. Meissner and Budge, 
among others, have shown that Egyptian and Babylonian 
legends had been taken from local gods and heroes, and 
bad been attributed to the figure which was looming so 
largely in the imagination of the nations. The trans- 
formation from genuine history to legend is, however, a slow 
process, and it is an extremely interesting psychological 
evolution not easily to be followed. The legends which we 
find in Pseudo-Callisthenes, not to speak of the numerous 
translations and changes connected with it, are not all of 
the same period, nor are they due to one and the same 
factor. They grow like the snowball, and, in rolling, 
gather elements from every quarter through which they 
pass. Even one and the same text is thus radically changed : 
a great gulf separates, e.g., the earlier Greek text known 
as A from the later known as C. And if we study the 
mediaeval romances of Alexander, be they the French, or 
the old English, or the German, we find many incidents 
and legends in them which are not found in Pseudo- 
Callisthenes. Some of these have been borrowed from 
later compositions, based, as has hitherto been assumed, 
solely on Pseudo-Callisthenes, such as the so-called “Historia 
de Preliis ” of Leo, or the “Iter ad Paradisum.” But for 
others the origin is anything but clear. I do not believe 
in the fecundity of human imagination. There are only 
very few elements due to spontaneous imagination, all the 
rest are mere repetition in kaleidoscopic change of old 
legends and fictions. The poets of the Middle Ages were as 
little able to invent all those legends concerning Alexander 
with which they are credited, as we are now ; it is a literary 
problem of no mean importance, and I attempt now to 



contribute towards the elucidation of the sources from 
which they drew their information. I maintain that there 
must have existed, side by side with the literary tradition 
represented by Pseudo - Callisthenes, other traditions of 
Alexander and tales of his adventures which fed upon 
local religious and political traditions. 

Alexander had become also a religious hero. The history 
of his mild treatment of the inhabitants of Jerusalem gave 
rise to the belief that he worshipped the God of Israel. 
This at once won him the admiration of Jews, and then 
of Christians. The Egyptians, probably as a protest against 
the Roman conquest, invented the legend ,of Alexander’s 
father having been Nectanebus, the last native ruler, basing 
this fiction upon Alexander’s visit of the temple of Ammon 
and worshipping him. These two sources blended their 
waters in Alexandria, the place built by Alexander, and 
hence the legendary history of Alexander spread so early 
among Jews and Christians, borrowing largely from their 
own traditions. Portions of these were then slowly in- 
corporated either into the text of Pseudo-Callisthenes or 
found their way into separate smaller legendary stories, 
influencing the writers of Leg-ends of the Saints on the 
one hand and the romancers of the Middle Ages on the 

Professor Wesselofsky, in studying the version of the 
Alexander legend , 1 which has deeply influenced the Slavonic 
nations and the Rumanians, and which he calls the Serbian 
version, was one of the first to draw attention to the fact 
that many an incident in the journey of Alexander to the 
land of the Blessed or his intercourse with the Brahmans 
and their king Dindimus or Dandamus, as well as his 
journey to the source of life and the gates of Paradise, are 
found already in Christian legends of the second and third 
century, in the lives of Zosimos and later in Ugo d’Alvernia’s 
travels, and as I had also shown in my edition of it, in 
the apocryphal life of Macarius of Rome and his three 

1 ‘ ‘ Izu. istorii rornana i povesti,” vol. i, pp. 129-511. (St. Petersburg, 1886.) 



companions (“ Izd ist. rom.,” i, pp. 321—3, 448). I go 
now one step farther back and say that the portions dealing 
with the Brahmans-Rehabites is to he found already in 
the apocryphal work called “ The Rest of the Words of 
Baruch,” dating, as I believe, as far back as the first 
century. J. R. Harris, in his edition (London, 1889), 
assigns it the date of 136 a.b. In a collection of 

rabbinical “ Exempla,” published by me (Report of the 
Montefiore College, 1896), which dates not later than the 
fifth century, we find not a few of the most remarkable 
adventures of Alexander directly connected with him, and 
mentioned as exploits of Alexander. He bears here the 
name of “ Maqroti” instead of “ Maqdon,” i.e. the 

“horned” 1 instead of the “Macedonian.” Josephus 
already mentions some legends connected with Alexander, 
and so if we search through the whole old Oriental 
literature we are sure to meet with one incident or another 
which has afterwards crept into the Western versions of 
the legend, prose or rhymed. 

The discovery of totally different versions of the legend, 
which were termed Romances, in Syriac and Ethiopia, 
strengthen further this view, and go a long way to 
prove the existence of a series of purely fabulous stories 
of Alexander, in which every genuine historical element 
had been discarded in favour of a tissue of purely 
legendary and religious fiction. Their peculiar character 
is the absolute adaptation of the hero to the local or 
religious needs of the writer of the Romance. In 
both Alexander becomes a devout Christian, and in one 

1 The slight change of the Hebrew letter 1 (D) into “1 (R), which is very 
difficult to distinguish from it, gives to the word which means originally 
“ Macedon ” the meaning of “ horned.” This may be the origin of the famous 
name which Alexander hears in the Qoran, and thence in the whole Arabic 
literature, “ The double-horned ” — “ Dhulqarnain.” It is not unlikely that 
Muhammad or his secretary, who knew the Hebrew alphabet, and in which 
probably also Arabic legends were written, made that simple mistake in spelling, 
and hence the name. The application to Alexander was facilitated by his 
Ammon’s or ram’s horn which lie has on some coins. But it certainly did not 
originate from that fact. Those coins were very scarce and not used after 
Alexander’s death. The parallelism which some have drawn between that 
epithet of Alexander and the peculiar legend which ascribes horns to Moses 
requires further investigation. 



(the Ethiopic) he holds converse with the prophet Elijah 
and even with God. Persian writers, such as Firdusi or 
Nizami, have changed him into a devout Muhammadan ; 
Alberic of Bezanijon, or Lambert li Tors, or the German 
Lamprecht, or Thomas of Kent, have made of Alexander 
a mediaeval knight and good Christian. There are, how- 
ever, some links missing even in the history of these 
Romances, and I am now furnishing one which I hope will 
prove of some value in the history of the Alexander legend, 
both in connection with the older legends of Zosimos and 
Macarius, with the Christian legend or Romance in Syriac 
and Ethiopic (in which Gerasimus, i.e. Zosimos) is directly 
quoted), and with the sources for some of the most 
remarkable incidents in the mediaeval Romances of the 
West of Europe ; and thus to establish a connection not 
even hitherto suspected between those Romances of the 
East with the Alexander legends of the West. It will 
also furnish the source of some incidents in the latest 
version of the Greek texts of Pseudo-Callisthenes, viz. C. 
It is an old Hebrew Romance, and I am publishing here 
the translation of this text. 

In this history, subdivided by me into fifty-seven 
chapters, according to the number of the most important 
incidents, every trace of history has disappeared. Alexander 
is merely the hero of extraordinary adventures, and the 
whole is a collection of curious and remarkable tales, few 
of which are found in Pseudo-Callisthenes or even any 
other history of Alexander. The author has woven into 
one picture numerous scattered elements. As far as I have 
been able to ascertain, the author had not copied a single 
text directly, even there where we find close parallels to them 
in other works. Only rarely does Alexander appeal to God, 
as we find him doing it often in the Ethiopic or Pseudo- 
Callisthenes ((7). On one or two occasions, and only when 
forced by circumstances, Alexander becomes a Jew, as when 
he meets the priests in Jerusalem, when he approaches the 
gates of Paradise, and when he wishes to enter the land 
of the Blessed, here the land of the children of Moses. 



But we find here all the old legends which are known 
from the pages of the Talmud and Midrash, in a somewhat 
independent form, and a number of many legends for 
which no parallel exists or is hitherto known. This 
version seems to be the source of the famous “Iter ad 
Paradisum,” and some incidents are found in mediaeval 
French Romances. 

The text of this Hebrew version has come down in 
three MSS., of which one is in Modena, and has been 
published from it by I. Levi ( B ), in Steinschneider’s 
Memorial Volume, 1 to whom this text is devoid of 
any interest and absolutely valueless. "With his usual 
superficiality he writes : — “ Ce texte, nous l’avouons sans 
detour, n’offre aucun interet pour l’histoire de la legeude 
d’Alexandre. II ne forme pas, comme d’autres, un anneau 
dans la chaine de la tradition litteraire ; il n’a exerce 
aucune influence sur les conteurs chretiens, ou arabes, ou 
meme juifs. II est tout a fait hors cadre ! ” The 

other was found by Professor A. Y. Harkavy in Damascus 
( C ), who has given an analysis of it in Russian, and 
has added valuable notes, trying also to ascertain the date 
and place of its composition, and tracing some of the 
parallels in the literature of the Alexander legend. 2 He 
has failed, however, to identify the proper names that occur 
in this version, and as his MS. seems to be a comparatively 
modern copy, he has also been mistaken in the date of its 
composition, nor has he adduced any sufficient reason for 
a supposed Arabic original. The third MS., discovered by 
me and copied as far back as 1888, is in the Bodleian 
Library in Oxford (A). It is imbedded in the Chronicle 
of Jerahmeel (a translation of which I am preparing for 
the Oriental Translation Fund). This MS. belongs at the 
latest to the twelfth century. For more than one reason 
I am inclined, however, to assign to the romauce itself 
a much earlier date. Ho allusion is made to any of the 

1 “Festschrift zum achzigsten Geburtstage M. Steinschneider's ” (Leipzig, 
1890), pp. 235-7, and Hebrew, pp. 142-63. 

2 “ Neizdaunaya Versiya romaua obu Alexandre,” St. Petersburg, 1S92. 



nations that occupied Asia Minor since the seventh or eighth 
century. Islam does not seem to be known by the author, 
who must have lived in the East. lie quotes in one single 
instance (eh. 49) an Arabic word, and quotes it wrongly, 
lie can therefore not have translated it from the Arabic. 
It is certainly older than the version of which a mutilated 
form had been inserted in Pseudo- Joseph us (Josippon, or 
Gorionides, as he is commonly called), which I consider to 
be a translation from an Arabic text of the seventh or eighth 
century. The legends are given in their more primitive 
simple form. Some of the words which occur in the other 
two MSS., and which might have warranted the belief that 
the author was acquainted with French, or Provencal, are 
missing in the old MS. It is also centuries older than 
the existence pf the Marianos, in Spain, with which 
Professor Harkavy connected this version. 

In the translation I have followed in the main the Oxford 
MS. (A), but I have added also those portions which 
I found in the other two texts, when they added something 
material to the story. 

In the few notes given here by me by way of introduction 
I have limited myself to pointing out those chapters which 
either have no parallels, or which show some relation to 
other Oriental versions or to mediaeval Romances. In 
some instances I have drawn the attention to the peculiar 
character of the legends, and here and there the attempt 
is made to explain some of the proper names. Harkavy’s 
essay is alwaj T s referred to whenever his remarks or identifi- 
cations are mentioned. 

The character of this version is best seen by the fact 
that the story starts directly from Egypt. Macedonia is 
mentioned only towards the end three times, and it is 
thought to be a province of Egypt ! Everything connected 
with Greece is thus omitted ; so also Alexander’s battles 
with Darius, and with Por. Every trace of genuine history 
is effectively obliterated. Even the name of Alexander’s 
mother is changed into Galopatria, i.e. Cleopatra, unless it 
is a peculiar corrupted reading of nNYS'VlX, 



(Olipiada). In this the Hebrew Romance agrees with the 
Ethiopic-Christian Romance (Budge, p. 445), and the same 
name is also found (according to Harkavy) in one version of 
the “Historia de Preliis.” Nectanebus, the Egyptian king- 
wizard and reputed father, as represented by the literary 
tradition of Pseudo-Callisthenes, is replaced here by a simple 
magician who bears the biblical name of Bildad. We also 
do not find a trace of Candace and of her transactions with 
Alexander. Cleopatra has, according to this version, many 
children, and is not at all friendly disposed towards 
Alexander — at any rate, not at his birth ; she afterwards 
gets reconciled to him. Instead of the god Ammon, in 
whose name Nectanebus pretends to speak, Bildad mentions 
a god Digonia, in whom I see either Dionysos or Diogenes. 
Thus far no satisfactory explanation of the proper names 
can be given. 

The second chapter agrees more with B and C than A in 
Pseudo-Callisthenes. At the birth Cleopatra wishes to have 
the child strangled : the only parallel is in the French poem of 
Alberic de Besancon (Harkavy). Ho parallels to the whole of 
the following chapters are to be found anywhere. Harkavy 
points out a faint reflex of chapters 9 and 10 in Ibn Fatikh. 
A remarkable legend, contained only iu the Oxford 
MS. (A), is that of the dwarfs and the stone by which 
they make themselves invisible, and the episode that when 
Alexander meets them they were just engaged in conducting 
a bridal procession to their home. It reminds us of the 
numerous popular legends of fairies and pixies and the cap 
of invisibility, so well known in German mediaeval 
romance ; such as the story of the dwarf king Alberich 
and his “ tarn-hut ” or cap of darkness, and of the 
Nibelungenlied. (Cf. Grimm, “Deutsche Mythologie,” chap, 
xvii and additions ; cf. also the legend of Gyges and the 
ring that makes him invisible (Plato, “ De Republ.,” ii).) 
Capp. 13 IF. contains a peculiarly changed version of the 
visit to the temple and the mysterious figure on the couch, 
which is preserved only in Pseudo-Callisthenes, L, B, C, 
iii, chap. 28 (v. Zacher, p. 169). Harkavy compares the 



temple mentioned there (ii, 18, and i, 31), but neither 
of these has anything in common with the description 
given in the text, and which seems to be the fullest account 
of that mysterious figure on the couch. We meet here 
for the first time Menahem, the chief of the scribes. 
Harkavy has compared this name with that of Simon in 
one of the old French poems and Solomon in one MS. of 
the “Iter”; and has thought that all are derived from 
“ Eumenes.” It would be difficult to say whether it be 
so or not. Remarkable, however, is that the Ethiopic 
legend has “ Rahaman ” (p. 293) as the name of the scribe, 
a name which looks very similar to Menahem. The history 
of “ Busfal ” (instead of “ Boucefal ” or “ Boukefal ”) is 
told here, and not in any way resembling the version in 
Pseudo-Callisthenes or the other sources. Here commences 
already the recital of the encounters of Alexander with 
peculiar peoples, one of which attempts to poison Alexander 
and his army by means of strange-looking fish. But for that 
incident the rest resembles chap. 49. No parallels are to 
be found for the following chapters, in which there is 
a peculiar incident about a frog emitting a foul stench. 
Immediately upon this incident follows here that of the 
speaking trees, and in the Oxford MS. again a meeting 
of Alexander with the king of the dwarfs. The description 
of these trees varies from that in Pseudo-Callisthenes, iii, 
17 (Zacher, pp. 161-2). In chap. 25 we have the trial, 
for which no other old parallels are available beyond the 
rabbinical “ Exempla,” No. V a, and then in various 
rabbinical works. It is found also in the “ Bocados de Oro ” 
of Ibn Fatikh and in the French Romance of “Lambert,” 
etc. (v. Meyer, ii, p. 199). The name of the country is 
identical with that of the “ Exempla.” The first half of 
No. Va contains in the “Exempla” a very short account 
of Alexander’s fight with the Amazons ; here it is very 
amplified in chapters 26-7. The country is called 
“ Ansiq,” with which Harkavy compares the name “ Sichie ” 
of the Queen in the French version. No parallel have 
I been able to find for the history of the treasure and the 



behaviour of Ga‘tan the treasurer. Alexander avoids 
fighting a king who had dug pits in his country, and he 
journeys to Jerusalem. The recital of this meeting of 

Alexander with the High Priest, whom he calls “Anani” 
(Josephus and others call him Yaddus, others Simeon — so 
my “ Exempla,” No. cclxxix, only Gorionides, Hanani), re- 
sembles Pseudo-Callisthenes, C, ii, 24 (Zacher, 134). Chap. 32 
is like a faint reflex of Alexander’s meeting with the 
Gvmnosophists (Pseudo-Callisthenes, C, ii, 35 ; cf. iii, 17 a), 
and more like Syriac, p. 93, and the later Slavonic versions 
of Alexander’s meeting with Evant and the Brahmans, 
but there is no parallel to the second half of chapter 32. 
So also none for the very extraordinary tale in which 
a certain Matan, who is the priest of the god Asilin, plays 
the chief role. In the Ethiopic version we meet with 
a Matan who is a sage, and is the type of a pious man, 
exactly the reverse of the Matan in our text (Budge, 
p. 264 ff.). 

Alexander comes now (chapter 37) to the famous water 
of life, which is recognized by the fact that birds which had 
been killed came to life again when dipped into it. In 
all the other versions the place of the birds is taken by 
fish. Pseudo-Callisthenes, ii ((7,39 and 41). This incident is 
not found in either “ Gorionides ” or “Historia de Preliis” 
(Harkavy). In our text the servant drinks of it, and as 
he cannot find the water at the bidding of Alexander, the 
latter cuts off his head, but the servant, being immortal, goes 
to the waters of the great sea and lives there headless : 
cf. Pseudo-Callisthenes, iii, 28, about the headless people 
in the sea. Wesselofsky lias given a long list of modern 
tales of such men (Joe. laud., pp. 377-8). This fountain 
leads Alexander to the gates of Paradise, and he obtains 
there as a token a piece like an eye. It is a human eye, 
and its meaning is explained to him by Menahem. Here 
we have the parallel to the “ Iter.” The same tale is 
found in the Talmud, but also in the Ethiopic version 
(p. 271), and, what is more, in the French romance 
of “ Lambert li Tors ” and the German version of 



“ Lamprecht ” (v. Meyer, ii, 201). Chapter 39 contains 
the description of Alexander’s flight to heaven, by means 
of iron spits with meat on them, and eagles looking up 
to them and carrying him upwards. In my “ Exempla ” 
No. v, the tale is absolutely identical with the version of the 
Romance; in the Talmud and in the Midrash the legend 
is very short. Pseudo-Callisthenes has the tale, but in 
a somewhat different form, and only in L and C (Pseudo- 
Callisthenes, ii, 41). IIow widely spread this legend is 
in the East, is shown by the fact that we meet it also in 
the Samaritan Chronicle published by Joynbull, pp. 185 and 
322 (Harkavv). In the Ethiopic (pp. 277-8) Alexander 
flies upwards on the back of an eagle like the old Babylonian 
hero Etana (v. Budge, ad. loc. in the note). The sequel 
to this flight is the diving in the sea in a glass cage, 
chapter 40. The only old Hebrew parallel is found in 
the “Exempla,” No. v; Pseudo-Callisthenes only in L, C, 
ii, 38 (Zacher, p. 140). I have not found anywhere 
a parallel to the idea that the sea could not tolerate any 
blood or dead body, and throws it up in consequence, as 
mentioned here, chapter 40, a bit of folklore which deserves 
further study. The Ethiopic version, which contains a very 
elaborate description of Alexander’s descent into the sea 
(p. 282 ff), do^s not know this incident. In chapter 41, I see 
a parallel to the French poem of “Lambert” (v. Meyer, ii, 
p. 174). The riding on the lion’s back reminds us of the 
legend of Macarius and other legends of saints. In 
chapter 42, the land of the dwarfs is mentioned, which 
we find in a fuller form in the Slavonic Alexander legend, 
where their fight with the storks is told. The Kynokephaloi 
are mixed up here with that other legend : cf. Pseudo- 
Callisthenes ( C ), ii, 34, 37. Chapter 43 contains the long 
journey upon the sea and the foetid sea, which is mentioned 
only in the Syriac Christian legend (Budge, pp. 147 and 145) 
and in the Ethiopic version (p. 224). For the strong 
wind cf. Pseudo-Callisthenes, iii, 17, k (A. V.), Zacher 
p. 159. No parallels are known to the following chapters, 
one of which has the extremely curious tale of the Couvade, 



for which custom this is the only mediaeval reference. In 
modern times it has been studied by folklorists. One 
incident seems to be found also in Thomas of Kent’s" 
Romance of Alexander, viz., that a dog rules the people in 
the absence of the king (chapter clxxx). Whether the 
Igoli of the legend are the Uigurs (Uarkavy), I better 
leave undecided. 

The Ethiopic version contains the description of a huge 
serpent, and the Syriac of a dragon (p. 107), worshipped by 
certain people, which was killed by Alexander by means 
of pitch. This seems to be a reminiscence of the Daniel 
and Dragon legend ; but in our text we meet a peculiar 
animal (chapter 46) that has the body of a lion and the 
hands and feet of a man, which vomits pitch upon 
Alexander and nearly kills him. This seems to be the 
older form of the legend transformed by the Ethiopic 
writer under the influence of the Daniel legend. The great 
noise heard on the top of the mountain is the same that 
Alexander hears in the modern Greek and Slavonian versions, 
and also heard b} r Macarius and his companions. It is 
the voice of the damned in hell, and that of Adam and Eve 
or of Prometheus. There is no parallel for chapter 47, about 
the appointment of Tikusa or Tibusa as regent of Egypt. 
Quite unique is the legend in the following chapter about 
the fish-men and the means by which they were recovered. 
Pseudo-Callisthenes ( C , ii, 42) has some bearing on it, 
but is incomplete, and in the French mediaeval romances 
we often come across the Otifals (or Ichthyophagoi). In 
the Syriac (p. 106) and Ethiopic (p. 166), only huge fish 
and the dress made of their skin are mentioned. In the 
Hebrew we have a much closer parallel to the famous tale in 
the “Arabian Nights” of men being changed into fishes. 
The charm or the performance by which they seem to be 
restored to life solely from the scales, is parallel to the 
popular tales of human beings being restored to life from 
the smallest particle of their body. Still more interesting 
is the recital of the encounter with the women in the 
following chapter (49), who wear magical bags for 



protection and two snakes’ heads under their garments. 
As for the strong woman who runs so fast that no steed 
is able to overtake her, cf. Pseudo-Callisthenes ( C ), ii, 33. 

The chapters 52-3 are those in which we tind the 
oldest parallels to the meeting with the Rehabites in the 
legend of Zosimos (Gerasimus in the Ethiopic), who had 
become first the Happy, then the Blessed, and then the 
Departed, and has nothing whatever to do with the 
visit to the Paradise and ought not to be confounded 
with it. These are two independent incidents, which have 
afterwards been mixed up as soon as the “ Blessed ” were 
considered to be the “ Departed ” from this world. In 
the most ancient form Alexander merely comes to a land 
in which the righteous and pious men lived under the 
special protection of God, but they are in this world. The 
Brahmans and Gymnosophists are the true counterpart in 
the Greek version. In the Hebrew and Christian tradition 
these godly men were either, as I have mentioned, the 
Rehabites, or the children of Seth (as in the Slavonic and 
Rumanian version), or as in the Hebrew, the children of 
Moses and the Ten Tribes. Of all these variations, the 
last is in every probability the oldest, as it occurs already 
in the apocryphal ancient literature, such as in the Rest 
of the Words of Baruch and in the Fourth Ezra. This 
early tradition has been incorporated at a later time into 
the version of Alexander, and it can be shown that it was 
known in this form in the Jewish literature in the fifth 
and sixth centuries, and from then uninterruptedly. 

The place Sidonia is in every probability “ Sinai,” as in 
the Ethiopic (and Syriac ?) version, and there Alexander 
really finds the Manna. The mixing of the sweet with the 
bitter herb has a parallel in the French mixing of sweet and 
bitter water (Weismann, ii, p. 356). The fighting of the 
stars, which portend the death of Alexander, is also based 
upon an old legend connected with the birth of Abraham 
and the downfall of Nimrod. Remotely identical with it 
is the sign in Pseudo-Callisthenes ( B , C), iii, 31. 

The death of Alexander by poison administered here 



by a certain Afiq (chapter 56) is accelerated by the 
feather dipped in poison. In this incident concur only 
the Ethiopic version and the “ Historia de Preliis.” All 
the rest is peculiar to this version. The division of the 
empire among the four diadochs and the ultimate burial 
are described in a manner different from all the other 

This short summary shows us that, far from standing 
isolated, many an incident in this version is found 
also in the Syriac and the Ethiopic. There must have 
existed from very ancient times already a number of 
legends grouped round the name of Alexander, out of 
which grew in the first instance the Christian and Hebrew 
Romances in the East, which must have found their 
way, directly or indirectly, also into many a mediaeval 
composition and metrical romance as well as into some 
of the oldest legends of saints. Some of them were 
ultimately absorbed into the more developed form of the 
Pseudo-Callisthenes version, which superseded the Romances 
and destroyed them, obliterating their memory. These 
have now been recovered, and help us to lay bare the 
fountains from which many of the writers in later times 
drew their information and their legends. Those parallels 
between the “Romances” of the East and West are not 
the result of chance, but prove that the latter have 
borrowed directly or indirectly from this other, hitherto 
not recognized source — the ancient oral traditions and 
legends of the East as embodied in the Eastern 
“ Romances,” the oldest recoverable hitherto being the 



II. Translation. 

The Book of Alexander of Macedon. 

1. It happened in the days of yore that there reigned over 
the land of Egypt a man named Polipos (DO0l2 Philipus). 
He was a liberal and kind-hearted man, and he did righteous- 
ness and justice, and there was none like unto him. All 
his people loved him. The name of his wife was (NTSVT’lil) 
Golopira (or Gloptiria, Cleopatra), and she was a most 
beautiful woman, such as had never been before her. A 
certain man lived in the land of Egypt whose name was 
Bildad, the son of Ason. This man was an astrologer and 
a wizard, and was such as none has ever equalled in clever- 
ness. "Whatever he desired he brought about by means of 
bis witchcraft. Now it happened that he had set his eyes 
upon Cleopatra the Queen, the wife of Polipos, king of 
Egypt. He desired her, for she was most beautiful in form 
and appearance, so that he pined within himself on account 
of his ardent love for her. When he had almost died 
through his strong desire, Bildad strengthened himself, 
and relied upon his knowledge of astrology and witchcraft 
to find out if his destiny would be to go to the Queen or 
not. He therefore drew a lot by means of his witchcraft, 
and the lot fell upon the Queen, so that he rejoiced ex- 
ceedingly, [B, C. and going into the fields hither and thither 
be sought to find a certain herb, the name of which was 

chervil, and conjuring it by means of his 
witchcraft, he buried it for nine consecutive days.] 

2. It came to pass on the third day that a letter reached 
King Polipos (Philip), as to whether he would not deliver 
the land of (nO"finD) Togarma from the hands of King 
Kos (DO), who had invaded the country, for then he would 
lose his whole kingdom. When the King Polipos heard 
this, he feared very much, and having taken counsel he 
issued a command to all his kingdom that they should 



all be prepared, everyone that drew the sword, to come 
to the help of the King, so that all the people of his 
kingdom were assembled before him as one man. And 
the King and his army went to save the land of Togarma. 

3. When Bildad saw that the King had gone out of his 

land, [B. he went on the ninth day to the place where he had 
buried the herb and taking it up he performed 

therewith some witchcraft, according to the desire of his 
heart, and] going to the queen Cleopatra, he said to her : 
“ Hear, 0 my lady, for I have brought a message unto thee 
from Digonia (or, Rigonia our God.” The Queen 

thereupon rejoiced very much. She arose from the throne, 
and making obeisance to Bildad, she said to him: “Tell 
me what thou hast to say, and do not keep back anything 
from me.” Bildad replied, and said unto the Queen : 
“ Digonia, our God, hath sent me unto thee, saying, since 
he has seen thy modesty and the uprightness of thine 
heart, lie has therefore filled his heart with desire to come 
to thee, and having lain with thee to beget a son, who 
will also become a God.” 1 The Queen upon this said to him : 
“ Give me a true sign by which I may know that thy 
words are just and true.” And Bildad answered, and said to 
the Queen: “ Let this be a sign: when the God shall come 
to thee, there shall be three horns on his forehead, one 
of silver, the other two of gold ; and at the end of an 
hour, one of them shall be sunken and the other two shall 
continually grow.” 2 When the Queen heard this she 
rejoiced, and bowed and prostrated herself to the ground. 

4. It came to pass on that night that Bildad performed 
some witchcraft: [B. he came into the court and garden of 
the Queen, after he had caused a deep sleep to fall upon 

1 A. “Thy God Digonia has searched through the whole world to find 
a woman of royal birth, who should be modest and beautiful, so that he obtaiu 
from her a sou, who would rule over the whole world, aud he has not found 
any one like uuto thee.” 

2 A. “ When he comes the room will be full of light, and he will have 
a burning light on his forehead, and two horns, one of gold aud one of silver, 
both turned towards the heavens, as a sign that the son who will be born shall 
reign over the whole world under the heavens.” 



all the household of the Queen’s palace ; lie then entered 
from one chamber to the other until] he came before the 
bed of the Queen. lie then performed those signs of 
which he had spoken to her. And the Queen saw all 
these signs, and hearkened unto him, so that he went in 
unto her, and she conceived by him. She then said unto 
him : “ What shall be the name of the boy who is about to 
be born?” And he replied, “ Alexander” [A. Alexaiulron] ; 
for Alexaiulron in the Egyptian language signifies ‘ Lord 
over all.’ The Queen then rejoiced very much. And it 
came to pass in the morning that the Queen sent for her 
wise men and princes, and made a great banquet for them. 

5. While they were eating and drinking and their 
hearts were merry, Polipos returned from battle rejoicing 
and of good cheer, for he had conquered King Kos. The 
Queen then ran to meet him ; she embraced him and 
kissed him, and related to him everything that had 
happened to her [A. and she told him that the God 
Digonia had been with her]. When, however, the King 
heard it, he became enraged ; he smote his hands together, 
for he knew very well that Bildad the wizard had gone 
to her. The King thereupon sent a messenger for Bildad, 
and Bildad was very much afraid, and fled the land of 
Egypt, and dwelt in a cave all the days of his life, for 
the Kins; had sent after him in all the borders of his 
kingdom to slay him, but he had hidden himself and could 
not be found. The King then said to the Queen: “The 
punishment of death shall not be awarded thee ; but stifle 
the report, so that no man shall know of this, lest we 
come to shame.” 

6. It came to pass after a time that the Queen bore a son, 
and she said to the midwife : “ Strangle this my son, and 
I will give thee a shekel of [A. his weight in] gold.” But 
the midwife answered : “ Far be it from me to do such 
a thing, to stretch forth my hand against a son of the King, 
and besides which, considering the fact that I foresee in him 
signs of royalty, for he will reign over the whole world, 
although he shall die in his youth in another land.” 

j.r.a.s. 1897. 33 



The Queen heard this, but refrained from replying. Thus 
the child escaped. This was the form of the child. One 
eye resembled the eye of a cat, and the other eye the eye 
of a lion ; he looked towards the earth, and he was fearful, 
and his appearance was strange. 1 His mother called his 
name Alexander. The lad grew, and was prosperous in all 
his ways, and the land trembled before him. The fear and 
the dread of him fell upon all those who saw him or heard 
him. [A. And the Queen said to her husband: “Let us 
kill this bastard, so that he may not inherit with our own 
children ” ; for they had besides four other sons. But 
Polipos said : “ Far be it from us to kill him. Maybe, 
our children will benefit through him.”] 

7. It once happened, when the lad went out among the 
ministers of the King in the court of the garden of the 
King’s palace, that a wizard, one of the magicians of 
Egypt, came there, and on beholding the lad trembled 
exceedingly, and fell at full length on the ground, 
prostrating himself before the lad. At this the lad said : 
“What art thou doing?” The wizard replied: “Behold, 
I see that thou art destined in the future to vanquish the 
whole world, and many shall the number of the slain be ; 
thou shalt go to a distant land, and [A. thou wilt die in 
the prime of thy days, and thou wilt be buri